Chapter 28 hand stretched very long -2

The truth is, the Republicans feel they must put all their eggs in one basket.A George Gallup poll found that Republican membership has fallen by a third over the past 25 years; the number of Americans who identify as Republican has fallen by 13 percent, while the number of Democrats has increased by 11 percent.Goldwater and his party have an explanation for this.They argue that the GOP has been picking “me too” candidates — moderate Republicans who only know to repeat the Democrats’ election promises.They concluded that because the Democrats were the originals and the Republican moderates were mere carbon copies, the Republicans kept losing; voters always preferred the real thing.

It's a matter of chance and risk.Polls show that most voters prefer the middle way.The Republican right doesn't admit it.They firmly believe that in the vast countryside, there is a hidden majority with conservative views that has not yet surfaced.That, they stress, is the crux of American politics.These disgruntled conservatives, because they have no turf, are equally dismissive of both parties.On election day, they go fishing, or they stay home.To them, it doesn't matter how it turns out.No matter which party wins, they have to endure a bunch of liberals, leftists, socialists, "collectivists", and "people who worry about the country and the people".Goldwater theorists said that if only one real conservative candidate was put forward, this hidden majority would all take to the streets and elect a real American.

Although President Kennedy had long believed that Barry Goldwater would be the Republican Party's presidential candidate in 1964, Goldwater himself was not sure, and other leaders of the Republican Party were slow to seriously consider him.The fight over who should be the standard-bearer gets bizarre.The Arizona native announced his candidacy on Jan. 3 from his sun-filled courtyard in Scottsdale, Arizona.The second Republican to announce her candidacy was a woman, Margaret Chase Smith.The winner of the New Hampshire primary was Henry Cabot Lodge, who was written on the ballot and never announced his candidacy.Then Nelson Rockefeller said he was running too, and then William Scranton of Pennsylvania said he was running too.

Until the last primary in California on June 2, almost everyone seemed to believe that Goldwater would be defeated by someone, most likely Rockefeller.Then, on Saturday, May 30, a second Mrs. Rockefeller gave birth to Nelson Rockefeller Jr.—reminding California Republicans that the governor of New York had recently been divorced.Overnight, he lost 7 percent of his supporters in the Harris poll.In Tuesday's primary, Goldwater received 51 percent of the vote to Rockefeller's 49 percent.At the convention, Arizona's organized electorate turned all opposition to its head, winning by a margin of 833 delegates on the first ballot.And so this candidate, with his insults to moderates, has further divided the Republican Party; he has two memorable lines: "Extremism is not a crime in order to preserve liberty! Nor is moderation in the pursuit of justice a virtue." !"

Barry Goldwater, then fifty-five, was a man of great integrity and one of the most charismatic political figures ever to run for the presidency.Handsome, stocky, with silver hair and the black horn-rimmed glasses that are his signature, he has become one of the most admired politicians in the country, and certainly the best-known conservative.Goldwater represents a love for all that was good in the past and a hatred for all that is bad in the present.In his crisp Southwestern accent, he often cites outdated but still moving American aphorisms and ethical convictions to the nation.It was only his special eloquence that made those things both plausible and practical.

Outside the Senate, he was viewed as a mish-mash of misfits.For all his frequent references to past legends, he himself was an Air Force Reserve major general, brilliant jet pilot, and passionate lover of cutting-edge technology (in San Francisco, at the time of his nomination, he was seated in his private In the cockpit of his jet plane, he drove straight up into the sky, flying around with a bang over the Cow Palace).He was also a ham radio operator, with expensive equipment in his suburban Phoenix home and apartment in Washington, and he brought a special set to the national convention in San Francisco.He is also an excellent photographer and has published a study of deserts.Perhaps one of his most meaningful masterpieces is the 25-foot flagpole he installed at his home in Arizona.There is a set of photoelectric devices on the flagpole, which will automatically raise the flag when it receives the dawn, and automatically lower the flag when it is dusk, so even if there is no one at home, he can show his patriotism.

"Croak! Long live! Croak! Long live!" his loyal followers repeatedly cheered.They are thrilling, joyful, and sometimes intimidating.There was a memorable moment in the Cow Palace when Nelson Rockefeller took the pulpit to advocate adoption of a minority resolution drafted by the Program Committee.At this time, the Goldwaterists who packed the balcony hissed him and shouted: "We want Barry!" It might have been intimidating to anyone else, but Rockefeller found it amusing."Ladies and gentlemen, it's still a free country," he mockingly said, and when they got angry and yelled, he told them about how they were used against them during the California primary. Some of his tactics: "This kind of thing should not happen in the United States, but I can personally testify that it does exist, and many other people can also testify that they have also experienced getting calls in the middle of the night or early in the morning. through anonymous threatening letters, defamatory and hate-filled material, threats of thugs, bomb threats and actual explosions, have seen the use of Communist and Nazi means to infiltrate or take over established political organizations, and more."

Some people in the balcony were almost lying on the ground, hitting the floor with the heels of their shoes.Chairman Thurston Morton was vainly beating the gavel for order, when the representative of Goldwater's delegation, who was officially present at the meeting-feeling that this outrageous performance would only serve Goldwater in the eyes of the television audience. Walter smeared—and silenced them too.The frantic storm still lingered, so Rockefeller smiled and said further sarcasm: "Ladies and gentlemen, some of you don't want to hear this, but these are the facts." This is only part of the truth.Goldwater and his clerks never let some little old lady in tennis shoes into their organization.To tell the truth, one of the weaknesses of their campaign was that it was too disciplined, too lacking in initiative.After the convention, Goldwater sent two decent young men, Dean Birch and John Grenier, to take over the Republican National Committee.Birch serves as chairman and Grenier serves as executive director.The two spent five full weeks rectifying—these five weeks, they should have been used for campaigning. The day after the November election, Goldwater's treasurer triumphantly announced that there was no deficit on his books.

More savvy politicians would have used their acceptance speeches to win over the losing party.It was even possible to visit those he had defeated, as Eisenhower did to Taft in 1952.But Goldwater was also offended by some underhanded tactics, and, for all his generosity, he was not one to initiate peace.It wasn’t until August, when it was too late, that he sat down with party elders—Rockefeller, Eisenhower, Nixon, William Scranton, George Romney—in Hershey, Pennsylvania, Try to fix the problem and work out the best campaign strategy together.But it turned out to be a wasted day.They lack the spirit of conciliation, and neither can come up with any effective campaign plan, at best, blame each other.It was after that meeting, and to some extent because of it, that Republicans running for other office all avoided the standard-bearer for the presidency, or even promoted the same platform as him.

Placards, pins and countless posters promoting Goldwater read: "You know he's right." Part of it.In his three books and 800 newspaper columns, he has offended many "magic cows" that he should have offended.Over the past half century, the bureaucracy of the federal government has expanded fifty or sixty times.Officials are generally domineering, and some of the practices that the government itself is still doing or encouraging others to do are clearly no longer applicable—such as hiring redundant workers, resource depletion allowances, agricultural price maintenance subsidies, and subsidies for growing peanuts, etc. Both are.On such issues, Senator Goldwater is very tough, and millions of Americans know—or at least believe—that he is right.

The trouble is, he said, did, and wrote a lot of other stuff, some of which was downright ridiculous.He had suggested that the Tennessee Valley Authority could sell it for a dollar.He also said he wished he could saw off the eastern shore and let it float out to sea.He speaks of the great cities of America as a sinful Babylon.He has also advocated, on various occasions, the abolition of rural electrification, the abolition of the National Labor Relations Board, and the establishment of a new United States Supreme Court.And these, Americans know in their hearts that he is wrong. His opponent is one of the shrewdest politicians America has ever seen.Therefore, the cracks in Goldwater's armor were quickly and skillfully exposed, and he had to retreat to the defensive, from which he never recovered.Advocating atomic warfare is a particularly devastating problem. In a speech in Hartford on October 24, 1963, Goldwater said he believed that if NATO's "commanders" were authorized to use tactical nuclear weapons in a crisis, the U.S. military there would Power can be reduced by 1/3.In this way he made the nuclear bomb an issue that was debated in the campaign and remained so until the end of the campaign. There was nothing wrong with raising the issue in a campaign, and Rockefeller had exploited it in his New Hampshire campaign in January.The Democrats may have gone a little too far with their so-called "Daisy Girl" TV show that became famous.The show premiered on September 7.NBC's "Monday Night Movies" show "David and Bathsheba," starring Gregory Peake and Susan Hayward, was cut short when a Poetic image of a little girl tearing off the petals of a daisy and counting them; as she does so, her figure fades away and is replaced by a mushroom cloud.Republicans were understandably annoyed, but Goldwater failed, and still cannot, clarify what he meant by his Hartford remarks.At least the way he mentions nuclear weapons is disturbing.A man running for president of the United States should not say something like "throw one in the men's room in the Kremlin."At one point Goldwater appeared to want to eliminate the threat of the bomb, but Charles Moore of The New York Times found in his speech that he used "push a button", "atomic holocaust", "nuclear annihilation" No less than thirty times such words and phrases. This will not reassure the people. The Democrats sneered maliciously: "You know in your heart that he will do that..." Another issue digging graves for Republicans' victory hopes is Social Security.The trouble started on January 6 in New Hampshire.Goldwater said in response to a question that he favors the use of automatic contributions to improve social security.The next day, the Concord, New Hampshire Monitor ran the headline: "Goldwater's Goal: End Social Security."The senator protested, but that's obviously what the voluntary contribution will be; the money paid to retired workers can only be taken from young workers, but if they can avoid paying this tax, they will never pay it. No more zeal than anyone else.In response to this issue, the Democratic Party's TV show showed two hands tearing off a Social Security card.It would be hard to find a more concerning issue than Social Security, which affects 100 million Americans. Goldwater had other problems; he had voted against the test-ban treaty and opposed the Kennedy-Johnson civil rights bill the previous June.As one conservative newspaper after another swung in favor of Johnson, the consequences of his past voting experience became increasingly clear, and eventually even for the Republican candidate himself.Polls have rarely been so one-sided; 65 percent support Johnson to 29 percent support Goldwater, according to Gallup.After the election, the Arizona native said he should have seen, even before the campaign started, that it was all hopeless in San Francisco.Instead, he said, it was in August that he saw no hope.This smacks of hindsight.As late as October, he was at least vocally confident he could win.But whatever his vision of the prospect, he never attempted to improve his chances of victory by mean means.He exhorted viewers booing Johnson (“Don’t be disrespectful to the current president”).When one of his consultants, Clifton White, made a so-called documentary using the astonishing scenes of looting by black people during the black ghetto riots, Goldwater said the film was racist and would not be shown.Reports of a scandal in Johnson's campaign -- the arrest of a key aide to the president for sodomy in a public restroom -- he also refused to exploit or even discuss. The assistant was Walter Jenkins.He was so overwhelmed by the temptation, or would not have been, by the exhaustion of his work. On October 7, Jenkins left the White House for several hours to attend a cocktail party hosted by Newsweek's Washington bureau due to the move into the new building.After a few drinks, he left for the Washington YMCA two blocks away.He knew that the men's room in the basement was a gay tryst place.Unfortunately, the police in Washington also know this.At about 7:30 p.m., Jenkins and a senior military veteran were arrested red-handed by an officer who had been watching them outside.They were taken to the police station, where they discovered that Jenkins had been arrested five years earlier for the same crime.Journalists were loathe to report it, but wait until Dean Birch calls attention to "a breaking news in Washington: The White House is desperately suppressing a big piece of national security news" (a flippant use of the phrase by the Republican right an earlier example of ), at which point journalists had to report.As soon as the news broke, Jenkins was admitted to the hospital with "extreme fatigue".Birch and many of Goldwater's other advisers begged Goldwater to take advantage of the opportunity to play up this egregious instance of so-called immorality at the top of the government.He refused. Johnson anxiously appointed Oliver Quayle to organize an investigative team to see how many votes the ill-fated incident would cost him.Quayle came to the surprising conclusion that it was not worth mentioning; and the unfortunate incident was soon faded from memory.Goldwater's forgiveness, mercy is only part of the reason.It was also partly because, just as people were starting to talk about the Jenkins affair, there were three shocking events in foreign affairs.Within 48 hours of October 15-16, Khrushchev was stripped of all power and ousted; Communist China announced the explosion of its first atomic bomb; Sir Alec Douglas-Home's Conservative Party The government collapsed.The White House press corps talked about Johnson's good luck, and his luck was not bad.When Mrs. Bird Johnson led a group of wives of southern government officials heading south on a 16-car train known as the "Lady Bird's Express," they were heckled with hostility—the treatment. Definitely getting sympathy and more votes elsewhere. Johnson greeted the Lady Bird train in New Orleans, where he made the first speech of the campaign.It was a risk—he defied Senator Russell Long’s advice and made a strong case for civil rights—and that alone is impressive.And the last few sentences of the speech are even more unforgettable.After calling for an end to acts of bigotry, he went on to say that he would enforce and abide by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (“I can’t let them create hatred and use my people’s prejudices to buy them off”), and then he said that in Saar When Jim Rayburn first entered Congress, he had a long conversation with a sickly southern senator who said he hoped he would get well so he could go back home to see Look.Johnson quoted the senator as saying: "I wish I could go home and give them another Democratic speech. I feel I have one more speech to give. My poor state, they haven't heard it in thirty years Been to a real Democrat speech. All they hear at election time is nigger, nigger, nigger." The audience froze at first, then came to their senses, stood up and cheered him for five minutes. Johnson's record for some of the other highlights of his campaign did not all look so favorable, especially over Vietnam.Condemning Goldwater for his rambunctious and irresponsible fantasies about nuclear weapons is a potent political prescription to which Democrats can't help adding flavor from time to time.The "Daisy Girl" TV show was followed by another show on September 17, but it was only shown once because it was too unreasonable; A voice narrates that strontium-90 has poisoned the air and reminds the audience that Goldwater opposes the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.Senator Goldwater's suggestion that an atomic bomb could be used to "defoliate the trees" along the Ho Chi Minh Trail was held up as an example of his irresponsibility and militarism.For Johnson, however, this is a dangerous subject.It would remind voters that the Americans were fighting a hot war in Vietnam, and that it was not Goldwater who sent Americans to fight.So, to keep the momentum going on the peace issue, the President made some promises to the nation that have since been forgotten. On Sept. 25 in Eufaula, Oklahoma, he said: "We don't want our American kids to fight for Asian kids. We don't want to be involved ... chained to a ground war in Asia. body." Then he said again in Manchester, New Hampshire, on September 28: "I never thought we were going to let the Americans fight for the Asians. I was trying to get the Vietnamese to do what we wanted, given the situation I was facing. And fight it yourself with the equipment we provide... 190 Americans have died so far... I often wake up in the middle of the night and ask myself how many American lives will be lost if I make a wrong move... This is not a launch The problem of war ... I know some people think it's easy for me to start a war. But it's a very difficult problem for us to stop a war, and that's what we're trying to do right now." On October 21 in Akron, Ohio, he said: "...we are not going to send Americans to Asia, nine thousand or ten thousand miles away, to fight for the Asians what they should fight themselves." On October 27 in Pittsburgh he added: "As long as I am president, Americans will have peace, and there will be peace." Bitter joke a year later: A girl said, "I was told that if I voted for Goldwater we'd be at war in six months. I voted for him—and we did There is a war." Indeed, an elector whose sole motive was the preservation of the peace, and who had carefully read the speeches given in the newspapers, would have voted Johnson against Goldwater in November 1964, Later he will feel cheated, as many people do.During the campaign, the President said in El Paso: "I am here today to assure you that in order to promote freedom and peace, I am willing to go to any remote corner of the world at any time to talk to anyone." But the truth, as long as he believes While the United States was still able to impose a military solution on the Communists by force, he ignored all offers by the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese, including some with high hopes for reconciliation.On the campaign trail, views on the issue appear to be black and white.Goldwater advocated sending American soldiers and planes to aid South Vietnam, while Johnson denounced him as an irresponsible warmonger.The president seemed sincere at the time.By the summer of the following year, however, it was difficult to think of a military plan proposed by Goldwater that Johnson had not put into practice, despite having sworn the nation against it. On November 3, Lyndon Johnson won the election and was able to serve another full term in the White House.He and Hubert Humphrey won 44 states and the District of Columbia, for a combined 486 electoral votes.Goldwater and Representative William Miller won six states, Arizona, Mississippi, Alabama, South Carolina, Louisiana and Georgia, with only 52 electoral votes.Democrats also won big in congressional elections.They won 28 of the 35 Senate seats up for re-election, giving them a total of 68 seats to the Republicans' 32.They won another 41 seats in the House of Representatives, and now they have more than 2/3 majority (295:140) in the House of Representatives, occupying a dominant position.Republicans managed to win a governorship, but they still have just 17 governors, compared with 33 for Democrats. "Choose Goldwater to participate in All Souls' Eve" see note ⑤ on page 174 of Chapter 6 of this book. - translator , mocked a campaign placard on cars that has circulated widely in Washington.Nor are all the cars that posted the poster owned by Democrats.On election day, the author of this book was having lunch with Earl Warren at his residence.My clearest memory of that day is the strong emotion with which the Chief Justice hoped that Goldwater would be disastrously defeated.Warren, like many other moderates in the Republican Party, is desperate to see the Goldwater conservatives defeated.When disaster befell them, Republicans reinforced a long-standing theory that they were far more at odds than Democrats.Conservatives not only lost the election, they also found that, on many occasions, they were treated like strangers by members of their own party. Among true Republicans, perhaps Richard Nixon exemplified this frustration and confusion most fully.Two days after the election, he scolded Nelson Rockefeller, saying that Rockefeller's refusal to run for Goldwater cost them many votes.He called the governor of New York a "separatist."But by the following Tuesday, Nixon had other ideas.While urging his fellow Republicans to resist "right-wing extremism," he also supports "serious and responsible views" of everything from liberalism to conservatism.By this time, however, Nixon's words no longer carried much weight, even among fellow Republicans.Unlike Rockefeller, he campaigned tirelessly, but apparently in vain.He received a lot of gracious words, but it was difficult to prove any practical value. Those were quiet years for Nixon, and in many respects, good years.He earns a lot of money, he has time to read and think, in addition to giving lectures, in his private life, like ordinary people, he often has time to meet his wife and children.Checkers, the black-and-white spaniel puppy he had used as a political capital in 1952, died on Sunday the week the campaign began, after living 12 years.He was there and comforted his daughter. (When he was campaigning in Iowa in October, he was given a spaniel and asked to call him Second Checkers, but he passed it on to someone else; there can only be one cut Kers!) eight weeks after the election, his daughter Tricia was at the head of the parade at the New York State Girls' International Ball.He is with her.The next day, the day before New Year's Eve 1964, he laid a headstone on Checkers' grave.Many believe that this is symbolic. Until November 1964, Lyndon Johnson ruled in the shadow of President Kennedy; now he is elected president on his own.The legend about Kennedy still has a huge influence on the American mind - the two most attractive people on Capitol Hill are the incumbent New York State Senator Robert Kennedy and the newly elected Senator of Massachusetts with more than 900,000 votes. Senator Edward Kennedy was re-elected by a huge margin of votes—but now that Johnson is number one, Washington is starting to react.The most frequently heard songs in the bar are "The Eyes of Texas" and "The Yellow Rose of Texas".Middle-aged men in cowboy boots, cowboy hats, and casual clothes milled around the foyer of the Washington Hotel next to the Treasury Building on 15th Street.Washington was starting to feel like a frontier city to outsiders, as it was across the country; the '60s were upon us when everything was open and anything could go. In 1964, California designer Rudy Genreich promoted a topless swimsuit, which led to many new tricks.Hiring "topless" women as a draw to some high-end nightclub sideshows quickly became the order of the day; and the kitschy Washington hangouts near the National Archives, as in other major American cities, The waitresses were walking around with their breasts bared and bobbing.Then Mary Quant made miniskirts in London.So the skirts worn by young girls and many women, by the late 60's, were teasingly shortened inch by inch until the miniskirts became commonplace; by then all but the prettiest thighs had been lost seductive. Nudity on stage was the norm, and by the time the mid-1960s were slowly passing, semi-nude became the fashion of fashionable society.Transparent or "full sheer" clothes are the most fashionable, and Ives St. Laurent has produced a tulle petticoat with only a few small metal discs that half cover the nipples and thighs.In Italy, the dressmaker Forquet created a South Sea skirt that hung loosely over the hipbones; he also replaced the bodice with a string of beads.Shy women either wore flesh-colored panties called tights or "funny underwear"—a brightly colored undergarment that was clearly visible through a veil—but bolder (and naturally more beautiful) women do not hesitate to be seen.The exposure of the upper abdomen also expands up and down and becomes wider and wider.Rep. Gross, R-Iowa, protested in the House of Representatives when the Smithsonian also adopted some of the more outlandish new gowns. A new generation of young men and women insists that they have the right to say whatever they think "fits," and "fit," like "commitment," has become a buzzword.Berkeley was the birthplace of the "free speech movement" — California calls it "the Speech Movement," which in turn led to the first major confrontation between college students and the government in the 1960s.The Free Speech Movement was a coalition of undergraduates, graduate students, and young faculty organized in the late summer of 1964, ranging in ideology from Goldwaterists to Maoists.They were united in their opposition to university authorities' prohibition of on-campus demonstrations for political or civil rights extending off-campus.Led by philosophy student Mario Savio, a 22-year-old New Yorker, the free speech movement intensified, culminating in the dramatic claim that college boards are turning campuses into concentration camps.The purpose of the plot, they believed, was to turn the whole of Berkeley into a vocational school for white-collar technicians for the establishment (i.e. corporations, banks, publishing houses, the military, conservative unions, etc.).Savio exclaimed: "It's time we lay on the machine and stop it!" On September 14, 1964, a week before the fall semester began, the turmoil began, and neither Berkeley nor any other university in the United States has ever recovered.Calling the free speech movement a communist movement is groundless.It is anarchistic and defies all dialectics.A researcher who supported the movement said: "All the old designations are obsolete; if there are orthodox Communists here, it is a mild influence." The movement's contempt for rationalism sometimes reached the point of absurdity.As the police dragged Savio and his 800 followers out of Sproul Hall, the center of their rebellion, Savio yelled, "Great! We can get the school to accept our terms." up!" On a lazy day in March of the following year, a young man with bare feet and long hair demonstrated in front of the main entrance of the Berkeley campus, holding a placard in his hand with a four-letter letter written on a blue background. Dirty words.He was not a student, his name was John Thomson, he was an unpublished poet, and he was a member of what Berkeley called the "hidden society"; a society of anonymous writers and political radicals It is said that many of the riots that occurred in the late 1960s were provoked by them.The next day, a dozen or so young people also appeared holding signs with the same words; one of them was still chanting the words he advertised aloud into the loudspeakers in the campus, and another asked the police who wanted to arrest them. The police officer recited "Lady Chatterley's Lover", a masterpiece by British writer DH Lawrence (1885-1930), which was once regarded as pornographic literature. - translator a section ofMembers of the Free Speech Movement refused to bail Thomson and his friends.The school newspaper opposes this "dirty speech campaign".They suspected, to use a new phrase at the time, that the queer disturbances were playing tricks on them. Yet their demonstrations, and their reintroduction of taboo words, appear to be part of the general rebellion against all restraint that characterized the sixties.Thomson and friends may seem to be poking fun at the free speech movement, but there are plenty of serious writers who seriously insist on their right to use languages ​​that have been banned forever.They believed, and the Supreme Court agreed with them (and they were not mistaken), that in the long run their impact on society might outlast Savio's civilized rebellion.The language of those dressing rooms, first seen in print, was then used on stage—for example, in Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf? It was made into a film - and later heard at intersex social events (first among older people, and soon among young people as well).In what was once called high society, it is common to hear from the mouths of some of the loveliest beauties the Anglo-Saxon short words that used to be used only on occasions where no members of the opposite sex were present. The characters are relatively short, and the so-called "four-letter" characters above also fall into this category. - translator .Those of the older, more restrained generation were often dismayed to hear these words. Like the contraceptive pill and new nudity, it reflects an evolving way of life and a new morality.To many in the older generation, this seemed immoral at all, thinking it was the same thing as growing your hair long and building a hippie enclave.But the forbidden fruit also held great appeal to Goldwater's admirers in Young Americans for Freedom. Members of Young Americans for Freedom never marched in antiwar marches or read Fortress, but they were as active during lights-out hours as most of the sexiest hippies.A survey of occasional adulterers found that most of them had short hair and were politically conservative.A Los Angeles entrepreneur who deals exclusively with a conservative hedonist group told reporters: "That's a part of America you've never heard of. Those people don't wear flip flops, don't grow beards, behave themselves—yes. A bunch of guys and girls living a pretty normal life. It’s so American there, it’s unbelievable.” 大学早就提供适合于男女成双捉对交往的场所，但直到60年代中期，要在校外找一个动人、可喜而又风流的异性可是既费时间，又颇为费钱的。现在，这种情况也在改变。在约翰逊-戈德华特竞选前两年，卡茨基尔斯的格罗辛格饭店第—次在周末只接纳单身男女。虽然当时没有人想到，这却是另一个运动的开始。1964年，驻扎在弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿的海军少尉迈克尔·奥哈罗感到孤身寂寞，于是为其他未婚男女青年——军官、专业人员、飞机上的女招待、教员、模特儿、秘书和职业妇女——举行舞会，开创了一种新的生财之道和新的生活方式。三年后，奥哈罗退役，成为一个名为“下级军官和专业人员联谊会”的主席，该会拥有会员3万名，12个地方分会，并有由50人组成的一个管理人员的班子。到这时，它已能为单身男女安排到名胜处度假，能组织只限于未婚男女参加的巴哈马游艇游弋或欧洲旅行，并能让阅读只供单身人阅读的奥哈罗的联谊会《夜信》。而且，奥哈罗也有人同他竞争了。在旧金山，孤单的人可以在“保利之家”会面；在芝加哥，有所谓的“商店”，在达拉斯，有“感谢上帝，今天是星期五”会所，在曼哈顿，则有“拉夫先生之家”和“星期五聚会”。 所有这一切的必然结果便是建造综合公寓，未婚男女可以租用单元，以便于在任何时候都可以彼此来往；这类公寓也就出现了。从某方面来看，这可以说是不同辈的人发生分化的一种反映——年龄相近的男女离群自行其是，这样也就引起了彼此间的误会和不久后就会出现的所谓的“鸿沟”。最先这样做的是年老的人，并不是青年。第一座“退休城”是1960年德尔·韦布在亚利桑那州兴建起来的。和奥哈罗搞的那一套一样，他也获得很大的成功，引得别人跟着模仿，到1965年，便有了第一个单身男女居民点，洛杉矶托朗斯郊区的南湾俱乐部。南湾俱乐部还在建筑的时候，它所有的248套单元便已全都租出。最后该公司共盖了13座这样的综合公寓(其中一座在菲尼克斯)，共有8000户房客，他们可以在一起玩桥牌、参加圆桌讨论、举行烤肉宴、组织化装舞会和评酒会，谁愿和谁同居也用不着怕谁的丈夫或妻子来干扰。 可以理解，单身男女圆桌讨论会上常谈的一个话题就是如何避孕。另一个题目是婚姻，而且常常是这样提出问题的：“婚姻本身有什么道理吗·”婚姻不过是60年代中期遭到攻击的许多社会制度之一而已。再没有任何东西被看做是神圣的了。 1966年复活节前一周，《时代》杂志在它的封面上提出一个问题：“上帝死了吗·”于是引起一场神学上的激烈辩论。另外有一条引人注目的张贴在汽车上的标语：“上帝活着，躲藏在阿根廷。”阅读《时代》杂志——或任何其他报刊——的人，在马歇尔·麦克卢汉的《谷登堡谷登堡(1397～1468年)，德印刷工作者，1454年发明活版印刷，是与其他技工合作的结果。 - translator 群星：印刷工作者的成长》(1962年出版)和《了解新闻媒介：人的扩展》(1964年出版)中，被贬为老古董和“正统”。 60年代中期的打倒一切传统观念的活动并不总是有利可图的。拉尔夫·金兹伯格在1962年出版了他的《性爱》；邮局认为该书淫秽，结果他被判处五年徒刑。1964年他出版了《事实》，其中有关于巴里·戈德华特的并非属实的材料，戈德华特提出控诉，最后被判得到7.5万元赔偿费。1967年，金兹伯格发行《先锋》，结果根本无人购买。另一个在一开头谁也没想到，而最后也因此吃亏的是卡修斯·克莱。他在重量级比赛史上以最快的速度，仅仅一分钟便击倒桑尼·利斯顿，取得世界冠军之后，却加入黑色穆斯林，改名为穆罕默德·阿里，以良心不容为理由拒不接受征调入伍，而使一切拳斗迷们都感到莫名其妙，最后，他也和金兹伯格一样，进了监牢。 但在这个变幻莫测的时代，什么人都是会栽跟头的。监护美国核打击力量的战略空军司令部本该是十分谨慎的，而它的一架B-52轰炸机却同一架喷气式运油机相撞，在西班牙水域抛下四枚氢弹，吓坏了美国，更不用提欧洲了。诺曼·梅勒一般人都认为是很懂得怎么写小说的，但1965年，他在十年沉默后发表第一部长篇小说《美国梦》一出版，却遭到了无情的批评。林登·约翰逊据说是为了维护总统的尊严，决意克制一切庸俗的倾向，但他在动过一次手术后，却撩开衬衣让摄影记者拍摄他的伤疤。加利福尼亚主教派教会主教詹姆斯·派克因被控宣扬异端，辞去了主教职务，转而搞招魂术，还写了一本有关的书《阴间世界》，后来在朱迪亚沙漠失踪，被人找到时他已跪着死去。蓓蒂·格拉布尔和哈里·詹姆斯被认为是贝弗利山区最幸福的一对，结婚22年后却在拉斯韦加斯离了婚。 看来，一切事物的外表都全不可信。亚拉巴马人在选举州长时竟投票“选举勒利恩”，以便“让乔治干干”。好斗的黑人把黑人的非法行动归咎于种族间紧张关系，而1964年，在布鲁克林的克朗高地地区的最坚强的法律维护者却是马卡比秘密社团，一个中产阶级黑人保安组织。许多美国人相信进大学是为了多挣钱，这种信念也受了打击。《华尔街日报》就抱怨说，名牌大学的毕业生很少人从事工商业，大都跑到教堂、工会、和平队和一些争取民权的组织中去任职了。甚至连冷战都不是从前的样子。1966年，美国和苏联在莫斯科和纽约之间开辟了直达航线，泛美航空公司和苏联航空公司的飞机，每周往返一次。 1964年，《斯特兰奇洛夫博士》逐渐从舞台上消失，1965年，由代替了它，日瓦戈医生的形象使得大型皮帽、高到大腿根儿的长统靴和长得拖地的大衣变成了风行一时的装束。1965年，呼拉圈已为滑板所代替，它的制造商马上也获利达1亿元；在加利福尼亚州阿纳海姆举行的一次滑板大会，三家广播公司的电视网都进行了实况转播；《滑板季刊》的发行量达到了5万份。接着，另一种轰动一时的玩具超大皮球跳上了舞台，于是那疯狂一时的滑板又消失不见了。这一年自行车又开始行时，而且持续时间颇长；该年销售达六百万辆，长岛铁路的火车还特地为远程上班的乘客预备下了自行车架。 一个美联社记者注意到，1965年，“许多越是过时的东西，越是又变成了时髦的东西。”在许多意想不到的货品中，有人要买有流苏的吊灯和水手装。喇叭裤很快到处流行。一个25岁的商品美术设计师彼得·马克斯预见到会出现“一股重大的青年人的巨浪——要出现一次青年革命”，因此为了欢迎它的来临，他创作了一种幻觉艺术。五年之内，他的装饰画、招贴画和头巾图案等的设计，使他每年收入达二百万元。流行艺术的杰作中，有一种是女人用的腰带，后背部分画着一只极大的眼睛。“丑得出奇”一词开始在语言中出现，人们常用它来形容，如羽毛围巾、沙发垫巾、泡泡糖画片、雪莉·邓波儿的照片以及大西洋城的纪念品等商品。汉弗莱·博加德和琪恩·哈罗主演的电影重新上映，于是姑娘们有一阵又都打扮成哈罗的样子。最叫座的影片有《吉姆爷爷》、《痛苦和狂欢》和两部含义很深的笑剧：《猫咪巴卢》、《有什么新闻，小猫咪·》哈里斯民意测验报道说：“富裕的受过良好教育的美国成年人对电视越来越不感兴趣了。”三个电视广播网似乎全都在极力寻找观众最低级的共同趣味，它们实际上脱不出尼尔森的评价。(“这是不可避免的，”《纽约人》评论说，“它和数学定律一样清楚明白。”)联播节目质量越趋越下的情况对哥伦比亚广播公司来说特别令人痛心，这家公司在爱德华·默罗主持其事的时候曾是颇受知识界观众欢迎的。而现在，在小詹姆斯·奥布里的主持下，却尽播放一些神秘戏剧、乡野喜剧和春宫画片似的场面。 艾德莱·史蒂文森和温斯顿·丘吉尔于1965年相继去世。埃德加·胡佛还活着，还掌管着联邦调查局，但已开始衰老。联邦调查局的统计数字表明，全国犯罪率一年增加11%，而总统的推行法令伸张正义委员会断定，实际犯罪案件的数目可能是报案的三倍。社会上抗议行动成了犯法行为中日益增多的一类。1965年3月24日在密执安大学开始的通宵12小时的反对越南战争宣讲会，是完全合法的，但接着出现的什么裸体会、睡觉会、相爱会就不一定合法了。纽约世界博览会决定在1964年4月22日开幕，争取种族平等大会布鲁克林分会的领导人威胁着要来一次抛锚会——使成千辆汽车因油尽而中途停车——造成交通堵塞，来加以破坏。结果他们竟使参加开幕日的群众从25万左右减少到92646人。最后将近300人被捕，其中有争取种族平等大会的全国负责人詹姆斯·法默。 全国暴力活动的严重性仍然骇人听闻。1966年夏，一个叫理查德·斯佩克的打零工的工人在芝加哥谋杀了八名护士学校的学生。两星期以后，得克萨斯大学优等生查尔斯·惠特曼，爬上该校在奥斯汀的27层高的水塔顶上，向下面过路的行人开枪，打死14人，打伤30人；又过了三个月后，一个18岁的大学生跑进亚利桑那州梅萨市的罗斯-马尔美容学院用手枪打死4个妇女和1个孩子。他对警察说，他是受了芝加哥和奥斯汀的杀人事件的启发。同斯佩克和惠特曼一样，他说他想“出名”。 在思想意识领域内处于两极端的两名议员都出了麻烦。亚当·克莱顿·鲍威尔骂哈莱姆一个寡妇“是警察局的狗腿子”；法院判给她一笔损害赔偿金，但鲍威尔不予理睬，躲离了纽约。康涅狄格州参议员汤姆·多德的同事指责他滥用竞选基金，并在和西德某商行的代理人打交道时受贿。纽约一名警察秘密打入一个企图炸毁自由女神像、自由钟和华盛顿纪念碑的阴谋集团；这些参加阴谋活动的人动机各不相同，从魁北克独立分子、菲德尔·卡斯特罗的崇拜者、黑人权利拥护者直到北越的支持者应有尽有。在纽约，有一家假期换房社，专为愿在假期中交换住房的人办理联系工作；从马萨诸塞州东部一个小城市里第一次传出了年轻夫妇彼此交换配偶的事。一家旅行社登广告组织日本柔道参观团：两周中汗流浃背，只收费1396元。瓦萨大学的萨拉·吉布森·布兰丁校长对她的1450名女生说，她希望她们别再跟人胡搞，否则就离开学校。杰克·瓦伦蒂对一群广告设计师说：“我一天比一天睡得好一些，更有信心一些，因为林登·约翰逊是我的总统。” 达拉斯对杰克·鲁比的审讯于1964年2月17日开庭，3月14日结束，判决有罪。他的律师梅尔文·贝利大声吵嚷说：“这是一个非法的法庭，一个迫害法庭，这一点大家都知道。”鲁比后来于1967年1月3日因癌症死在狱中。参议员威廉·富布赖特发表了一个有关外交政策的重要演说，警告说，除非美国“立即抛弃各种老一套的神话”，他将同政府决裂。教皇保罗六世10月间在纽约待了一天，并在联合国大会上致辞。新任副总统休伯特·汉弗莱看来决心对约翰逊表示绝对忠诚，他模仿阿维斯汽车出租广告的腔调说：“我是第二号人物，我必须更加倍努力。”某些观察家怀疑，获胜的民主党两总统之间是否正在发展着一种以彼此虐待为乐的关系。总统似乎以能羞辱副总统为最开心的事。他对记者说：“小伙子们，我刚才还对休伯特说，他有短处捏在我手里。” 1966年，《音乐之声》成为电影史上最受欢迎的影片之一。人们奔走相告：“你最好相信这全是真的。”电视这时在观众多的钟点，几乎百分之百是彩色节目。两个职业足球联队合并了。《玩偶的山谷》和《逃避审查之道》两书最为畅销。《娱乐酒店》和《妈姆》成了百老汇的热门。戴维·梅里克为“在蒂法尼家早餐”投资50万元，最后完全失败。一家服装公司出售一种可以随手丢掉的纸衣服，一盒只要一两元，穿脏了便可以丢掉。新的男用化妆品中有假睫毛，叫做“经理睫毛”，和一种刮脸后的粉扑——“铜拳”。1966年的夏天，由于航空公司出现有史以来为期最长、代价最高的罢工，使许多旅游者未能成行；五条重要航线停飞了43天。那年秋天，在世界棒球联赛中，躲闪队接连四次输给了巴尔的摩队。加利福尼亚的汽车上出现了一条古怪的标语：玛丽·波平斯贩卖毒品。 60年代中期，劳资纠纷使纽约人有279天看不到报纸。《世界电讯报》、《美国人报》和《纽约先驱论坛报》合并成一家，称为《世界论坛报》(简称Wijit)，出了九个月就停刊了。经过了190年，一种迷信终于完全取消掉两元的纸币；财政部于1966年8月10日停印这种纸币，说是：“公众不愿用它。” 1966年秋季选举是政治上的一个转折点。对黑人区暴乱活动和民权运动示威活动的反感终于结合起来，使白人的强烈反应第一次成为一种强有力的政治力量。加上通货膨胀、利率高涨、抵押贷款短缺、生活费用上涨，这种强烈反应成为共和党候选人的强有力的跳板。乔治·罗姆尼和纳尔逊·洛克菲勒以很大优势重新当选。进入参议院的共和党新人中有田纳西州的霍华德·贝克、马萨诸塞州的爱德华·布鲁克、俄勒冈州的马克·哈特菲尔德和伊利诺伊州的查尔斯·珀西；新的共和党州长中则有加利福尼亚州的罗纳德·里根和马里兰州的斯皮罗·阿格纽。共和党总共在参议院新增了3席，新州长8名，众议院47席，比他们1964年失去的还要多一些。 但到这时，约翰逊对立法问题已经不感兴趣。他越来越一心只顾越南战争，相信它的结局将决定他在历史上的地位。据他的弟弟萨姆·埃利·约翰逊说，他几乎每天夜里3点钟就“从床上爬起来，困乏地穿上晨衣和拖鞋，到白宫地下室的情况汇报室去听取西贡来的最新报告”。 他日益孤立。从肯尼迪到本届政府一直任国防部长的罗伯特·麦克纳马拉已越来越不相信凭轰炸就能使敌人屈膝。麦克纳马拉现在整天想入非非，计划要在越南的中部筑上一道电子屏障以阻止北越的渗透。等到他感到这一计划不行时，他对军事技术的信心也就彻底消失了。白宫在越南问题上的主要顾问不久就成了沃尔特·罗斯托，他同这位躲在白宫的寂寞的战时总统之间的关系，据约翰逊的另一位助手说，“完全和拉斯普金拉斯普金(1871～1916年)，俄国沙皇尼古拉二世宫廷中的有势力的僧侣，曾影响尼古拉二世许多政策的制定。——译者 和受包围的沙皇一样”。保守的90届国会将同罗斯托一起扇动约翰逊干下去，通过巨额的军事拨款法案，使他在越南的泥潭里越陷越深。 到了这时，这一切似乎都是不可避免的了。然而事实并非如此。约翰逊击败戈德华特后，人们对他的赞许是真诚的。全国都支持他，他的目标正是全国人民的目标。那时，对他和对美国人民都显得大有希望，很少人正确地估计到那个“露着屁股的四等小国”(约翰逊有一次曾这样称呼越南)的威胁。可是，总统家里却有人焦虑不安。“我只希望，”约翰逊夫人在1965年年中说过，“外交问题别不断增加。这不是林登式的总统的特长啊。”