Chapter 18 2

Larichev added: "This gang must be destroyed... There is no and cannot be loyal in engineering!" Things, as the state public prosecutor said, it has no backbone, it is absolutely spineless... The sense of smell of the proletariat does not know how many times higher." (Page 509) (I don't know why the main general manager of the proletariat Yes - smell...it's all through the nostrils.) Why should such enthusiasts be killed? ...At first, several main criminals were sentenced to death, but the sentence was immediately changed to ten years. (So ​​Ramzin went off to organize a "saraschka," a paradise island.)

The history of intellectuals in our country has been written in this way for decades-from the excommunication in 192 (readers still remember: "Not the brains of the nation, but dung", "Allies of the black generals", " Hiring Agents of Imperialism") to the Excommunication in 1930. Is it surprising that the term "intellectuals" has become a curse word in our country? This is how open court trials are done!Stalin's thought in exploration has finally reached the ideal state. (Hitler and Gotard are beyond the reach of those half-bottles of vinegar. The congressional arson they set up is a shame for themselves...)

The standard has been set - it can be followed for many years to come, as long as the general director says a word, even if it is repeated every quarter.The chief director's will is to set the next play to start in three months.The rehearsal deadline was tight, but that's okay.Come and see, come and listen!Only this one!Premiere. 13 Menshevik Union Bureau Trial (March-September 1931) Supreme Court special division, the presiding judge was changed to Shvernik for some reason, and the others were in their respective positions--Antonov-Sarato Vsky, Krylenko, his assistant Roginsky.The directors were confident (the material involved was not a technical issue, but a familiar political one)--bringing on stage fourteen defendants.

It all went not only smoothly, but foolishly. I was twelve years old at the time, and for the third year I was carefully reading all the political news in the big Izvestia.I read line by line the shorthand transcripts of the two trials.In the "Industrial Party" case my child's mind already sensed embellishment, falsification, and underhanded arrangements, but at least there was a grand setting—full-scale foreign armed intervention!The paralysis of the entire industry!Assign ministerial positions!In the case of the Mensheviks, however, it was the same sets that hung out, but faded, the actors were slumped in their lines, the scenes were yawningly dull, and the repetitions dull and mediocre. (Could it be that Stalin felt this through his rhinoceros skin? How do you explain the dismissal of the Labor Party case and the absence of a trial for several years?)

If the analysis is based on shorthand records, it may be very boring.But I have fresh testimonials from Mikhail Petrovich Yakubovich, one of the principal indictees of this trial, and at present, his application for reinstatement, which enumerates various cheating methods It has been passed on to our savior - private publications, and people can already read the situation at that time. His request for rehabilitation was denied because the events of their trial had entered the golden annals of our country's history, and not a single stone could be lifted - or the whole edifice would collapse!Yakubovich was given a criminal record, but as a consolation it was decided to grant him a personal specific pension to take care of his revolutionary experience.We're full of wonders here.

His narration shows us with examples the truth about the series of trials in Moscow in the 1930s. How is the non-existent "Alliance Bureau" formed?The OPU had a planned task: to prove that the Mensheviks had infiltrated the state apparatus and seized many important posts with counter-revolutionary aims.The facts did not match this formula: no real Mensheviks held state office, and such people were not involved in the case. (It is said that B.K. Ikov was indeed a member of the silent, do-nothing Menshevik Moscow Bureau—but this was not known at the trial, and he passed the scene as a secondary character, got eight years).The plan of the State Political Security Bureau is to have two from the Supreme Council of National Economy, two from the People's Commissariat of Trade, two from the State Bank, one from the Central Federation of Consumer Cooperatives, and one from the State Planning Commission (what a boring stereotype! In 1920, it was also stipulated that in the "Strategic Center" there must be two members of the "Renewal League", two members of the "Committee of Social Activists", and two members of...).Therefore, the arrest is based on the suitability of the position.As to whether they were really Mensheviks - it was only based on what they heard.Some of the people who were taken in were not Mensheviks at all, but they were ordered to consider themselves Mensheviks.The actual political views of the accused were not at all of interest to the State Political Security Service.Some of the convicted co-accused did not even know each other.The criminals were gathered together, and some Mensheviks were found as witnesses from nowhere (later all the witnesses also inevitably received their own sentences).

Kuzma Gvozdev was one of them, a man with a tragic fate - he served as the chairman of the workers' group of the military-industrial committee, the February Revolution liberated him from the Krest prison, and later made him a laborer minister.Gvozdev became a long-term victim of the Gulag.The Su Committee first arrested him in 1919, but he managed to escape (his family members were under house arrest for a long time, as if in prison, and their children were not allowed to go to school).The arrest warrant was later withdrawn.But in 1928 they were finally arrested, and they stayed there until 1957.When he was released back home that year, he was seriously ill and died soon after.

Lamru also appeared as a witness and gave a laborious, long-winded speech.But the State Political Security Service pinned its hopes on the main accused Vladimir Gustavovich Groman (notorious State Duma activist) and good friend Petunin. Now to introduce Yakubovich.He started to engage in revolutionary activities so early that he didn't even graduate from high school.In March 1917 he was already chairman of the Smolensk Soviet.He was a powerful and successful speaker because of his conviction (which always drove him to something).At the Congress of the Western Front he had the audacity to call the journalists calling for the continuation of the war enemies of the people--this was April 1917!he was almost kicked off the platform, he apologized, but he turned the conversation around and got the audience so firmly in his hands that he got a storm of applause when he called them enemies of the people again at the end of his speech -- and was elected to the delegation sent to the Petrograd Soviet.Due to the simple procedures at that time, he was co-opted to the military committee of the Petrograd Soviet as soon as he arrived there, and he controlled the appointment of the political commissar of the army. Finally, he himself went to the Southwest Front as the political commissar of the army group, and in Vinnitsa. Arrested Denikin (after Kornilov's rebellion), regretted not shooting him on the spot (it was still said at the trial).

Bright-eyed, always sincere, always absorbed in his ideas, true or false, he was a junior in the Menshevik Party, and he was young indeed.However, this did not prevent him from boldly and enthusiastically presenting his own proposals to the leadership, for example: in the spring of 1917 he proposed the formation of a Social Democratic government, and in 1919 he suggested that the Mensheviks join the Communist International (Tang Si et al. people consistently, even arrogantly, rejected his proposals).In July 1917, he was deeply distressed by the fact that the socialist Petrograd Soviet agreed to the provisional government's call in troops against the other socialists (although they had taken up arms) and considered it a fatal mistake.Immediately after the October Revolution, Yakubovich advised his party to fully support the Bolsheviks and use their participation and influence to improve the state system they were building.He finally fell under Martov's curse, and in 1920, convinced of his powerlessness to turn them over to the Bolshevik way, he finally withdrew from the Mensheviks.

The reason why I say this at length is to show that Yakubovich was not a Menshevik, but a Bolshevik throughout the revolution, the most sincere and utterly disinterested Bolshevik.In 1920 he also served as a grain commissar of the Smolosk Province (the only one among them who was not a Bolshevik), and even the People's Commissariat of Grain issued a circular commending him as an excellent grain commissar (he now assures that he did not use Punishment team; I don't know if it's true or not; he mentioned in court that there was a stopper team).In the twenties he edited the "Commerce" and held other prominent positions.When in 1930, according to the program of the Political Security Bureau, it was necessary to gather a group of such "Mensheviks who had mixed in" - he was also arrested.

Like everyone else, Yakubovich was handed over to a group of butcher-scouts, who used the whole package on him—a cold brig, and a hot, airtight brig.And beating the genitals.They were tortured to such an extent that Yakubovich and his co-accused Allram Ginzburg cut their veins in desperation.After recovery, they will not be sentenced to death, nor will they be beaten, but they will not be allowed to sleep for two weeks (Jakubovich said: "As long as I can sleep! No conscience, no reputation, no more... ") and face-to-face confrontation with other people who have surrendered, and they also push you to confess your guilt, and push you to talk nonsense.Even the investigator himself (Alexey Alexeyevich Naschedkin) said: "I know, I know there is no such thing! But they want us to get the material!" On one occasion, Yakubovich was called by investigators, where he met a tortured prisoner.The investigator sneered and said, "This Moses Isaevich Jegiribaum asks you to accept him to join your anti-Soviet organization. You two can talk casually, and I will leave for the time being." After speaking, he left .Tegiribaum really begged: "Comrade Yakubovich! I beg you, please accept me into your Menshevik Union Bureau. They accused me of accepting bribes from foreign companies and threatened to shoot me. But I would rather be A counter-revolutionary, I don’t want to die as a criminal!” (Maybe he was promised not to kill him if he became a counter-revolutionary? He was not fooled: the result was a kindergarten sentence-five years.) How short the State Political Security Bureau is on hand Mensheviks, you have to recruit defendants from among volunteers... (Know that an important role is waiting for Tegiribaum!--connected with Mensheviks abroad and with the Second International! But it is agreed--only five years, Words keep their promises.) With the approval of the scouts, Yakubovich accepted Jegiribaum to join the Union Bureau. Some of those that I did not request were also "listed".Rubin for example.He successfully denied this when confronted with Yakubovich.Later he was tortured for a long time in the Suzdal isolation center, "supplementary investigation".There he met Yakubovich and Scheer in a cell who had grabbed him (when he came back from the confinement cell, they always took care of him and gave him food).Rubin asked Yakubovich: "How did you figure out that I was a member of the Union Bureau?" Yakubovich replied (a wonderful answer, covering a whole century of Russian intellectuals): "The whole people suffering—we intellectuals should also suffer.” But there was also such an inspiring moment during Yakubovich's investigation: Krylenko himself sent him for interrogation.It turned out that they knew each other very well, because Krylenko also went to Smolensk province (in the intervals between trial work) to strengthen food work during the "military communism" years.Even shared a room with Yakubovich.Now see what Krylenko says: "Mikhail Petrovich, I say frankly that I think you are a Communist!--this cheers Yakubovich and straightens up--I do not doubt your innocence. But It is my and your party's duty to make this trial a success. (Krylenko was ordered by Stalin, but Yakubovich's heart beat violently for ideas, like a hard-working horse Like a horse, I was eager to put my head into the bag.) Please do everything possible to assist and cooperate with the investigation. If there is any unforeseen trouble in court, I will ask the presiding judge to let you speak at the most complicated moment." ! ! ! Yakubovich agreed.He obligingly agreed.Perhaps the Soviet regime had not given him such a major task during his entire tenure. A few days before the trial, the first organizational meeting of the Menshevik Union Bureau was held in the office of the head of the investigative team Dmitry Matveyevich Dmitriev: the purpose was to coordinate so that everyone Get a better grasp of your own role. (This is how the Central Committee of the "Industrial Party" met! This is where Krylenko said that he could "meet" the incomprehensible defendants.) But there were too many and too many lies that were not easy to swallow, and the participants at the meeting The participants were all confused, and they couldn't get used to it after one rehearsal, so a second rehearsal was held. With what emotion did Yakubovich appear before the court?Is it for the pain, for all the lies stuffed into his chest -- for a world-shattering scandal in court?but: 1.This will be a blow to the Soviet regime from behind!It would be a denial of Yakubovich's whole aim in life, of his whole path from false Menshevism to correct Bolshevism; 2.After such a big scandal, you will not be let to die, you will not simply be shot, but the torture will be repeated, this time already for revenge, will drive you crazy, and the body is already tortured Tormented.To meet new torments - where to find spiritual support?Where can one find courage? (I recorded these arguments of his before he finished speaking--this is an extremely rare opportunity to get a kind of "behind the scenes" confession from a party to such a trial. I also think that if Bukharin or Rykov explained to us the reasons for the incomprehensible obedience he displayed in court, and it would be the same: the same sincerity, the same loyalty to the party, the same human weakness, the same lack of a separate stand. Lack of spiritual support to fight.) Thus, at the trial, Yakubovich did not just meekly repeat the tedious repetition of lies (as far as the imagination of Stalin, his protégés, and the tortured interrogates could go) ), but also played the passionate role he had promised Krylenko. The so-called foreign delegation of the Mensheviks (essentially the entire supreme leadership of their Central Committee) published in Voryod a statement that drew a line between themselves and the accused.It was, they wrote, a most scandalous comedy of trials, based on false confessions by spies and confessions made under terror by hapless defendants; Nor was the relationship restored; there was a comical mention of huge sums of money at the trial - the whole party had never had so much money. After Krylenko had read the article, he asked Shvernik to let the interrogator express his opinion (again pulling all the threads at once, as in the "Industrial Party" case).So everyone commented.Everyone defended the practice of the Political Security Bureau against the Menshevik Center... Now, what does Yakubovich say when he recalls his "answer" and his final statement?He said that he did not speak out simply because he had agreed to Krylenko's request, he said that he did not stand up at random, but was swept up like a splinter in a torrent of resentment and eloquence of.Who is it?He has experienced torture, cut his veins, and died many times, and now he is really full of anger-but not against the chief prosecutor!Not to the State Political Security Bureau! --no!But to foreign delegations! ! !This is the opposite change of psychology!They lived a safe and comfortable life abroad (even the poorest exile was certainly comfortable compared to Lubinka's), with no regard for conscience, only for themselves—how could there be no sympathy for these people who remained at home?How can such a brazen declaration of disassociation and leave these unfortunate people to the mercy of their fate? (Answered so forcefully that the organizers of the trial were elated.) When Jakubovich spoke of this in 1967, he also addressed foreign delegations, betrayed them, declared dissociation, betrayed the socialist revolution (as he had denounced in 1917 They do) trembling with rage. At the time, however, we had no shorthand record of the trial.After a while I got it: he clearly said at the trial with great eloquence that the foreign delegations were entrusted by the Second International with instructions to carry out murderous activities to them - and to them also with great eloquence indignation.The statements written by the Mensheviks abroad are not unconscionable and self-absorbed, they express sympathy for the unfortunate victims of the trial, but at the same time point out that these people are no longer Mensheviks - and this is also true.Why was Yakubovich so obstinately and sincerely angry?How can the Mensheviks abroad not subject the accused to the whims of their fate? We like to lose our temper at those who cannot answer, those who are weaker.This is inherent in human beings.At such times, the arguments that justify us will flexibly come together themselves. Krylenko stated in his indictment that Yakubovich was a fanatic of counter-revolutionary ideas and therefore demanded that he be sentenced to be shot! Yakubovich not only burst into tears of gratitude that day, but to this day, after spending time in many labor camps and prisons, thanks Krylenko for not belittling him, not insulting him, not laughing at him, And rightly call him a fanatic (albeit a fanatic of opposing ideas) and demand that he be given a clean, noble execution that ends all suffering!Yakubovich himself agrees in his final statement: the crime I confessed to (he gave great significance to this successful expression "what I confessed". Those who understand should understand: I did not commit) the crime deserves capital punishment - so I ask no forgiveness!Don't ask for my life! (Groman sitting next to him became anxious: "You are crazy! You have no such right in front of comrades!") Yes, isn't this a rare discovery for the procuratorate? Haven't the trials of 1936-1938 been explained? Didn't Stalin come to understand and believe through this trial that he too was perfectly capable of rounding up his arch-talkative enemies in a bullpen, that he could just as well organize them into such a drama? Forgive me, gentle readers!So far my pen has not trembled and my heart has not contracted. We are gliding nonchalantly, because in the past fifteen years we have been under the reliable protection of either the legal revolution or the revolutionary legal system.But in the future we will feel sad: readers will remember that starting with Khrushchev, he has explained to us dozens of times: "The destruction of Lenin's legal norms generally began in 1934." How do we now enter this abyss where the rule of law is gone?How do we get through a painful deep water area? These subsequent trials, however, were conducted with worldwide attention due to the prominence of the names of the persons being tried.People's attention to these cases has lasted for a long time. Many books have been written and many analyzes have been done and will be analyzed in the future.And we touch on their enigma just a little bit. A caveat, though only a few words: the published shorthand report did not exactly match what was said at the trial.A writer who attended the trial as one of the selected audience and made quick notes on the spot later confirmed the discrepancy mentioned above.All the journalists also noticed the jam that had happened to Kleszinsky, when he had to be called off in order to put him on the track of the prescribed confession (I think of it this way: a kind of accident report was drawn up before the trial: The first column - the name of the defendant, the second column - what measures were taken during the break if the line was left in court, the third column - the name of the Cheka officer responsible for the measures. If Kleszinsky suddenly After walking the board, it is clear in advance who should run to him and what to do). "But the inaccuracy of shorthand records does not alter or detract from the whole picture. The whole world saw three plays in succession, three plays on a grand scale and at great expense, in which the whole world was once The fearless and fearless leaders of the Communist Party, which turned the world upside down and panicked, appeared as dejected and obedient goats. They shouted whatever they were ordered to call, and they poured dirt on themselves Throwing up, humbly humiliating yourself and your beliefs, confessing to a crime you never could have committed anyway. This is unprecedented in the history of human memory.This is particularly shocking in comparison with the recent trial of Dimitrov in Leipzig: Dimitrov answered the Nazi judges like a roaring lion, and here he belonged to a whole world Comrades from the trembling Iron Brigade, some of the biggest of whom were once dubbed "Lenin's Guards", now appear before the courts, doused in their own piss. While many things seem to have been explained since that time (Artur Kessler has done it particularly successfully) - the mystery about them is still widely circulated. Someone wrote of Tibetan drugs that would incapacitate a person, someone else of hypnotism.When explaining the problem, don't think that this is an unimportant factor.If the NKVD has such means at its disposal, what moral code can prevent them from employing them?Why don't they weaken and confuse people's will?It is known that in the twenties some of the great hypnotists gave up their touring activities and went to work in the State Political Guard.It is a well-established fact that there was a hypnotism school under the NKVD in the 1930s.Kamenev's wife was allowed to meet with her husband before the trial and found him in a stuporized, involuntary state (she had time to tell this before she was arrested). But why were neither Palchinsky nor Khrennikov destroyed by Tibetan drugs or hypnotism? No, this must be explained from a higher, psychological point of view. People were especially puzzled because these were old revolutionaries who had never trembled in the tsar's torture chambers, fighters who had been tempered, tortured, and beaten. But there is a simple mistake here.These were not the old revolutionaries whose reputation they had inherited, their neighbourhood, the Narodniks, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Anarchists.Those people—bomb throwers and plotters have seen hard labor, and know what a real prison sentence is—only they have never seen a truly ruthless investigation in their lives (because such investigations have never existed in Russia).But this group of people has neither tasted the taste of investigation nor knows what a sentence is.The Bolsheviks have never experienced any special "torture chamber", any Sakhalin Island, or any special Yakutia hard labor.It is said that Dzerzhinsky suffered more than anyone else, and that he spent his whole life in prison.By our standards, he served the normal ten-year sentence and received an ordinary "ten-dollar note," which any collective farmer could have gotten in our time; It is not uncommon for three of these ten years to be in the central hard labor prison. The party leaders brought out to us during the trials of 1936-1938 had only a short period of easy imprisonment and a short period of exile in their revolutionary experience, and they did not even smell the smell of hard labor. Pass.Bukharin was arrested several times for a short period of time, but it was almost a joke; it seems that he did not spend a year in a row anywhere, and only stayed in Onega's exile for a while.Kamenev had been engaged in propaganda and agitation work for a long time, and had traveled between cities in Russia, but he only served two years in prison and one and a half years in exile.Now we give a sixteen-year-old child a five-year sentence.Zinoviev, it's ridiculous to say that he hasn't squatted for three months!There has never been a single criminal sentence!Compared with the common natives of our "islands", they are puppies.They had never seen a prison, and Rykov and H. N. Smirnov were arrested several times and served five years each, but somehow their prison life was easy, and they were able to escape from all places of exile. Escape without difficulty, or just in time.Amnesty.Before Lubinka they had no idea of ​​a real prison and the pincers of unjust investigation. (Nor is there any basis for assuming that if Trotsky had fallen into this iron clamp--he would have behaved less subduedly, his bones would have been harder than others: he had no reason to be so. He had only been through a few An easy inspection without any serious investigations, in addition to Uster-Kutt's two-year exile. Trotsky's formidable reputation as chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council was cheaply earned. Doesn't show real toughness: a man who doesn't bat an eye when he orders someone to be shot is weaker than anyone else when he dies! These two toughnesses are two completely different things.) Radek is a good spy of the authorities ( He was not alone in this role in all three trials!), Yagoda was a criminal through and through. (This murderer of millions cannot imagine that the supreme murderer above him will not find a sense of shared responsibility in his own heart at the last moment. Had Stalin been sitting in this hall, Yagoda would have confidently and resolutely directed Ask him for forgiveness: "I beg you! I built two grand canals for you!..." According to those present, at this moment, in the room behind a small window on the second floor of the hall, it seems that there is a A layer of tulle, dim light, someone struck a match, and when it was lit, it showed the shadow of a pipe—has anyone ever been to Bakhchisalay" and remembered this oriental trick?- -In the State Council Hall, at the height of the second floor there is a row of windows nailed with tin sheets with small holes, and behind the windows is an unlit corridor. Never guess from the hall; whether someone There. Khan is invisible, and the State Council seems to be held in his presence forever. Judging by Stalin's thoroughly oriental character, I believe he must have observed the performance in the "October Hall" Comedy. I can't imagine him giving up watching the spectacle, giving up the enjoyment.) Know that all our confusion has nothing to do with believing that these people are extraordinary.When we read the transcripts of ordinary trials of ordinary citizens, we will not be puzzled and ask questions: Why did these people say so many false accusations about themselves and others? --We think this is understandable: people are weak, and people will not be able to withstand it.And Bukharin, Linoviev, Kamenev, Pyatakov, Smirnov, etc., we presuppose that they are supermen—our perplexity is essentially due to this alone. Admittedly, this time, it seems more difficult for the directors of the play to choose the actors to appear on the stage than in previous cases of engineers: At that time, they could choose from forty large barrels, but this time there is only a small troupe, and the main actors are familiar to everyone. The audience wants to be played by them. But there is still a choice after all!Those who were most farsighted and decisive among those who were not spared - they did not get caught, they killed themselves before being arrested (Skrepnik, Tomsky, Gamarnik).Those who are caught are those who want to live.And those who want to live can be manipulated at will! ... But some of them behaved differently when they were investigated. They came to their senses, resisted, and died quietly, but at last they did not suffer disgrace.It’s not without reason that Luzutak, Postishev, Yenukidze, Chubal, Kossiol, and that Krylian technology were not brought out for public trial, although their names can definitely color those trials grace. The most obedient ones are brought to court!After all, there is still a choice. The selection is made in a small area, but Director Beard knows everyone well.He knew them generally to be weaklings, and to the individual weaknesses of each of them.This is exactly his ghastly extraordinaryness, which is the main psychological trend and achievement of his life: to see through the weaknesses in people's foundations. Of all the party leaders who ended up in disgrace, the one who, after a long period of time, now appears to be the most intelligent and clear-headed is Bukharin. (Kessler's very talented research work is obviously dedicated to him.) Stalin also had a clear understanding of this man's old background, that is, the part that connects man with the world.He held this person tightly in his palm for a long time, even like playing with a little mouse, trying to catch him and making fun of him.Bukharin wrote our current (non-implemented) beautiful-sounding constitution word for word--at this moment he was floating like a cloud, thinking that he had won Koba's "round: gave him a dictatorship The constitution has been softened, but he has already fallen into the tiger's mouth. Bukharin did not like Kamenev and Zinoviev.As early as in their first trial after Kirov's assassination, Bukharin had said to those close to him: "So what? Such people are hard to tell. Maybe there is something ..." (those days The classic formula of the philistines: "Probably something is wrong... We don't lock people here for no reason." This is what the Party's No. 1 ideologue said in 1935!  …) When Kamenev and Zinoviev were tried for the second time in the summer of 1936, he was hunting in the Tianshan Mountains and knew nothing.When I came down to Frunze - I read the verdicts and newspaper articles that sentenced them both to be shot, and it can be seen from them what a devastating confession they had made to Bukharin.Did he rush to stop this persecution?Has he appealed to the party about the appalling events taking place?No, just sent a telegram to Koba: Please postpone the execution of Kamenev and Zinoviev so that ... Bukharin can confront and defend himself. It's too late, it's enough for Koba to have the transcript, what else does he need to confront the living? However, Bukharin was not arrested for a long time.He lost Izvestia, lost any activity, lost any position in the party—lived half a year like a prison in his Kremlin residence (Peter the Great’s Pleasure Palace) But - the Kremlin guards saluted him as usual).No one has visited him, and no one has called him.In the past few months, he kept writing letters: "Dear Koba!...Dear Koba!..." But it was like a stone sinking into the ocean, without any reply. He was still seeking a heart-to-heart contact with Stalin. And dear Koba, squinting his eyes, is already rehearsing... Koba has been experimenting with roles for years, and he knows that Bukharchik "will play his part very well. You see, He has renounced relations with his imprisoned and exiled students and followers (although few in number), and tolerated their destruction. He has endured the crushing and insulting of his ideological line that has not yet really emerged and matured. And now, although he remains editor-in-chief of Izvestia and a member of the Politburo, he accepts the shooting of Kamenev and Zinoviev as a legal matter. Whispered indignation. These things were a test of his original role! Even earlier, a long time ago, Stalin threatened to expel him (at various times he threatened them all!) from the party - Bukharin (and all of them!) renounced his views, But ask to stay in the party!This is also a test of the role!If they had behaved this way when they were still free, at the height of their honor and power - then when their bodies, their food and their sleep were in the hands of Lubinka's prompters, they必定会准确无误地照本宣读台词的。 在这些逮捕前的月份里布哈林最怕的是什么呢？人们确凿地知道他怕的是：被开除出党！失去党！活下来，但在党外！亲爱的科巴自从把自己变成了党的时候起，就出色地利用了他的（他们大家的！）这个特点。布哈林（他们大家！）没有自己的单独的观点，他们没有自己可以独树一帜和站定脚跟的真正反对派的思想体系。斯大林在他们成为反对派之前就宣布他们是反对派，这就使他们失去了任何威力。而他们的全部努力都是为了求得留在党内。并且不作损害党的事情。 要成为一个独立的人必须具备的条件太多了！ 分派给布哈林的实质上是一个领头的角色--因此导演对他的指导、排练时间和他自己深入角色等方面，都不应有丝毫草率和疏忽。连去年冬天派他到欧洲去商购马克思的手稿，也是属于这种准备工作。不仅为了罗织他里通外国的罪状需要这样一个表面的事实，而且让他在外面漫无目的地自由地乱跑，就更明确地预示着他该回来在主要舞台上登场。现在，凶险罪名的乌云压在头顶--长时间的、看不到头的不逮捕，憋在家里受煎熬--这比卢宾卡的直接压力更能摧毁牺牲者的意志（当然卢宾卡他是躲不掉的，在那里也得呆一年）。 有一次，布哈林被卡冈诺维奇叫去，当着一些高级契卡人员的面，让他同索科尔尼科夫进行对质。索科尔尼科夫供出了"平行的右派中心"（即与托洛茨基中心平行的）、布哈林的地下活动。卡冈诺维奇口气强硬地进行了审讯，然后让人把索科尔尼科夫带走，亲热地对布哈林说："尽是瞎扯淡，妈的……！" 然而，报纸上继续刊登群众的愤怒呼声。布哈林给中央打电话。布哈林写信："亲爱的科巴！……"--他请求公开撤销对他的指控。于是登出来检察机关的一项含混的声明："没有找到客观的证据足以对布哈林提出控诉。" 拉迪克秋天给他打电话，希望见面。布哈林推托了：我们两人都是被点名的，为什么要招来新的嫌疑呢？但他们的《消息报》别墅紧挨着，一天晚上拉迪克自己走来说："不管我以后说些什么，你要知道，我根本没有什么罪。不过--你能保住：你同托洛茨基分子又没有什么联系。" 布哈林也相信自己会保住，不会把他开除出党--否则太不像话了！对托洛茨基分子他确实始终是抱恶感的：瞧，那些人把自己置身于党之外--结果怎样呢！应当抱在一起，要犯错误--也犯在一起。 在十月革命节游行时（这是布哈林与红场的告别），他带着老婆凭编辑部的通行证走上来宾观礼台。突然--一个武装的红军战士向他们走来。It's over! ，--就在这里？就在这样的时刻？ ……不，红军战士举手敬礼说："斯大林同志奇怪您为什么在这里？他请您上列宁陵墓站到您的位置上去。" 整个半年就是这样把他从热到冷从冷到热地抛来抛去。十二月五日欢欣鼓舞地通过了布哈林的宪法，并把它千秋万代地命名为斯大林宪法。在十二月的中央全会上，打掉了牙的、已经面目全非的皮达可夫被押到会场上来。他的身后站立着一些一言不发的契卡人员（雅戈达的人。须知雅戈达这时也正在受审查，也正在准备扮演一个角色）。皮达可夫当场对坐在领袖们中间的布哈林和李可夫作了最卑鄙无耻的咬供。奥尔忠尼启则把手掌放到耳朵分（他没有完全听明白）："请你说，所有这些供述都是你自愿作一出的吗？"（记下来了！奥尔忠尼启则也得到了一颗子弹）皮达可夫摇晃着身子说："完全自愿。"李可夫在休息时跟布哈林说："瞧托姆斯基多有勇气，八月份就明白了，自杀了。而你我这些傻瓜，还活下来。" 这时，卡冈诺维奇（他本来愿意相信布哈尔奇克没有问题！--但在事实面前……）、莫洛托夫起来发言，怒气冲冲，充满咒骂。而斯大林！--多么宽大的胸怀！多么不忘旧情！--"不管怎么样，我还是认为布哈林的罪是没有得到证实的。李可夫也许是有罪的，但不是布哈林。"（这是别人背着他加给布哈林的罪名。） 一会儿冷，一会儿热。意志就这样软化了。失意英雄的角色就这样练熟了。 这时，开始不断地把审讯笔录送上门来：审讯红色教授学院先前的青年们的笔录，审讯拉迪克的笔录，以及审讯所有其他人的笔录，--所有这些笔录都对布哈林的凶恶背叛提供了最严重的证据。给他往家里送材料并不是把他看成被告，噢，不是的！--而是作为中央委员，仅供他了解情况…… 布哈林收到新材料，常对这年春天刚给他生下一个儿子的二十二岁的妻子说："你读吧，我读不下去！"--自己就把脑袋理到了枕头里。他家里有两支手枪（斯大林也给了他时间！）--但他没有自杀。 难道他没有练熟分派给他的角色？ ... 又过了一次公开的审判--又枪毙了一批人……而对布哈林仍是手下留情，仍是没有抓布哈林…… 在一九三七年二月初，他决定宣布家中绝食--要求中央澄清问题并撤销对他的指控。绝食是他在写给亲爱的科巴的信中宣布的--并且诚实地坚持着。那时便通知召开一次中央全会，日程是：1．关于"右派中心"的罪行。 2.关干布哈林同志表现在绝食上的反党行为。 布哈林这时动摇起来：也许他真的做了什么有辱于党的事情？……他胡子拉碴，面容憔悴，外表也已经象个囚犯，步履艰难地来到中央全会的会场。亲爱的科巴热情地问道："你想出了个什么名堂呀？""那该怎么办呢？已经有了这么大的罪名。他们想开除我的党籍……"斯大林听说有这等荒唐事体而皱起了眉头；"谁也不会开除你的党籍！" 于是布哈林就相信了，又活跃了起来，心甘情愿地在全会面前表示悔过，当即取消了绝食。（在家里："喂，给我切一段腊肠！科巴说了--不会把我开除。"）但在全会的进程中，卡冈诺维奇和莫洛托夫（可真放肆！胆敢不尊重斯大林的意见！）骂布哈林是法西斯的爪牙，要求枪毙。 布哈林又泄气了，在自己最后的日子里开始撰写"致未来的中央的一封信"。全靠有人背熟了才保存下来的这封信，不久前已经向全世界公布。然而它并没有引起全世界的震惊。（以及"未来的中央"的震惊。致信的对象可谓高矣！--中央，没有比它更高的道德权威了。）因为这个敏锐的出色的理论家在自己的最后的话里决定留给后代的是什么呢？是要求恢复他党籍的又一次哀号（他为这种忠贞付出了昂贵的耻辱的代价！）。是完全赞同一九三七年和三七年以前的全部事件的又一次保证。那就是说，不仅赞同以前各次冤狱，而且也赞同我们伟大的监狱下水道的各股散发出恶臭的水流！ 他这就等于签名画押，承认自己也应该淹进去。 最后，他这个筋肉强健的人、猎人和角力土（在闹着玩的角力中，在中央委员们的目睹下，他曾好几次把科巴摔倒在地！--对此，大概科巴也是不能原谅他的）。他已经完全成熟到可以移交给提词人和助理导演了。 他已经准备好到这样的程度，被摧毁到这样的程度，以至对他已经不需要采用刑讯了--他的立场比之雅库博维奇在一九三一年的立场有什么地方较强一些呢？他有什么地方不受那两个论据的支配呢？他甚至还要弱一些，因为雅库博维奇渴求的是死亡，而布哈林却害怕死亡。 只剩下按下列公式同维辛斯基进行一次不难的对话了： --对党采取任何反对派立场就是反党斗争，对不对？ --一般说--是的。实际上--是的。 --但是反党斗争必然会演变为反党战争。 --按照事物的逻辑--是的。 --那就是说有了反对派的信念，任何卑鄙的反党活动归根结底都可能干得出来（暗杀、进行间谍活动、出卖祖国）？ --但是对不起，这种事情并没有干出来。 --们早可能把？ --理论上说嘛……（须知是理论家呀！……）--但对你说来最高利益依然是党的利益吧？ --是，当然，当然！ --那么只剩下很小的分歧了：应当使可能性变为现实性，为了使今后任何反对派的思想声誉扫地，应当把只是理论上可能做出来的事情承认早已经做了的。不是可能做出来吗？ -一可能……--那就应当把可能的承认为现实的，仅此而已。小小的哲学上的转化。Finished? ……还要说一句，我看无须向你解释：现在如果你在法庭上又缩回去，说出些别的--你要明白，你只会有利于世界资产阶级，只会损害党。而且，不用说，那时也不会让你死得舒服。如果一切摘得好--我们当然会让你活下来：秘密地把你送到基督山岛去，你可以在那里致力于社会主义经济学的研究--但是，过去的那几次审判，你们好像是把人枪毙掉的？ --咳，你拿谁比呀--他们和你是两码事！再者，我们留下了好多人的命，只是报上说枪毙。 这样也许本来就没有什么难解的谜吧？ 同样是那支在过去的审判中奏过多少遍的曲调，只是稍加变奏而已；要知道我们与你--都是共产党人！你怎能听信了别人的话--出来反对我们呢？Repent!要知道你与我们在一起-一这就是我们！ 一种历史观正慢慢地在社会里成熟着。而一旦它成熟了--将却会是那么简单。无论在一九二二年，无论在一九二四年，也无论在一九三七年，被告都还未能形成这样一种牢固观点，足以支持他冲着这支使人迷惑和僵冷的曲调昂首喊出： --不，我们不是和你们在一起的革命者！……我们不是和你们在一起的俄国人！……我们不是和你们在一起的共产党人！ 好像是，只需要喊出这么一声--布景便会塌散，厚厚的一层化装便会脱落，导演便会从暗梯逃跑，提词人也会纷纷乱钻到老鼠洞里去。而外面的气候将会是--六十年代！ 但是，就连演得很成功的戏，也是十分劳民伤财的。于是斯大林决定不再利用公开审判了。 准确些说，为了让群众看清反对派的凶恶灵魂，斯大林在一九三七年曾经拉开过一个在区一级普遍开展公开审判的架势。但是找不到好导演，没有力量做这么周详的准备，况且被告们本身也没有多大意思--一结果弄得斯大林左右为难。只是知道这个内情的人很少。几次审判失败了-一整个这件事也就作罢了。 恰好在这史可以介绍一下一次这类审判的经过，说的是卡德案件。这个案子的详细报告当时在伊万诺沃省报上已经登了一个开头。 一九三四年底，伊万诺沃省和科斯特罗马省及下诺夫戈罗德省交界的一个遥远荒凉的地方，建立了一个新区，古老宁静的卡德村便成了区中心。新成立的领导班子是从各地调来的，彼此在卡德才认识。他们看到的是一片景象凄凉的穷乡僻壤，它需要得到资金、机器的支援与生产事业的合理经营，然而相反，它却被粮食采购压得气息奄奄。区委第一书记费多尔?伊万诺维奇?斯米尔诺夫是一个具有强烈正义感的人，区地政科长斯塔夫罗夫是一个祖祖辈辈的庄稼汉，出身于"集约"农民，就是那些在二十年代根据科学原理经营产业的勤恳而又有知识的农民。（这种经营方法当时曾受到苏维埃政权的鼓励；当时还没有决定把这些集约农民铲除掉。）由于斯塔夫罗夫已经入了党，他在清算富农时没有丧命（也许自己就去清算过富农？）。他们企图在新的地方为农民做点事情，但各种指示从上面滚滚而来，每一项都跟他们的创举做对；那里，在上面，好像故意发明一些办法来使庄稼人日子过得更悲惨。有一次卡德区的领导人往省里打了一份报告，说明必须降低粮食采购计划--现有计划区里不能完成，否则会使贫困化超出危险的极限。只要回想一下三十年代的局面（只是三十年代吗？）就可以掂量得出来这是一个对计划的多么大不敬的举动和对政权的造反行为。但是依照当时的作法，并没有由上头采取正面的措施，而是发挥地方上的主动，当斯米尔诺夫去休假的时候，他的副手第二书记瓦西里?费多罗维奇?罗曼诺夫在区委会上作了一项这样的决议："如果不是托洛茨基分子斯塔夫罗夫的干扰，区的成绩将会更加出色（？）"。开始办起了斯塔夫罗夫的"专案"（做法很有意思：区别处理！对斯米尔诺夫先吓唬吓唬，使之中立，逼他靠边，然后再去搞他--这正是具体而微的斯大林在中央的策略）。然而，在争论激烈的党的会议上查明，说斯塔夫罗夫是托洛茨基分子，就如同说他是罗马的耶稣会教士。区消费合作社主任瓦西里?格里尤利耶维奇?弗拉索夫，一个偶尔受过一点零星的教育、具有那种俄国人身上令人惊奇的独特才能的人，他是一个自学出来的合作社事业家，善于辞令，在辩论中能随机应变，凡是他认为正确的事情，他能为之争得面红耳赤，他说服党的会议应当把区委第二书记罗曼诺夫因进行诽谤而开除出党！罗曼诺夫真地受到了警告处分！罗曼诺夫的最后发言对于他这类人很有代表性，也充分反映出他们对总形势的信心："虽然这里证明斯塔夫罗夫不是个托洛茨基分子，但是，我相信他是个托洛茨基分子。党会查清楚的，对我受的警告处分也会弄清楚的。"党果然查清楚了：区内务机关几乎是立即就逮捕了斯塔夫罗夫，过了一个月又逮捕了区执委会主席爱沙尼亚人乌尼魏尔--罗曼诺夫接替他成了区执委会主席。斯塔夫罗夫被押到了省内务机关，在那里他招认：他是个托洛茨基分子；他一生与社会革命党人结成联盟；他在自己的区里是地下右派组织的成员（也是无愧于那个时代的一条罪状，所缺少的就是同协约国的直接联系了）。也许他并没有招认，但其中实情永不会有人知道，因为他已经死于伊万诺沃内监里的刑讯。而一页页的笔录都已写好。不久，假想中的右派组织的头头区委书记斯米尔诺夫、区财政科长萨布罗夫还有其他的人也被逮捕。 令人颇感兴趣的是，弗拉索夫的命运是怎样决定的。他不久前曾号召把新的区执委会主席清除出党。我们已经写过（第四章），他曾致命地得罪了区检察长鲁索夫。他曾坚持不让把自己手下两个善于经营的有才识的但社会出身有污点的合作社干部（弗拉索夫总是任用各种"过去的人"--他们熟悉业务，并且工作努力；而那些无产阶级出身的新提拔起来的人，则什么也不会干，而主要的是什么也不想干）以假造的暗害活动罪名逮捕入狱，因而得罪了区内务科长克雷洛夫。尽管如此，内务机关还是愿意同合作社和解！区内务科副科长索罗金亲自来到区消费合作社向弗拉索夫建议：免费给内务机关（"以后随便想个办法注销掉"）价值七百卢布的布匹（贪小便宜的人！但对手弗拉索夫来说，这是两个月的工资，非法的东西他是分毫不取的）。"要是不给--你要后悔的。"弗拉索夫赶走了他："你怎敢向我，一个共产党员，建议干这种交易！"第二天，克雷洛夫已经作为区委的代表出现在区消费合作社（这种假面舞会及所有这类小手段是一九三七年的灵魂！）并吩咐召开党员大会，议程是："关于斯米尔诺夫一乌尼魏尔在消费合作社的暗害活动"，报告人--弗拉索夫同志。每一步都是绝妙的高招！暂时谁也没有点弗拉索夫的名！但只要他说上两句关于前区委书记在他弗拉索夫这个部门里的暗害活动的话，内务机关就可以插话："当时你在什么地方呢？为什么你没有及时到我们这里来报告？"在这种情势下许多人就会不知所措而掉进陷阱。但弗拉索夫不是这样的人！他立即回答说："我不作报告！让克雷洛夫当报告人吧--因为斯米尔诺夫和乌尼魏尔是他逮捕的，他们的案子是他处理的！"克雷洛夫拒绝说："我不了解情况。"弗拉索夫说："如果连你都不了解情况--那就是说他们被捕是没有根据的！"这样，大会干脆就没有开成。但人们是否经常敢于进行自卫呢？（同日晚上很晚的时候区消费合作社的会计主任T某和副主任H某走进弗拉索夫的办公室，拿给他一万卢布："瓦西里?格里戈利耶维奇！今天夜里逃走吧，必须在今天夜里，否则你就完了！"但弗拉索夫认为，逃跑是与共产党员不相称的。我们如果不提一下这件事，三七年的情势将是不完整的，我们就会忽略掉还有一些坚强的人和坚强的决心。）次日早晨，区报上出现了一篇关于区消费合作社工作的措词严厉的小评论（应当说，在三七年报刊总是同内务机关携手合作的），傍晚时候，通知弗拉索夫到区委报告工作（每一个步骤--都是全苏联的型式！）。 这是一九三七年，是莫斯科和其他大城市里Mikojan－pros－perity（米高扬繁荣）的第二个年头，现在有时可以读到一些记者和作家的回忆，说那时就已经达到了丰衣足食。这已经写入了历史，并且大有冒险在那里永远留下去之势。但是，在一九三六年十一月，即废除粮食配给制后两年，在伊凡诺沃省（以及其他省）发布了一条关于禁止面粉贸易的内部指示。在那些年代，在小城市里，特别是乡镇和农村里，许多家庭主妇还是自己烤面包。禁止面粉贸易就是意味着：没有面包吃在区中心卡德镇形成了从来没有见过的长得不像话的购买面包的队伍（不过，对他们也给予了打击：从一九三七年二月起禁止在区中心烤黑面包，而只许烤昂贵的白面包）。在卡德区除了区办的面包房外没有其他的面包房，现在从各村里纷纷到那里去卖黑面包。区消费合作社仓库里面粉是有的，但两道禁令堵塞了把它供给人们的一切途径！ !然而弗拉索夫却找到了办法，尽管有国家的狡猾规定，在这一年他仍然喂饱了全区：他下去到各集体农庄跑了跑，和八个农庄商定，在空闲的"富农"房舍里建立公共面包房（就是说只要供给劈柴，。派几个农妇，利用现成的俄国炉子，就能办起来，这可是公共的而不是私人的面包房），区消费合作社负责供应它们面粉。解决办法一旦找到，它永远是简单的！弗拉索夫并不修建面包房（他没有资金），同时却在一天之内把它们建成了。他不进行面粉贸易，同时却不断地从仓库里批发并要求省里继续供应。他不在区中心出售黑面包，却供给全区黑面包。他字面上没有违反规定，但违反了规定的精神--节约面粉、坑害人民--所以在区委会对他的批评是有理由的。 受了这次批评之后他还挨过了一夜，次日就被捕了。像只厉害的小公鸡（他个子矮小，老是昂着头，总显得有些傲慢的样子），他不肯交出党证（昨天区委会没有作出开除他党籍的决定！）和苏维埃代表证（他是人民选出来的，还没有区执委会关于剥夺他代表人身不受侵犯权的决定）。但民警不懂这一套手续，他们扑了上去，强力夺走了。从区消费合作社押着他大白天走过卡德镇的街道，送往内务机关时，他手下的一个青年商品鉴定员，共青团员，从区委会的窗里看到了。当时还并不是所有的人都已经学会了言不由衷（特别是在农村，由于性格纯朴）。商品鉴定员叫了起来："瞧这些畜牲！把我的头儿也抓走了！"他还没有走出房间，当时就被开除出了区委会和共青团，并且沿着一条熟知的小道掉进了深坑。 弗拉索夫比自己的同案人被抓得晚，他还没有进去，案子差不多已经办好了，现在正为公开审判做些具体安排。他被带进了伊万诺沃内监，但因为他是最后一个，对他已经没有搞逼供，只简短地审讯了两次，一个证人也没有讯问，侦查案卷夹子里装满了区消费合作社的各种表报材料和区报的剪报。弗拉索夫被控告的罪名是：1．造成购买面包的排队现象；2．货物品种不全（好像货物就在什么地方放着，并且有什么人主动要供给卡德镇）；3．食盐进货过剩（而这是必须的"战备"贮备--因为照俄国的老规矩，总怕遇到战争时没有盐吃）。 在九月底，被告们被押回卡德去公开审判。这条路是不近的（令人不禁想起特别庭和不公开审判之类的省钱办法！）：从伊万诺沃到基涅什马乘斯托雷平车厢，从基涅什马到卡德--坐110公里汽车。汽车有十辆以上--排成不平常的行列，经行荒凉古道，它们在农村中引起惊奇、恐惧和战争的预感。克留根（省内务局处理反革命组织的特密处处长）负责整个审判的组织工作，要求做到既无可挑剔又能引起威吓作用。骑警后备队派出四十人担任警卫，从九月二十四到二十七日，每天刀出鞘枪出套地把一千人犯从区内务科带到还没有修建完工的俱乐部去，往返经过卡德镇的街道--经过这个他们不久前还是它的政府的镇子。俱乐部已经装上了窗子，但舞台还没有建成，也没有电（在卡镇德根本没有电），每天晚上法院就在煤油灯下开庭。从各集体农庄按摊派原则运来听众。整个卡德镇的居民全来了。不仅坐在长凳上和窗台上，过道里也密密麻麻站满了人，这样每次都装下了七百人左右（在俄罗斯毕竟是喜欢看这种场面的）。前排的长凳固定给党员坐，以便法庭始终能得到善意的支持。 由省法院副院长舒平、审判员比切和扎奥焦洛夫组成了专门庭。德尔普大学的毕业生省检察长卡拉西克负责起诉（虽然被告们都放弃辩护，但强加给他们一个官方律师，为了使审判不致没有检察长参加）。庄重、严厉和冗长的起诉书归结如下：在卡德区有一个由伊凡诺沃来人组成的（换句话说--那里也等着逮捕吧！）地下布哈林右派集团在进行活动，其目的是通过暗害活动推翻卡德镇的苏维埃政权。（右派为了发难找不到比这更大一点的偏僻角落了！） 检察长在法庭上提出一个申请：斯塔夫罗夫虽然已在狱中身死，但他临死前的供述应在这里宣读，并应认作是在法庭上作出的供述（而集团的所有罪名都是建立在斯塔夫罗夫的供述上的！）。法庭同意：把死者的供述，当作他还活着一样，列入法庭材料（然而却有一个优越性，被告谁也不能同他争议了）。 但是，卡德镇的愚昧的群众并没有察觉出这些学问高深的奥妙，他们等待着的是往下怎么进行。在侦查中被打死的人的供述当众宣读了一遍并重新作了笔录。开始讯问被告，这时出现了难堪的局面！--他们全体拒绝承认自己在侦查中所作的供认！ 不知道在工会大厦的十月大厅里遇到这种情形会怎样处理--而在这里则毫不害臊地决定继续进行！审判员责备说：在侦查的时候，你们怎么能那么说？已经衰弱无力的乌尼魏尔用几乎听不到的声音说："作为一个共产党员，我不能在公开的法庭上讲出内务机关里使用的审讯方法。"（这是布哈林审判的模式。正是这点束缚着他们：他们首先要遵守的原则是不要使人民对党产生坏的想法。他们的审判员们却早已不去操这个心了。） 在休息时，克留根巡视了被告的监室，对弗拉索夫说："听到了斯米尔诺夫和乌尼魏尔怎样拆烂污吗？你应当承认自己有罪，应当把实话都说出来！"还没有变衰弱的弗拉索夫痛快地表示同意："对，说实话--说实话你们跟德国法西斯分子毫无区别！"克留根怒不可遏："你瞧着吧，妈的……你会付出血的代价的！"从这时候起，弗拉索夫在审判中便作为集团的思想鼓舞者由第二位的角色转为第一位的角色。 当出现了以下场面的时候，在塞满过道的群众眼里，事情才明朗化了。法庭理直气壮地谈论排队买面包的现象，谈论关系到每个人切身利害的事（尽管在审判开始之前当然大量地出售了面包，所以今天没有排队的现象）。向被吉斯米尔诺夫提出问题；"你知道区里排队买面包的现象吗？""是，当然知道，队伍从商店一直排到区委会门前。""那么你采取了什么措施？"斯米尔诺夫尽管备受摧残，但还保持了响亮的嗓音和对正义的沉着的信心。这是一个长着一张质朴的面孔、骨骼粗大的褐色头发的人，他讲得从容不迫，大厅里听得见他的每一句话："因为向省级机关的一切呼吁都无济于事，我委托弗拉索夫写了一份报告给斯大林同志。""那为什么你们没有写出来呢？"（他们还不知道！……他们马虎过去了！）"我们写了，我通过信使越过省里直接送到中央去了。副本保留在区委的档案里。" 整个大厅屏住了呼吸。法庭一阵慌乱。本来可以不再往下问了，但有个人还是问道： "结果呢？" 对呀，这是挂在大厅里每个人嘴边的问题： "结果呢？" 斯米尔诺夫没有因理想的破灭而痛哭，而呻吟。（莫斯科的那些被告们就是缺乏这种精神！）他响亮地，镇静地回答： "没有结果，没有答复。" 在他的疲乏的声音中可以听出：说实话，我也是这样预料的。 没有答复！父亲和导师没有答复！公开审判到此已经达到顶峰2它已经把吃人者的狠毒心肠拿出来示众了！审判本可以到此结束了！但是不，他们哪有这种分寸感和头脑，他们还硬要在这块尿湿了的地方泡上三天。 检察长破口大骂起来：两面派！你们原来是这么回事！ --一只手搞暗害，另一只手却胆敢向斯大林同志写信！而且还想得到他的答复？ ?让被告弗拉索夫回答--他是怎样想出停止售卖面粉、停止在区中心烤黑麦面包这类惨无人道的暗害行为的？ 小公鸡弗拉索夫不用招呼，自己就急忙跳起来冲着全厅尖声叫道： "如果你，检察长卡拉西克，离开公诉席坐到我旁边来，我同意在法庭面前对这些事作出全部回答！" 简直莫名其妙。喧嚷、叫声。决维持秩序！What did you say…… 用这种方式抢到了发言权以后，弗拉索夫现在原原本本地把话说清楚： "禁止出售面粉，禁止烤黑面包，有省执委主席团发下来的决定。省检察长卡拉西克就是主席团常委。如果这是暗害行为--为什么你不以检察长的名义禁止呢？可见--你当暗害分子在我之前？……" 检察长喘不过气来了，打击来得又准又迅速。法官也不知所措，咕咕哝哝说： "如果需要（？）--我们也会审判检察长的。今天我们审判的是你。" （两种是非标准--以等级高低为转移。） 逞勇好斗、不肯罢休的弗拉索夫继续追击： "那我要求把他从检察长席上撤下来！" 休息…… 咳，这样的审判对群众有什么教育意义呢？ 但他们还是坚持干下去。在审讯被告后开始讯问证人--会计付。 "关于弗拉索夫的暗害活动你知道些什么？" "一无所知。" "这怎么可能呢？" "我去过证人室，那里说了些什么我没有听见。" "不需要听见！许多文件都经过你的手，你不能不知道。" "文件都没有问题。" &q