Chapter 27 hand stretched very long -1

One afternoon in August 1964.Dwight Eisenhower described to this author how he met Lyndon B. Johnson in the Executive Building on a gloomy Saturday the day after Kennedy was assassinated: "I've known him for a long time. He was just as neurotic as usual that day—walking around, calling people here and there... I mentioned someone in a conversation, and he'd grab the phone and call. He. He asked me for advice on a number of issues, including tax cuts. I told him he needed to clarify what he was going to do with his own budget first. We also discussed foreign affairs. As far as I understood at the time, Lyndon Johnson's only intention was to find out what was going on and how to implement policy. He was not proposing any new or different ideas from the past. He wished to talk about Laos, Cuba, etc. He did seem to know less about foreign policy than he did about domestic policy. know more about policy.”

"Lyndon," said the new wife, "acts like there's no tomorrow." Johnson himself summed up his leadership philosophy with a passage from his favorite Bible, A passage from the first chapter of Isaiah, verse 18: "Come, say the Lord, and let us learn from each other." But by his own admission, he often likes to "rub his fists" when he does this, and in fact he persuades others to agree. What he calls "consensus" is not to discuss with others, but to beg, threaten or beg; even if he blatantly distorts other people's opinions, he is not incapable of doing so.As the majority leader of the Senate, his skills and tactics are the most powerful in the history of Congress; his ability to play tricks is impressive.One problem with being president is that he has never been aware that his reputation for authoritarianism is detrimental to his White House career.Eric Goldman said he was "Machiavelli wearing a cowboy hat Machiavelli (N. Machiavelli 1469-1527), an Italian politician known for playing power, and was later used as a synonym for political power. —— translator".The public can embrace the ultimate purpose of his bill, but not the means by which he achieves it.Pollster Samuel Rubell found that many Americans who were planning to vote for Johnson in 1964 were also skeptical of him.He was, they felt, an autocrat to be guarded at all times; a skilled politician, useful at times no doubt, but not entirely reliable.There are also many who admire him, and they protest that it is unfair to say so.Although this point is indeed reasonable, this suspicion cannot be said to be completely unfounded.Until early 1966, he deliberately kept the truth from the American people about the depth of America's involvement in Vietnam; and when he was in office, three of his closest associates—Bobby Baker, Walter Jenkins, and Bay Fortas—they're all involved in some sort of scandal, and one can't turn a blind eye to things like that.

But Johnson himself did nothing dishonorable or mean.During the first year of the presidency, there were times when it seemed as if you could see him everywhere.Removed the top man from the White House, cut Kennedy's budget in a show of thrift, declared war on poverty, personally lobbied lawmakers for free medical care for the elderly, and the heads of six American allies (what he told a reporter "my Prime Ministers"), to resolve the dispute between the United States and Cambodia (even if only temporarily), to propose the destruction of 480 B-47 bombers, if the Russians agree to destroy the same number of Tu-16s, and to arrange for the United States and the Soviet Union to simultaneously reduce the supply of atomic materials to foreign countries , touring the Appalachian Mountains, persuading Republican presidential candidates to join him in a 1964 campaign silence on race, armed intervention in the Dominican Republic, and, in a speech on October 31, 1964, painted a picture of the future The "Great Society" and so on.In short, everything about him is a bit grandiose.A senator congratulated him once after he had just addressed a joint session of Congress.Johnson said, "Yeah, everyone clapped 80 times." The senator went to check the records and confirmed that the president was absolutely right; apparently he was keeping track of the number of applause in the room while he was speaking.

In his Oval Office and in his bedroom, he has three televisions side-by-side to watch CBS, NBC and ABC commentary on current affairs.His telephone control panel has 42 buttons; he can let 42 callers hold the handset, and wait for him to talk to them one by one, or he can talk to all at the same time.Once he signed three bills and shared 169 pens, which was a record.He likes to drive fast.He once drove four female journalists through Texas at a chilling 90mph while describing the sex lives of bulls.One of them looked at the speedometer, gasping for breath, while the president yanked off his cowboy hat to cover the dashboard.His call to patriotism was brazen.He once participated in a meeting in which he attempted to resolve the railway strike by coercion. Someone asked a union leader what had happened at that time. running back and forth." He was always saying, "My army," "My government," "My taxes."In order not to let people forget who he is, he has engraved the president's emblem on the cuff buttons of his shirt cuffs, on his leather boots, on the crop jacket he wore as a shepherd, and even on his plastic teacup.He ordered a 44-foot portrait of himself at the 1964 Democratic National Convention, and scheduled the meeting for the week of his birthday, Aug. 27, so that loyalists could send An unprecedentedly large birthday cake for him.He really wanted to get the biggest victory in American electoral history in November of that year.He entered a city late at night, drove around in his car, and shouted through the megaphone: "Hey, folks! How are you! Come to the meeting! Come and listen to me!" Jack Gould of the New York Times called him "Y.A. Tittle-style handshake expert".Once in Los Angeles, a pickpocket reached into a man's pocket, only to find himself shaking hands with the President of the United States.

That year, the White House press corps made a book list to see which of all published books was the shortest.The top three books are Italian Wartime Heroes, Who's Who in Poland, and Lyndon Baines Johnson's Mistakes I Made.Many people who know the president well believe that he never explored his innermost being because he always felt it would be risky to do so.His problem, of course, was not a lack of intelligence.One of Johnson's aides, Princeton University professor Eric Goldman, once wrote: "After years of contact with the first class of intellectuals in and out of the University, I can swear that I have never met a person who Den Johnson was smarter—I mean smart on a purely IQ scale, a clear, penetrating mind, with its own peculiar richness of fantasy and subtlety.” His troubles seemed It comes from his own deep feeling that he was not well educated when he was young.The middle school he attended was not in the top according to the local standards that were not strict.

He once betrayed this feeling by complaining to Hugh Sadie of Time magazine, when he said: "Whatever I do in foreign affairs, I don't believe I get any credit for it, because I didn't go to Harvard." The claim is absurd, but his suspicions of intellectual figures are not without reason.Their contempt for him—contempt, really—was a rather startling phenomenon of the sixties.They also taunted him for tugging at the hound's ears, as if that was a big deal too.Students on college campuses wear badges that read: "King Lyndon I," "Sterilize Lyndon B. Johnson so he doesn't make a fool of himself," "Hitler is alive—in the White House," and— The most unforgivable - "Lee Harvey Oswald, where are you? We need you." They admire "MacBird" because Johnson's wife has Mrs. Bird The name of this book obviously borrows from the story of McBurth in Scottish history (also the protagonist of Shakespeare's tragedy "McBirth"), calling Johnson "McBird", implying that he killed the king and seized the throne. ——Translator "Macbeth", Chinese is mostly translated as "Macbeth". —editor (the book paints him as an assassin with less taste than he does when he slips), and they defend themselves by saying they are doing it in JFK tribute.They were unwilling, or could not understand, that Kennedy chose Johnson as vice president precisely because Johnson was very capable.White Xiude once mentioned: "Political jokes that appeared as early as Herbert Hoover's time are now brought out and added to Johnson; the jokes about the bedroom of the President and Mrs. Bird also have a taste of pornography, not No more than a depiction of the private life between Franklin D. Roosevelt and Eleanor." Agents reported that absurd letters attacking the president jumped from a hundred a month to more than a thousand.

The way Johnson spoke didn't help him either.He intentionally suppressed his original enthusiasm and simplicity, trying to show a serious and humble expression.It turned out to be phony and serious on television.People instinctively assume that whatever the real Lyndon Johnson looks like, what they see on TV must be a liar.Because he couldn't get rid of the audacity of southern politicians, he made people feel like a counterfeit drug dealer.Everyone has become accustomed to Kennedy's style of leaving room for words, and they are really out of place with his style.Johnson was dubbed "Uncle Tortilla," and in a way, he was.When he addressed the nation on television after the railroad strike was resolved, he read a letter from a seven-year-old named Cassie May Baker in Park Forest, Illinois.Cassie said in the letter: "My grandma lives in New York and she is coming to see me for my first communion. Please keep the railroad open so she can come and see me." The president said: "Now Cassie's Grandma can go and see Cassie." When I was a senator, no one would pursue such things, but now, the whole country knows in only 24 hours. This letter was sent ten days ago. .Cassie's grandmother had already seen Cassie, attended communion, and was back in New York.Johnson is not willing to abandon such strategies.Later, when it came to Vietnam, this far-fetched habit of his did more harm.

One of his admirers in Texas, Liz Carpenter, once wrote: "When I think of Lyndon Johnson, I seem to see at once an outstretched hand—reaching out to pick up the telephone." Receiver, grabbing a bundle of papers, shaking hands, hugging, comforting, persuading, sometimes even shoving - but always accommodating - yes, always accommodating Yes.” But it’s not like that for everyone.Johnson rejected Robert Kennedy.Both of these men disgraced the other.It was an unreasonable mutual dislike between two proud, sensitive people that was evident long before the tragedy in Dallas.Robert Kennedy had objected in Los Angeles to his brother's selection of Johnson as vice president, and Johnson at times seemed to object to the existence of Kennedy's brother at all.Those in Johnson's party are likely to be deeply resentful towards their predecessors.Liz Carpenter had hoped her president would "hear a few public words of support from his bereaved family after JFK was assassinated . . . A believer in the United States, deeply troubled by this silence.... The Kennedys kept their eyes on the living, thought of the dead, and did nothing to comfort the nation.”

No doubt, the mourning over the assassinated president added to Johnson's difficulties, and it was not limited to the Kennedys.Shortly after Kennedy was assassinated, Rep. Clarence Cannon of Missouri predicted, "It's going to be all about Kennedy for a while. Then people will forget about him." But he wasn't forgotten.The magazine released a special issue commemorating Kennedy, which quickly sold out.The demand for works about Kennedy continued unabated.American historical collectors have found that Kennedy's personal letters are as valuable as Lincoln's.A copy of "The Brave Men" signed by Kennedy can be sold for 375 yuan.To emphasize the transition from Kennedy to Johnson, the president's valet distributed photographs of the two presidents around during Johnson's trip, but this was soon terminated because for every person who asked for a Johnson photo, 10 asked for a Kennedy photo of.The new president angered the entire Secret Service by berating an agent for wearing a Kennedy Torpedo Boat tie pin.Johnson's resentment is understandable that a ghost should have robbed him of his glory.

Johnson must have felt at times that, wherever he went, he ran into someone from the Kennedy family.He sent Bob and Ethel Kennedy on a visit to the Far East, and the front pages of the newspapers scrambled to report the visit.Ted Kennedy was injured in a plane accident, and news coverage of the incident outweighed Johnson's claim that the United States had more military power than the combined armies and navies the world had ever seen.There is, in particular, a Jacqueline Kennedy whose very irrelevant remark or action can carry more weight than a presidential statement.Contrary to past tradition, the current first lady is only the second most admired woman in the United States, with her predecessor retaining the top spot, Gallup reported. When Mrs. Kennedy moved to New York in July 1964, the White House hoped that her national admiration might wane.No, just because she still preferred to show her shaggy hair instead of hats would still influence the millinery business as much as her husband had done the men's hat industry.

Francis Searle, the bishop's dean of Washington Cathedral and a friend of Kennedy's, rose from the pulpit and said that Johnson "was a man whose mansion was in every respect sumptuous in appearance, but whose moral This inevitably attracts termites to eat away at the foundation." The Washington Star commented that Searle's "harsh criticism, we feel, summed up the true mood of most voters."What made the new president even more unbearable were the vicious rumors that he was involved in the assassination of his predecessor.The committee headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren found that Kennedy was killed by Lee Harvey Oswald alone. Responsible attacks, which have not stopped during Johnson's presidency of the White House, have sometimes even circulated among the upper class. The New York World News Tribune commented: "Out of respect for the martyred president, we think it's time to ask those who play with the dead, take advantage of the opportunity, grandstanding, and slanderers to quit their jobs— They should at least keep their mouths shut until they can come up with something real, and by now it's clear they won't get anything." But this is a waste of ink, the attacks on the report have never stopped, and when the British The attack came to a head when the broadcaster paid a record 40,000 yuan to rent a two-hour film by a disgraced critic that proved nothing. What became known in the White House as "the Bob problem" became Johnson's biggest headache.Less than half a year after the new president took office, Washington already knew that the younger brother of the former president was organizing a government-in-exile.The Kennedys, including the New Frontiers who left the administration, met that spring at Jacqueline Kennedy's Georgetown apartment, and after Jacqueline left Washington, they met at the home of the attorney general in Walnut Hills instead.A common hostility to Johnson united the group.Of course, none of them believed that Johnson was responsible for the tragedy in Dallas, but they felt deeply that Kennedy's brother had the right to be Johnson's vice president.They were so out of touch with reality that it was impossible for the two to run together.Johnson once said, in a milder critique of Bob Kennedy: "The upstart climbed too high and too fast, jumping over the ladders that people learn the laws of life. He never liked me, but I want more than him." Johnsonites called Bob an ex-McCarthyite and a "liberal fascist"; First to God, second to country - but first to the Kennedys." At 1 p.m. on Wednesday, July 29, 1964, the president called Attorney General Kennedy into his Oval Office and told him he was not his running mate.Johnson said he admired the young Kennedy's ambition and would love to have Bob run the country one day, but it wasn't yet.He let him pick any other job in government and asked him if he would run the business of Johnson's next presidential campaign, as he had done with his brother.Bob refused.As for how to announce that Kennedy has no hope of running for vice president this year, it has not yet been decided.Kennedy left thinking the meeting was confidential.But apparently Johnson didn't think so, and the next day he invited three Washington journalists to lunch and told them about it.That was bad enough, except that he couldn't help using his gift of imitation to give them the Kennedy look.The president said that Bob didn't say a word for a long time after listening, he was just completely stunned.Johnson showed them Kennedy's stunned look.When this matter reached Kennedy's ears, he couldn't help being furious, so he went to see the president and accused him of breaking his promise.Johnson said he didn't tell anyone about the meeting, but when Bob called him out for lying, he said, ah, maybe there was a conversation he forgot and he'd have to check his records and schedule. The president wanted Kennedy to declare himself not to run for office, but Bob refused, leaving Johnson in a dilemma.He didn't want to offend Kennedy supporters across the country.But on the other hand, he felt he couldn't risk leaving the issue hanging in the air for long; the delegates to the upcoming Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City were all Kennedy men, and it's likely they themselves would nominate Bob. .His solution was ludicrous and typically Johnsonian.He declared on July 30: "With regard to the selection of the Vice-Presidential nominee from the Democratic list, I have determined that no member of the Cabinet or any person who regularly participates in Cabinet meetings is suitable for recommendation to the Convention." No reason was given, which leaves one completely bewildered.His action made not only Robert Kennedy, but also McNamara, Stevenson, Shriver, Rusk, Orville Freeman and others no hope of running for vice president.Johnson said, "Now I've finally got rid of that damned albatross that landed on my neck." Bob said, "I'm sorry I brought all these good people to me." In his book The Making of a President in 1964, White Schaud wrote about the historic conflict that occurred that summer: "The quick response of American aircraft to the North Vietnamese torpedo boat attack in the Gulf of Tonkin reached the extreme point between bravery and precision." The ideal balance." It seemed so at the time.But then, as dismay over the Vietnam War spread throughout the country, the Gulf of Tonkin incident turned out to be an ambiguous, imprecise, deeply disturbing affair, the result of deliberate American provocation. Crucial to understanding what happened in the waters off North Vietnam during the first week of August 1964 is a covert U.S. plan of action against Communist forces in Vietnam, code-named 34A.At that time, Bai Xiude had never heard of 34A, neither had the American people, nor had Congress heard of it.Congress, as it must be held accountable for what had happened, was brought to agree, and did agree, to the country's disastrous escalation in the Asian war.To some extent, the Gulf of Tonkin incident can also be said to have been caused by a momentary misunderstanding or unintentional misinterpretation, but if those in power in Washington had not engaged in a more subtle conspiracy at the time, those errors would not have caused any major problems.The mastermind of this conspiracy is President Johnson.Of course, he himself may have been deceived and manipulated by senior Pentagon officials, but what is certain is that Congress was indeed manipulated into supporting hostilities. Plan 34A was proposed in December 1963, the month after President Kennedy was assassinated.On one of his many visits to Saigon, Secretary of Defense McNamara was pleased to hear of a plan for a covert operation against the North Vietnamese.He then put General Krulak in charge of the matter.Back in Washington, he described it to President Johnson, who was equally enthusiastic about it.However, when it was implemented, the 34A plan was quite disappointing.The South Vietnamese guerrillas, paratroopers, and frogmen attacked very well.But the people of North Vietnam liked the regime in Hanoi, and these saboteurs were eliminated one by one.General Huggins and McGeorge Bundy, who were primarily responsible for 34A, then switched to using South Vietnamese torpedo boats to raid Communist coastal installations.Hanoi dismissed this as little more than harassment, not a threat, but intercepted radio transmissions showed that communist naval commanders at the North Vietnamese bases attacked were increasingly calling for retaliation. On Thursday, July 30, 1964, the day Johnson stripped Attorney General Kennedy and other cabinet members of their right to run for vice president, a small convoy of South Vietnamese torpedo boats sailed from Da Nang to carry out Plan 34A.The US destroyer USS Maddox also sailed into the same waters with the mission of provoking coastal installations to use radar and then determine their location - the same way the Army would trick enemy artillery into firing in order to determine their positions and destroy them . On 1 August, the destroyer passed oncoming South Vietnamese torpedo boats, which had just returned from a torpedo attack.The destroyer sailed into the combat zone and began to perform the task of provoking coastal radar officers to activate the radar.North Vietnamese officers there thought the Maddox was performing the same mission as the torpedo boats.The North Vietnamese sent three torpedo boats to spy on the destroyer Maddox, and the Americans who listened to their radio contact were fully aware of the other party's false assumptions, and they reported the fact to the Pentagon.But the Pentagon stuffed the report into the back of a filing cabinet without comment.The Pentagon's report to the White House only stated that three Communist torpedo boats attacked the "Madox", and the "Madox" immediately responded and sank one of them. A concocted statement to the public said the USS Maddox was sailing peacefully on the high seas 30 miles offshore.Its mission was not mentioned, let alone the South Vietnamese torpedo boats.President Johnson ordered the Maddox to remain active and ordered another destroyer, the Turner Joy, to rendezvous.This prepared the conditions for the second Tokyo Bay incident. On the night of August 4, a sailor later said, "It's darker than the center of hell." Colonel John Herrick, who commanded the destroyer's scout, radioed back that, according to intercepted radio transmissions from the North Vietnamese, Apparently, they still believe that these American ships participated in the 34A attack.This report, like the previous one, was suppressed by the Pentagon. Reports to the public stated that the American ship had not acted provocatively, but was attacked a second time, this time at a distance of 65 miles from shore. The evidence for this second incident is weak in terms of the seriousness of the subsequent action.The Senate Foreign Relations Committee did not learn the full truth until three and a half years later.To the amazement of the senators, they then learned that there might not have been any conflict at all. A blip appeared on the destroyer Turner Joy's radar screen, and it opened fire. The Maddox also fired, though nothing could be seen on her radar screen.Both destroyers immediately took a zigzag course. The Maddox captain noticed that every time his destroyer made a sharp turn, his signalmen reported incoming torpedoes.Three hours later, Herrick radioed again: "Recorded contacts and torpedo launches have been examined and found to be highly suspicious. The effects of unseasonable weather and lack of composure by the sonar crew may have been responsible for many of the false alarms." The Maddox did not identify any targets. Further consideration is recommended before further action." There must have been North Vietnamese torpedo boats in the vicinity—two of which had been sunk by destroyer fire and carrier aircraft— — but the U.S. ships were undamaged, and it is doubtful who fired the first shot.Fourteen hours after the first report, the Pentagon was still asking the two destroyers for the names of witnesses, their reliability, and the size, type and number of North Vietnamese attacking fleets. Without waiting for these materials, Lyndon Johnson ordered U.S. military planes to take off from the aircraft carriers USS Ticonderoga and USS Constellation, targeting four North Vietnamese torpedo boat bases and an oil depot.The next morning, the nation learned that 35 North Vietnamese ships and 90 percent of the oil depot had been damaged or destroyed.Johnson declared on television that "what began as a horrific sexual assault on a peaceful village in South Vietnam has now grown into an open invasion of the United States of America on the high seas."Our response, he said, was "limited and proportionate. While others seem to have forgotten, we Americans know the danger of expanding conflict. We don't want to expand war." He might not have treated the fleeting skirmishes between the smaller ships the same way if he had faced another adversary this election year.Three weeks ago, Republicans nominated Barry Goldwater as their presidential candidate at the Cow Palace in San Francisco, accusing the administration of being "cowardly in the face of communism."His rebuke caused worshipers to stand and cheer, yelling, "God graciously made this mighty republic grow strong, that it should be the home of the brave and fearless ... not in the face of the tyrannical communists." Huddled... Our inaction is building the Wall of Shame in Berlin. Inaction is polluting the beaches of shame in the Bay of Pigs. Inaction is killing freedom in Laos. Inaction is endangering the jungles of Vietnam." Taking advantage of the Gulf of Tonkin incident, Johnson could completely shatter Goldwater's argument.All he needs to do is pull the flag of the country and ask Congress to let him deal with the North Vietnamese pirates.To this end, he summoned the leaders of Congress to the White House and asked them to pass a resolution authorizing him to confront such provocations decisively.He said all he wanted was a joint bicameral resolution similar to the powers Congress had given Eisenhower to counter the Communist threat in 1955 on Taiwan and in 1957 on the Middle East.Bill Bundy had drafted the resolution for him, and the president asked his old friend Fulbright, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, to campaign for it.Fulbright agreed at the time, something he later regretted. In 1964, when the Cold War was still severe, few on Capitol Hill would advocate mild treatment of the Communist Party's "frenzy."Oregon's Wayne Morse is an exception.The night after the second Gulf of Tonkin incident, Morse got a call from the Pentagon.The caller heard that the senator would oppose the president's bill.He suggested that he ask two questions.First, he should have insisted on looking at the Maddox's logbook, which would have revealed that the destroyer was much closer to the North Vietnamese coast than was generally realized.Second, he should have demanded to know what mission the ship was sent on: that was never a fair thing to do. Early the next morning, Morse studied the wording of the resolution, arguing that it was unconstitutional.He pointed out to Fulbright that only Congress could declare war.And that decision would be to agree that the president can go undeclared war under any circumstances.Fulbright reminded him of resolutions on Taiwan and the Middle East.Those two resolutions were also unconstitutional, Morse said, but there was more reason than this one.That was not the case when the crisis was severe and decisions had to be made immediately.With the struggle in Vietnam looking to end indefinitely, giving the president powers without time limits would allow the president to intervene whenever he sees fit.Morse said the wording of the resolution was too general.He asked Fulbright to hold a hearing.No way, these are extraordinary times, Fulbright said.Morse disagrees with this, and he's absolutely right.But Fulbright has decided to demand immediate passage, casting it as a matter of patriotism for senators.This isolated Morse and his sole supporter, Senator Ernest Greening of Alaska.The bill passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 414 to 0 after only 40 minutes of discussion.The Senate took longer, debating for eight hours — but as one observer later criticized, it was "less time than the Senate usually spends on amending fisheries bills." There were few dissatisfied comments at the time.This action was seen as an inevitable extension of the post-Munich ideological line that would never appease the aggressors but rely on collective security.According to this reasoning, if we and the other SEATO signatories go to the rescue of South Vietnam now, if California is threatened by Ho Chi Minh or Huga Mao in the future, others will come to our aid.Dean Rusk put it bluntly: Failure to do so would put America in "mortal danger."It would have been laughed at later, but no one found it funny at the time.Rusk's position was actually shared by all politicians in both parties at the time.Among the senators who voted for the resolution were: Eugene McCarthy, George McGovern, Birch Bayh, Albert Gore, Jacob Javits, John Sherman Cooper, Frank Carlson, George Aiken and Frank Church. The New York Times commented: "National unanimous trust in the president is essential." The Washington Post said: "President Johnson has the gratitude of the free world." Lew Harris Poll Report: Johnson July Regarding the handling of the war, 58% of the people across the country expressed dissatisfaction, but at this time 72% agreed.Harris writes: "In this single act, Mr. Johnson has turned his greatest political weakness in foreign policy into his greatest asset." Even Walter Lippmann backed it, believing the president had shown the nation that America The maximum involvement in Vietnam is bombing, and he will never send troops.There was elation among those who supported the government, which in 1964 had the support of the majority of the country.It will be much later that they will recall Morse's prophecy: I believe that history will show that, because of this resolution, we made the grave mistake of undermining and disregarding the Constitution of the United States... As I have endeavored to elaborate today, we are in effect giving the President the power to power to wage war.This, I believe, is a historic mistake. Johnson signed the resolution the same day it was passed, August 7.Eight months later, he grinned to a group of interviewers: "As far as I know, our navy is just there to shoot whales." In the summer of 1963, newspaper syndicate economics columnist Elliot Janeway considered what would happen if black and white workers found themselves competing for the same jobs.He believed that white workers might resent the civil rights movement, a reaction he called a "backlash."In the winter after Dallas, "strong reaction" took on political connotations, specifically: racist support for Alabama Gov. George Wallace's presidential primary.After Wallace showed strength in Indiana and Maryland (he won 30 percent in Indiana on May 5 and 43 percent in Maryland on May 19), his national support dwindled.His popularity appears to have been tarnished by the high-mindedness with which most blacks remain resigned to injustice. In July, Wallace withdrew from the race.However, just when he decided to give up the campaign, black people in New York were making history and were unwilling to tolerate it any longer.So the news began to appear on the front pages of the newspapers, and this, in turn, was bound to stimulate a strong reaction. 7月26日，在共和党总统候选人在旧金山接受本党提名的那一天，曼哈顿一个看门人在靠近哈莱姆边沿地方的东76号街215号一座豪华的公寓外用水管子冲洗人行道。他看见三个年轻黑人踱过马路，他一时冲动，把水管子对着他们冲去。他这样做可是太蠢了，水龙头使那些年轻人记起了“公牛”康纳尔和伯明翰的情景。他们勃然大怒，一面拿垃圾箱盖子挡住水，一面用东西向那人砸去。一个瓶子打中了他，他开始逃跑。他们中一个叫詹姆斯·鲍威尔的15岁的孩子，拿着一把刀追他。就在这时，一个叫托马斯·吉利根的下班路过的警官刚好来到那里。吉利根拔出手枪，命令鲍威尔放下刀。那孩子不但没有放下刀，反而举刀向那警官扎去，划伤了他的右臂。吉利根朝天放了一枪，随即连开几枪，当场打死了鲍威尔。 年轻的鲍威尔之死使全哈莱姆都激动起来。黑人的愤怒郁积了三天。在第三天，一个星期六的晚上，争取种族平等大会在西123号街举行抗议集会。在一个激动的演讲人的鼓动下，一群黑人列队涌向附近的第29警察分局，要求立即将吉利根停职。看到他们的要求无法实现，他们就开始暴动，拿瓶子和碎砖向警察扔去。暴动在全市蔓延，持续了五个夜晚。等这边逐渐平息的时候，暴动又在布鲁克林的贝德福-斯泰弗森特区爆发开来，而布鲁克林的暴力行动和缓下来时，300英里之外纽约州的罗彻斯特却又发作。8月2日，星期天，泽西城的黑人开始闹事。接下去是帕特孙和伊丽莎白，再下去是芝加哥一个郊区迪克穆尔，最后是费城。成百的人受伤，近千人被捕；上千家商店被捣毁，损失据估计高达数百万元。 联邦调查局声言，这次暴乱活动并无一定的模式，纯系“对一切合法的权力机构发动的一无目的、二无目标的盲目攻击”。该报告说：“尽管城市里种族关系紧张起了作用……但发生的事件……按一般所谓'种族暴动'来衡量，都还说不上。”骚乱活动基本上是混乱的，但也决不能说一无形式，二无内容。美国不同种族之间的重大动乱，本世纪初以来已出现过33次，而直至1964年以前，白人总是挑衅的一方。现在，情况反转过来了，主动已落到黑人手中。60年代的种族暴乱还有另外一些共同的特性。它们一般发生在夏天，发生在黑人聚居区，特别是那里的贫民和为贫民区制定决策的人之间从无接触的地区，而一般又都是由黑人和白种警察之间的互相仇视引起的。 “你们等着瞧吧”黑人众议员亚当·克莱顿·鲍威尔说，他的聪敏机智常常超出他的批评者——白人或黑人——的估计。他说，他所谓的“黑色革命”将有两个阶段。第一阶段发生在南部，中心是一些“中产阶级的要求”：在公共汽车上和小吃店里入坐，使用公共厕所，进白人进的学校——总之，涉及社会地位的问题。第二阶段发生在北部。它才刚刚开始，它和第一阶段将迥然不同。鲍威尔称这一阶段是“无产阶级的”，而且，他预言，将是“真刀真枪的”。北部黑人一直是享有南部黑人所追求的权利的。他们所关心的，鲍威尔称之为“钱应该归谁这个根本问题”。他们充满了叛乱情绪，是不会理睬马丁·路德·金的那一套非暴力呼吁的。他们的战斗口号是：“用火烧，孩子们，用火烧!” 1964年是在三年内全面破坏北部城市的新时代的开始，当时是没有人料得到的。除纽约州的暴乱之外，那年夏天在新泽西州、费城、芝加哥和佛罗里达州的圣奥古斯丁都有零星的骚乱。种族正在成为压倒一切的国内问题。在北部学校的问题上，那是个抵制之年；纽约和克里夫兰的黑人父母不满于自己孩子所受的待遇，都不让孩子上学。马尔科姆·爱克斯在1964年成立了黑人民族党。北部人的良心终于被南部的非正义行为所激发。那年春天，马萨诸塞州州长的72岁的老母亲马尔科姆·皮博迪夫人由于参加圣奥古斯丁的抗议活动而被捕。而有关梅德加·埃弗斯刺杀案的审判被宣布无效一事，仅在几年前，黑人将只会驯顺地接受，而这时却激励着大批的人参加了那一年最重要的民权行动计划——1964年密西西比州的“自由之夏”。 密西西比州事件的直接作用在于对北部黑人区居民发生的影响。直到1940年，美国大约75%的黑人定居在南部。由于长时期南部黑人向北部移居的活动以及由于在新住处出生的孩子已经成年，这就产生了一代新的好斗的黑人。华盛顿哥伦比亚特区和纽瓦克现在是黑人占多数，而克利夫兰、巴尔的摩、圣路易和底特律，黑人也占1/3以上。美国人口增加的主要因素一向是外来移民，而现在却由黑人的出生率——几比白人高40%——所替代了。北部城市里的贫民区挤满了黑人青年。全国黑人有一半以上不到22岁，他们绝大多数又都没有父母管教。在大城市中，有30%的黑人家庭户主是没有丈夫的妇女。仅在纽约市，到1964年黑人私生子已不下10万人。通讯方面的革命使得这批活泼易变的观众通过电视新闻节目看到了南部民权运动发展情况的生动报道。伦敦的《经济学家》提醒欧洲读者说：“在一切有关黑人聚居区的可悲的统计资料中，我们最好别忘了……美国的黑人家庭约88%都有电视机。” “自由之夏”是由全国组织联合委员会主办的，而主要是依靠大学生非暴力协调委员会和争取种族平等大会。参加的人谁也不准备受到密西西比州白人的礼遇。对詹姆斯·梅雷迪思和梅德加·埃弗斯事件，他们记忆犹新，而且谁都知道南部的农业工人和小农场主是不满意1964年民权法的。这一法案，由约翰·肯尼迪提出，经林登·约翰逊争取在国会通过，把反对种族歧视的禁令扩展到了许多新的地区。全国组织联合委员会把吸收新成员的网撒到北部的大专院校里，主要是想吸收那些由于看到黑人遭受歧视而感到良心不安的白人大学生。他们中有一千人自愿参加在密西西比州九十万黑人中尽可能争取最多的选民登记的运动。他们先集中在俄亥俄州的奥克斯福德受训。6月19日，第一批两百人出发往南部去，6月21日，到达杰克逊。 有三个人几乎立即——在到达杰克逊的第二天——失踪了。他们是布鲁克林人24岁的迈克尔·施韦纳、纽约州人20岁的安德鲁·古德曼和密西西比州梅里迪安人21岁的詹姆斯·钱尼。施韦纳和古德曼是白人，钱尼是黑人。三人乘坐着一辆1964年出厂的福特旅行汽车，他们在密西西比州中部偏东的内肖巴县曾因开车超速被捕。县警长劳伦斯·雷尼和副警长塞西尔·普赖斯说，三名青年在县政府所在地费城付了罚金后就失踪了。旅行汽车第二天在费城东北15英里处发现，已被焚毁。 联邦调查局、当地的检察长和驻在密西西比州的海军人员出动大批人马寻找三名失踪青年。江河小溪都用拖网打捞过，直升机和用照相侦察的喷气机在头顶上盘旋。在总统的要求下，艾伦·杜勒斯飞往密西西比与州长小保罗·约翰逊进行会谈。密西西比州不少白人相信那三个人已去了古巴，要不然，就是像某一报道所说，他们正在芝加哥某个酒吧间里喝着啤酒，嘲笑那些到处搜寻他们给弄得狼狈不堪的警察。该州白人的普遍看法是，搜寻的人并不真的希望找到那三名青年。按这种说法，他们不过是在为约翰逊总统争取北部的黑人选票。 这期间，全国组织联合委员会其余志愿人员也遇到了其他困难。他们在密西西比三角洲召集当地黑人开会，遭到空中三K党的轰炸：私人飞机在头上飞过，扔下一个个炸药包。密西西比州西南麦科姆的几处黑人住宅被炸毁，几个白人因此被捕；前往逮捕的警官还发现，他们有四支高功率步枪，几支卡宾枪和手枪，15枚烈性炸弹，一个五加仑桶的炸药，一箱手榴弹，几千发子弹。 联合委员会的志愿人员在密西西比州贝尔佐尼散发传单时被捕了，说是犯了“工联主义罪”，被拘留在市监狱。纳齐兹市市长答应黑人受到同等的法律保护，他的住宅的一面墙被一枚炸弹炸倒。一位巡回法官斥责了焚毁教堂的人，马上就有人去他家的草坪上焚烧了一个十字架焚烧十字架是三K党暴徒们常采取的一种威胁信号。 — translator. “自由之夏”的领导人在夏末的时候开出了一份伤亡名单。有80个志愿人员挨了打，3人受枪伤(前后共有人开枪35次)，1000多人被捕，37座黑人教堂和31所住宅被焚或被炸。此外，还有几起未查清的黑人被杀案件，这些案件据信也和仇视民权运动有关。 罗伯特·肯尼迪对全国有色人种协进会说，联邦政府不可能在该州采取预防性警察行动；这在现实上有困难，大概还是违宪的。埃德加·胡佛则更进了一步。他跑到杰克逊去，公然对他所谓的“过分强调”民权运动一事表示遗憾，并说，他的人“绝对肯定”不会对志愿人员提供保护。但不管怎样，在艾伦·杜勒斯的建议下，总统派遣了更多的联邦调查局人员前往密西西比。杰克逊一座新建的办公大楼——联邦调查局在密西西比州的总部所在地——顶上两层灯火彻夜通明。约翰逊州长呼吁公众协助寻觅三名失踪的民权运动工作人员。可以想到，这项呼吁是没有人理睬的，但联邦调查局提出的近3万元的赏金却使两人前来告密。这样，根据他们的说法，特工人员租来一台挖土机，到费城西南六英里左右一所农场去挖开新筑的土坝。这红黏土的土坝有25英尺高，250英尺长，最后在中间近底层的地方找到了那三名失踪人员的尸体。他们是被枪打死的，黑人钱尼在被害前还曾遭到毒打。 12月4日，联邦调查局逮捕了21名内肖巴县人，其中有县警长雷尼和副警长普赖斯。普赖斯的罪名是逮捕那三名青年并把他们交给了一伙私刑暴徒，而且他本人也参加了私刑活动。他们大多数是三K党，当地三K党的头目也在内。民权运动的领导人不信他们中有谁会被判罪，从最初一段时间看也显然如此。州长约翰逊和密西西比州检察长乔·帕特森宣告，州当局不会提出控告，他们认为证据不足。在密西西比州梅里迪安的联邦法院一个大陪审团却对其中18人提出起诉，控告他们因共谋侵犯被害人的宪法权利而违反了一条1870年通过的不引人注目的法令，但联邦地方法院法官是哈罗德·考克斯，此人在詹姆斯·梅雷迪思一案中就曾参与推迟正常的起诉手续。不久前，他还把申请选民登记的黑人叫做黑猩猩。自然不能指望他会跟被告过不去。 一开头他果然没那样做。1965年2月，他批驳了对被告的犯重罪行为的起诉书，改为行为不检。有一个时候，当地的一个陪审团似乎甚至将判由政府付给县警长、副警长和费城的一个治安推事一笔诬告损失赔偿。在一些记者看来，被告好像被广泛地看做是英雄。南部同盟的旗子在联邦政府的大楼外面飘扬，一面巨大的同盟旗每天早晨都在大街正对面的理发店门前升起。电视和通讯社摄影记者遭到愤怒的围观者的殴打。尽管美国联邦最高法院否决了考克斯法官的判决，重申被告必须按司法部提出的共谋罪受审，但大多数观察家相信，这个案件其实已经了结。至少被告们是这样想的。在受审期间被保释出来，他们显然感到在当地出了名而自鸣得意。12名被告律师找来了114个证人，他们大多数前来为被告当时不在场作证，或证明他们品行良好。一个律师竟称告发人是“叛徒”。组成陪审团的7名妇女、5名男子全是白人；原名单上的18个黑人由于被告方面的反对全部被排除在外。 代表司法部起诉的约翰·多尔召来41名证人。他们揭露，这种谋杀决非出于一时感情冲动。在全国组织联合委员会的大队志愿人员出发前先行的施韦纳，由于在黑人家里食宿，在他被害前九天，三K党便已决定把他杀害。他和他的两个伙伴在被疯狂的追逐后终被抓住，弄到一条荒僻的小路上去。一个三K党人把施韦纳一把拉过来，问他：“你就是那个爱黑鬼的家伙吗·”施韦纳还回答说：“先生，我知道你是怎么想的。”但这就是他最后说出的话了。古德曼也很快被杀害。一个三K党人甚至因为那两名白人志愿人员没等到他开枪便已被人杀害而感到遗憾。他开枪打死了钱尼，自己还说：“至少我亲手杀了一个黑鬼。” 一天，陪审团退席考虑证据后报告说，两派意见相持不下。法官考克斯拒绝接受这种僵局。他发布一些新的指令，其中包括1898年为联邦最高法院所承认，可以用来迫使僵持的陪审团做出判决的所谓“爆破命令”。根据这一指令，居于少数的陪审团员必须“仔细研究和重新考虑”自己的意见，思量一下多数人的感情。法官还对他们说，他可以接受混合不同意见的裁决。接着在一次停审休息时间，副警长普赖斯和另一名被告韦恩·罗伯茨(一个汽车拖车推销员)却犯了一个极大的错误。他们在联邦大楼的走廊上对听审的人说，他们将要收拾这个法官。人们听见罗伯茨说：“考克斯法官给陪审团下了爆破命令。哼，我们也给他准备下了一些炸药呢。”这话传到了考克斯的耳朵里。他命令他们回到被告席上，说：“如果你们以为能对本法院进行恐吓，你们可是犯下了一个可悲的错误，我不打算把任何野人放到文明社会中去任其胡作非为。”说完，就下令把他们关入监狱，不准保释。10月20日，陪审团裁决其中七人，包括普赖斯和罗伯茨有罪。警长雷尼和其他七人宣告无罪。这时离犯案已有三年多，但司法部仍无比高兴。这次判决具有历史意义，密西西比州联邦白人陪审团在民权的案件中有史以来第一次裁决白人被告有罪。12月29日，法官考克斯分别判处七人三年到最高十年徒刑。 这一年是戈德华特年。自1936年提名兰登为总统候选人以来，在过去接连七次的共和党全国代表会议上，该党保守派一直压抑着从自己的队伍中提名候选人的热望。这一次他们没有再压抑。他们瞩望于Au+H2O=1964这是文字游戏：Au是元素金(Gold)的符号，H2O是水(Water)的符号。 Au+H2O即为Goldwater(戈德华特)。 — translator.如他们的标语牌上写的那样，他们要“选自己的人，不要人云亦云”。于是在7月15日，他们提名亚利桑那州老资格参议员、极右派的归化外侨巴里·戈德华特为总统候选人。