Chapter 19 Chapter 12 Imprisonment
Ah, the word OCTPOT in Russian is well made-it feels solid at first glance!And what an ingenious construction!The strength of the four walls that keep you from escaping seems to be alive within them.It's all there -- sternness, harpoons, sharpness (the sharpness of a hedgehog against a blizzard of uncooled faces piercing your eyes, the sharpness of the pickets in the camp walls, and of course the sharpness of the caltrops on the barbed wire Sharp), these three words are squeezed tightly into the six syllables of "au-s-t-le-au-ge".And the word "cautious" is also next to it--isn't there a "horn" behind it?By the way, the horn stood upright, protruding outward, and pointed straight at us!
If you take a longitudinal look at prison customs and living conditions throughout Russia, and take the last ninety years of this institution -- it's obvious that it's not always the same horn, but two horns that grow successively : The Narodnaya Volya hits at its tip, where it is used to touch people, where even resistance with the sternum is too much. --Then it gradually rounded and bald, shortened and shortened towards the base, until it was nothing like a horn, only a hairy base remained (this is the early twentieth century) --but later (after 1917) some small bony protrusions quickly appeared on the other base.On this basis, as the attitude of the prison became more and more domineering, and with the scolding of "You have no rights!", it gradually bulged, became sharp, hardened, and turned into horns—by 1938, It pokes into the hollow below the neck above the collarbone: imprisonment!And, there was a clang... (TOH) immediately, like a late-night alarm bell from afar-it roared once a year.
If we only examine this parabola based on the experience of a certain prisoner in Schlüsselburg Prison (a prison in the Tsarist era) (B. Fegner, "The Worker Who Never Forgets"), it is a bit scary at first: a The prisoner only has a number, and no one calls him by name; the gendarmes—as if they were trained in Lubinka: don't say a word to you in private.You stammer out an "We..." -- "Just yourself, please!" Dead silence.The cell is always dark, the glass is opaque, the floor is asphalt.The ventilation window is only opened for forty minutes a day.What I ate was clear water vegetable soup and gruel.Academic books are not allowed to be borrowed from the library.I haven't seen a single person for two years.Only after the third year -- some numbered papers are given.
Later, slowly—the room for mobility increased, and it became more flexible: white bread was available, and tea with sugar was delivered to hand; you can still buy things if you have money; smoking is not prohibited; the glass is installed with transparent, The transom windows are often left open, and the walls are painted in a lighter color; books can also be borrowed from the St. Petersburg library with documentary evidence; fences are installed between the vegetable gardens, and they can talk and even give lectures to each other.The prisoners are already pressing on the prison: give us some more land!Give some more!There are already two prison yards decorated with trees and flowers.There are already 450 varieties of flowers and vegetables planted!Look, there are scientific collections, carpentry workshops, blacksmiths, money to be earned, books to buy, even Russian political books, magazines to order from abroad.You can also communicate with relatives.What about letting the wind go? --even all day long.
Gradually, Fegnier recalled, "it wasn't the jailer who was yelling, but we were yelling at him."In 1902, the jailer refused to send her petition, for which she tore off the jailer's epaulettes!The result is this: a military investigator comes and apologizes in every possible way for the ignorant jailer in front of Fegner!
How did the above-mentioned relaxation and relaxation happen?Feignell believes that some things have to do with the humanitarian spirit of individual fortress commanders, and the other reason is that "the gendarmes and the guards" are familiar and accustomed.The strength, dignity and propriety of the prisoners also played no small part.But I think after all: the air of the times, this generally moist and fresh air that dispels the dark clouds, this free wind that blows through the whole society - is decisive!If there is no such atmosphere, you can probably only learn a brief lesson every Monday with the gendarmes" (but you don't know this at the time), and then you will be tighter and tied even tighter. Vera Nikolaevna What you get after tearing off the epaulettes of the jailer will not be "unforgettable labor", but "nine grams" in the basement.
The shaking and weakening of the tsarist prison system certainly did not happen by itself—it was the result of the whole society, together with the revolutionaries, trying to shake and ridicule it.Tsarism was lost decades ago, not in a street shootout in February: rich kids considered it an honor to go to jail, and officers (even Guardsmen) considered shaking hands with gendarmes a shame.As the penitentiary system weakened and an invincible "political prisoner ethics" became more and more explicit, members of the revolutionary parties felt more clearly their own strength and the strength of their party's statutes, rather than the laws of the state. strength.
At this time, 1917 came to Russia, and 1918 was riding on its shoulders.Why do we jump right away to 1918?The subjects of our study do not allow us to stay any longer in 1917--from March onwards.All the political (and criminal) prisons (serving prisons and investigative prisons), and all the penal colonies have been emptied - how the prison and penal colony guards spend the year - well worth it Strange, presumably living off the vegetable garden, growing potatoes (they were much better off from 1918, in Sballer Prison, until 1928, they were still serving the new government, living in Hong Kong passable).
In the last month of 1917, it was already beginning to become clear that there was nothing to do without prisons, and that some people had nowhere to go but behind bars (see Chapter 2)—to put it bluntly, because the new society There is no place for them.The flat ground between the two special horns was groped across in this way, and began to touch the second horn in front.
Of course, it was immediately announced that the horrors of the tsarist prison would never be repeated again: no more nasty probation, no conversation in prison, no single cell, no isolation, no single file, no more cells. will be locked! -- Dear guests, let's meet each other, let's talk freely, and complain to each other about the Bolsheviks.And the direction of the attention of the new prison authorities was to perform external security duties and to take over the property of the tsarist prisons (it was just not the kind of state apparatus that should be smashed and re-established).Fortunately, all the major central prisons or prisons were not destroyed in the civil war.It's just that these dirty old words will inevitably have to be replaced.They are now called political segregation houses, and the name combining "politics" and "separation" indicates that members of former revolutionary parties are recognized as political enemies, and that bars are not punitive, but only necessary. Isolate (and, obviously, temporarily) these obsolete revolutionaries from the progress of the new society.The vaulted cells of the various old central prisons (the Suzdal central prison seems to have been opened since the time of the civil war) received Socialist-Revolutionaries, anarchists and Social-Democrats under the above conditions.
They came back here, all aware of their prisoners' rights, and with tried and tested traditions of how to uphold them.They considered the following treatment as a legal right (won from the tsar and confirmed by the revolution): to receive special rations for political prisoners (including half a pack of cigarettes a day); to buy goods from the market (cream, milk); Freedom for many hours a day; prison staff addressing them as "you" (while they themselves are not required to stand up in front of prison staff); couples living in one cell; newspapers, magazines, books, stationery and personal items Up to the razor and scissors—all placed in the cell; sending and receiving letters three times a month; meeting once a month; of course the windows were not blocked by anything (the concept of "cage mouth" did not exist at the time); walking between cells Walking around is unimpeded; there must be trees, flowers, and cloves in the release yard; free choice of release companions, and can throw bags containing letters from one release yard to another; pregnant female prisoners are released from prison two months before giving birth. sent to exile.
But all of that -- just the political prisoner management system.Political prisoners in the twenties, however, remembered something higher; the autonomy of the political prisoner, with which the political prisoner felt in prison as part of a whole, as a link in a community.Self-government (the free election of a group leader who represents all the interests of the entire population before the administration) can weaken the prison pressure on the individual prisoner, since it is borne collectively, and makes every protest gain strength by the collective response.
They set out to stick to it all.And the prison authorities set about stripping it all away.And so began the silent struggle.There were no explosions of shells in this struggle, only occasional musket shots, and the sound of breaking glass was not heard half a mile away.The silent struggle for what was left of liberty, for what was left of the right to hold an opinion, had been going on for almost twenty years—but no great illustrated book had been published about it.The record of all its ups and downs, its victories and its defeats--is almost unknown to us now, for there is no literature on the "islands," and oral traditions are interrupted with the deaths of the people.Only the occasional spouts of the struggle splashed down on us in the indirect, dim light of the moon.
What's more, we have gone through many vicissitudes since then! --We are people who have experienced tank battles, and we are people who know about atomic bomb explosions--If the cell is locked, in order to realize their right to communicate, the prisoners will openly knock on the wall to make codes, shout from window to window, use Putting notes on wires from one floor to another, and insisting that at least the leaders of the party groups be allowed to freely patrol the cells... What kind of struggle is this in our opinion?If the warden of the Lubinka prison came into his cell, and the anarchist Anna G-Va (1926) or the Socialist-Revolutionary Katya Olitskaya (1931) 2000) refused to stand up when he came in (and the savage figured out a punishment. Deprive her of the right to go out of the cell to relieve herself...), what kind of struggle is this to us?If two girls, Shura and Vera (1925), protested against the repressive Lubinka order to speak only in whispers, they sang loudly in the cell (singing nothing but lilacs and spring) - what kind of struggle was that when the warden, the Latvian Dukas, grabbed them by the hair and dragged them down the corridor to the toilet?Or in the "Stolypin" train from Leningrad (1924) the students sang revolutionary songs, for which the escort refused to give them water, and the students shouted at them: " The tsar's escorts can't do such a thing!"-the escorts beat them; or, as the Social Revolutionary Kozlov called the guards at the deportation station in Kem as executioners-he was dragged for it; What kind of struggle is this all?
Because we're used to thinking of valor only as military (oh, or space-flying valor), the medal-laden valor, we forget that there's another kind of valor, the civic one. Valor, -- and it!it!it!Just what our society needs!Just what we were missing...
In Vyatka Prison in 1923, the Socialist-Revolutionary Struzhinsky and his comrades (how many of them? What are they called? What are they protesting?) built a building in the cell Obstruction, self-immolation after pouring kerosene on the mattress, if not looking for deeper reasons, at least it is completely the tradition of Schlüsselburg Prison.But what an uproar was caused, what agitation the whole of Russian society was!And now neither Vyatka, nor Moscow, nor history knows that this has happened.However, the human flesh also sizzled in the flames!
The original idea of establishing the Solovets special camp was that it was a good place to have no contact with the outside world for half a year.No matter how you shout from here, no one will hear you. If you want to set yourself on fire here, you can do so.In 1923, the socialist prisoners were transferred here from Pittominsk (Onega peninsula) and assigned to three isolated monasteries.
One of them is the Savatour Monastery - which includes two houses that used to house pilgrims, and part of the lake is also included in the exclusion zone.In the first few months, everything seemed to be normal: the political prison management system was implemented, some relatives traveled long distances to visit the prison, and the three leaders of the three political parties held various negotiations with the prison governor all day long.In the monastery area - it is a free zone, in which prisoners can speak, think, and do things without restraint.
But even then, in the early days of the "Islands," there was already a haunting and persistent rumor creeping around people's ears, before such rumors had yet received the title of "lodge news": the political prison system was to be abolished. It's time to abolish the political prisoner management system.
Sure enough, by mid-December, shipping and all contact with the outside world were cut off. Solovitz Special Battalion Commander Ahmans announced: Yes, new instructions on the management system have been received.Of course not everything is cancelled, by no means! --The number of communications should be reduced, and there are other regulations, but the biggest one is what needs to be done today: starting from December 20, 1923, it is forbidden to leave the house all day and all night, only You must go out during the daytime, that is, before 6:00 pm.
The factions decided to protest and gathered a group of volunteers from Socialist-Revolutionaries and Anarchists: on the first day of the Prohibition they went out for walks from six o'clock in the evening.But Jeff, the chief of the Savati quarantine area, had already had his hands itchy to touch the gun. Before the stipulated six o'clock in the evening (maybe the clock was not accurate? At that time, it was not possible to check the watch according to the radio broadcast), the detainees took Entered the area at gunpoint and opened fire on lawful strollers.Three rows of guns were fired.Six people were killed and three were seriously injured.
The next day, Ahmans came to say: This is a sad misunderstanding, and Nogtev will be dismissed (transferred to a high promotion).Funerals were held for the dead.The chorus sang over the wilderness of Solovets.
"You died honorably in the ... desperate struggle". (Is this the last time the slow tune is allowed to be sung in honor of the new victim?) Somebody put a huge boulder on their grave, and inscribed the name of the dead.
It cannot be said that the press concealed the incident.In Pravda there was a short message in small print: The prisoners attacked the detainees and six were shot dead.The honest "Red Banner" described the Solovitz riots.
Among the Socialist-Revolutionaries at the Savaty Monastery was Yuri Podbelsky.He has assembled medical documents about the Soloveitz shooting -- which he intends to release someday.But a year later, during a search at the deportation station in Sverdlovsk, a double bottom was found in his suitcase, and the hidden contents were pulled out.This is how Russian history stumbles...
However, the management system is maintained by them after all.For a whole year no one said anything about the change.
Yes, the whole of 1924 was not mentioned.But by the end of the year, a stubborn rumor crept back to my ears, saying that a new management system was going to be implemented in December.It was starving, and it wanted a new offering.
The socialists in the three monasteries scattered on different islands - Savady, Trinity and Muksam - were able to secretly agree that the factions in all three monasteries would submit their proposals to Moscow and Solovitz on the same day. The administrative authority made a statement with an ultimatum: either remove them all from here before the shipping is cut off, or keep the previous management system unchanged. The ultimatum period is two weeks, otherwise, the monasteries will declare a hunger strike.
Such concerted action could compel the authorities to seriously consider it.This ultimatum cannot be ignored.On the day before the ultimatum expired, Eichmans went to every monastery to announce that Moscow had refused.So, on the scheduled day, a hunger strike (not a dry hunger strike, but water is available) was started in the three monasteries (which have lost contact with each other now).About two white people went on hunger strike in Savaj.They took the initiative not to allow patients to participate in the hunger strike.The doctor among the prisoners patrolled the hunger strikers every day, and collective hunger strikes were always more difficult to sustain than individual hunger strikes: because it was aimed at the weakest rather than the strongest.A hunger strike only makes sense if there is a determination to see it through, and if everyone knows and trusts everyone else.With the existence of different factions, and with the participation of hundreds of people, there were inevitably disagreements, and there was moral anguish over others.After fifteen days and nights of hunger strike, a secret ballot had to be held in Savaj (the ballot box was sent from room to room): to continue the hunger strike or to stop the hunger strike.
Moscow and Ahmans took a wait-and-see attitude, because they were well fed, the newspapers in the capital were not busy publishing news about the hunger strike, and the Kazan Cathedral did not hold a mass meeting of students.The airtight closure has steadfastly changed the face of our country's history.
The monasteries stopped hunger strikes.They didn't win, but judging from the results, they didn't lose either: the management system remained the same for a whole winter, but it only increased the labor to go to the forest to cut firewood, but this also made sense.And the spring of 1925 had the opposite feeling - it seemed that the hunger strike had won: the prisoners from the three monasteries on which the hunger strike had taken were all removed from Solovets!Back to the mainland!No more polar nights and half a year of isolation!
However, the rations for the convoy received and the rations for the journey were severe (by the standards of the time).They were soon deceived in an insidious way: the excuse was that it was more convenient for the team leaders to live in the "command" compartment with the management department, so that the prisoners lost their leadership.The carriages in which the team leaders were traveling were thrown off at Vyatka and taken to the Topolsk isolation center.Only then did I realize that the hunger strike last autumn had been lost: the purpose of removing the strong and influential team leaders was to implement a strict management system for the rest.Yagoda and Katanyan personally led the placement of former Solovets prisoners into the cells of the long-built but as yet unoccupied Upper Ural ghetto, which they opened in the spring of 1925. "Opened the curtain" (the warden is Du Boer) and will be a frightening behemoth for decades to come.
In the new place, former Solovets prisoners were immediately deprived of the right to walk freely: the cells were locked.Finally, a group leader was elected, but they did not have the right to patrol the cells.Unrestricted transfer of money and books between cells is prohibited as in the past.They shouted to each other through the windows - and the sentinel fired from the watchtower in the cells.Prisoners retaliated with intentional disturbances—broken glass, broken prison equipment (in our prison, we had to think about it beforehand—whether or not to break glass, it might not be installed all winter, there is nothing to worry about. Weird. Not like in the Tsar when the Glazer came running in the blink of an eye).The struggle continues, but already with desperation and under adverse conditions.
Around 1928 (according to Pyotr Petrovich Rubin's narration) for some reason there was another hunger strike in the entire Upper Ural isolation camp.But now there is no such solemn and solemn atmosphere, friendly encouragement, and their own doctors in the past.On a certain day of the hunger strike, the wardens broke into the cells in overwhelming numbers--kicking the weakened people with clubs and boots without ceremony.The beatings are over -- the hunger strike is over.
Our naive belief in the efficacy of hunger strikes we derive from past experience and from past literature.But the hunger strike is a purely moral weapon, and it is based on the premise that the jailer has not lost his conscience.Or it is based on the premise that prison guards are afraid of public opinion.Only then will the hunger strike be effective.
The tsarist wardens were still inexperienced: if a prisoner with them went on a hunger strike, they panicked, groaned, tended to him, and sent him to the hospital.Examples abound, but this work is not devoted to such matters.It's ridiculous to say that Valentinov only went on a hunger strike for twelve days-he won the withdrawal of the investigation and his complete release (and then went to Switzerland to meet Lenin), not any preferential treatment in the management system.Even in Orlov's central penitentiary the hunger strikers were always victorious.They won deregulation in 1912; further deregulation was won in 1913, which included a common exodus for all political convicts—an exodus which was apparently free from control, so they used This opportunity wrote his own "address to the Russian people" and sent it outside (this is from the convicts of the central prison!) It was also published in (Amazingly dumbstruck! Is anyone among us crazy? ) in the first issue of the Bulletin and Exile Bulletin, 1914 (The Bulletin itself is a great thing. Shall we try to publish one too?) - In 1914, Terzhins Ji and his four comrades only went through a total of five days and nights of hunger strikes. It is true that they did not drink water, so that their numerous (life) requirements were met.
In those days hunger strikes presented no danger or difficulty to the prisoners other than the agony of hunger.He was not beaten for a hunger strike, sentenced a second time, had his sentence extended, shot dead, or taken elsewhere (all of which were later inventions).
During the revolutionary period of 1905 and the post-revolutionary years, the prisoners felt that they were the masters of the prison, so they no longer had to bother to declare a hunger strike. This seemed to make no sense to the prisoners.For example, in the city of Nikolayev in 1906, 197 prisoners of the local prison announced a "strike", of course in cooperation with the outside world.People outside printed leaflets for their strike, and there were daily mass meetings next to the prison.At these mass meetings (prisoners - naturally attending through open windows) the prison authorities were urged to accept the demands of the "strike" prisoners.After the meeting, people on the street and behind the window bars sang revolutionary songs in unison.This lasted (unimpeded! This is a year in the reactionary period after the revolution) for eight days and nights.On the ninth day, everything the prisoners wanted was granted!Such incidents also took place in Odessa, Kherson, Elisabethgrad at that time.See how easy it was to win then!
It would be interesting to compare, by the way, how the hunger strike was carried out during the Provisional Government, but the several Bolsheviks who were imprisoned between July and the Kornilov rebellion (Kamenev, Trotsky , Raskolnikov sat a little longer), it seems that no reason was found for the hunger strike.
In the twenties, the dynamic picture of hunger strikes faded (depending, of course, on the difficult point of view.... Of course, not only Recognized "political prisoners" but also "counter-revolutionaries" who were not recognized as political prisoners (Article 58), as well as various occasional elements. However, these sharp arrows A little blunted, maybe they were intercepted by an iron hand as soon as they were launched. Admittedly, the written statement on the hunger strike7 is also accepted and they are not considered subversive for the time being. But the unpleasant New rules: hunger strikers should be isolated in special solitary cells (in the city of Tilka in the Pugachev Tower): not only the outside assembly, not only neighboring cells should not know about the hunger strike, Even the cell where the hunger striker was in before today should not know - because this is also the world of public opinion, and it should be separated from it. The reason for taking this measure is that the prison authorities must be sure that the hunger strike is done honestly --The rest of the people in the cell did not secretly give food to the hunger striker. (How did you check it before? Based on "a gentleman's words..."?...)
But in any case, in these days it was still possible to meet at least some personal demands through hunger strikes.
Since the 1930s, the state's attitude towards hunger strikes has undergone a new transformation.Even some weakened, isolated, strangled half-dead hunger strikes like this -- what use is it to the country to be honest?Prisoners don't have their own will, their own decisions at all - the prison authorities think and decide for them - isn't this situation more ideal?Presumably only such prisoners could exist in the new society.Thus, from the 1930s on, the legalization of hunger strikes was no longer accepted. "Hunger strikes as a form of struggle no longer exist!" - declared to Ekaterina Olitskaya in 1932, and to many others.The authorities have called off your hunger strike - nothing else.But Olitzkani didn't listen and started a hunger strike.They made her go on a hunger strike for fifteen days and nights in her single cell, and then sent her to the hospital. In order to seduce her, they put milk and rusks in front of her.However, she persevered and was victorious on the nineteenth day: the camp was extended, newspapers and a political Red Cross were delivered. (What a lot of trouble to get these legitimate items!) Overall, the victories were small, and the price paid was too great.Olitskaya remembered that other people had also engaged in such absurd hunger strikes: twenty-day hunger strikes to demand the delivery of the parcels that had been sent or to change their companions.Is it worth it?You must know that the energy consumed in the new type of prison cannot be recovered.The sectarian Kolosov went on a hunger strike—and died on the twenty-fifth night.Generally speaking, in the new type of prison, can I allow myself to go on a hunger strike?Because under the conditions of closure and secrecy, the new wardens have the following powerful means to deal with hunger strikes:
1.Patience of the Administration (we have seen enough from the above examples).
2 cheating.This is also possible due to closure.Deceit is not easy to do when every step is publicized by journalists.And why not engage in deception here?In 1933, C.A. Chebotarev went on a hunger strike for 17 days and nights in the Khabarovsk Prison, demanding to inform his family where he was (he returned home from the Eastern Railway and suddenly "disappeared", his wife was thinking about him at home, This made him very uneasy).On the seventeenth day, Zapadny, deputy director of the State Political Security Service of the Territory, and the Prosecutor of the Khabarovsk Krai came to him (from the ranks, it can be seen that prolonged hunger strikes are not so common), and asked him Presented a telegram receipt (look, your wife has been notified!)--which persuaded him to drink a bowl of broth.But the receipt was false1 (Why did the high officials lose their composure after all? It was by no means worried about Chebotarev's life. Obviously they had to bear some personal responsibility for the protracted hunger strike in the early 1900s.)
3.Force-feeding.This method is undoubtedly learned from the zoo.It too can only exist under conditions of closure.By 1937, it became apparent that force-feeding had become very popular.For example, when the Socialists held a mass hunger strike in the Yaroslavl Central Prison, they were all force-fed on the fifteenth day.
A lot of it is borrowed from rape in this action - exactly what it is: four strong men throwing themselves on a weak man with the intention of breaking a restricted area - just break it once, what happens to it afterwards - doesn't matter .There is also something learned from rape here-the reversal of the will: do not do as you do, but do as I do, just lie down and obey.Use a thin piece to pry the mouth open, widen the gap between the teeth, and insert a tube: "Swallow it!" If you don't swallow it, push the tube in, so the nutritious fluid goes directly into the esophagus.They then massaged the abdomen so that the prisoner could not vomit.The feeling is: mentally stained, sweet in the mouth, ecstatic stomach absorbing, high pleasure.
Science didn't stand still, and other feeding methods were developed: enemas through the anus, drips through the nostrils.
4.A new perspective on hunger strikes.The hunger strike is a continuation of counter-revolutionary activities in prisons and should be punished with new sentences.This view would have created a very rich new branch in the practice of the new type of prison, but it remained more in the realm of menace.Of course it wasn't a sense of humor that got in the way of it, probably just laziness: why bother when you can bear it?The patience of the hungry is the patience of the hungry.
Around the middle of 1937, a new instruction came: the prison administration will be completely irresponsible for those who die from hunger strikes from now on!Gone is the last personal responsibility of the jailer! (The Chief Prosecutor of the Territory is no longer going to Chebotarev's place anymore!...) Not only that, but in order not to worry the investigators, this method is proposed: the days of hunger strikes of the people under investigation are not included in the investigation period , that is to say, not only do they think that hunger strikes do not exist, but even think that prisoners seem to be staying outside these days!Let the exhaustion of the prisoners be the only sensible consequence of the hunger strike!
This means: want to die?die! !
Arnold Rappoport announced his hunger strike in the Arkhangelsk prison just at the very moment when this instruction arrived.What he insists on is a hunger strike that is particularly heavy and may therefore be considered particularly worthy of attention—a "dry hunger strike" of 13 days and nights (compare Dzerzhinsky's same hunger strike for five days and nights. Dzerzhins Is Kee in a separate cell?--he pulls a complete victory).During the thirteen days in his confinement cell, only a doctor came to see him occasionally, and the doctor never came, and no one in the administration even cared: what did he do with discipline?In this way, he never asked a single question-...The only thing the guards paid attention to him was to search the single cell carefully, and shake out the hidden Mahe cigarettes and a few boxes of matches-what Rapoport wanted to achieve The purpose is to stop the investigator from insulting him.He made scientific preparations for his hunger strike; before that, he received food from outside, and he only ate butter and small bread, and stopped eating black bread one week before the hunger strike.He was so hungry that his palms were transparent.The kind-hearted female guard Marusia, who always had a smile on her face, once ran to his single-person identification and said softly: "Stop the hunger strike, it's not worth it, it will kill you! It should be a week earlier... "He obeyed, stopped his hunger strike, and got nothing.But after all, he was given a cup of mulled red wine and a small white bread.Then several guards took him to an ordinary cell.The interrogation resumed a few days later (however, the hunger strike was not entirely in vain: the investigators had learned that Rappoport had enough willpower and determination to face death, so the investigation was softened. The investigator said to him : "I never thought you were a wolf!" "A wolf," Rapoport admits, "and never their dog.").
Later, at the Kotlas deportation station, he also announced a hunger strike, but the process of this hunger strike probably had a bit of comedy flavor.He announced the request for re-investigation, refused to open the solution.On the third day, someone came to inform him: "Get ready to release!" -- "You have no right! I am a hunger striker." At that time, four strong men picked him up again, carried him out and threw him into the bathroom.After taking a bath, he was also carried to the gate post.There was no other way, so Rappoport had no choice but to stand up and follow the column of prisoners who were released-because there were already dogs and bayonets behind him.
Thus the new type of prison overcame the hunger strike of the bourgeoisie.
Even a strong man has no recourse against the prison machine except suicide.But suicide -- is that a struggle?Isn't this obedience?
Ye Olitskaya, a Socialist-Revolutionary Party, believes that hunger strikes, as a method of struggle, have been greatly devalued by the Trotskyists and the Communists who came to prison after them: they declared hunger strikes too easily, and too easily Stop hunger strike easily.Even Smirnov, their leader, gave in quickly and stopped his hunger strike after four days and nights before the Moscow trial, she said.It is said that before 1936 the Trotskyists even rejected in principle any hunger strikes against the Soviet regime, and never supported hunger-strike Socialist-Revolutionaries and Social-Democrats.
The Trotskyists, on the contrary, always demanded support from the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Social-Democrats.一九三六年在由卡拉干达到科雷马的解送途中，他们把那些拒绝在他们打给加里宁的"反对把革命的先锋队（一他们）送往科雷马"的抗议电报上签名的人称为"叛徒和奸细"。 （马科京斯基的叙述）
让历史去评价这项指责正确到什么程度或者不正确到什么程度吧。然而谁也没有比托格茨基分子为绝食付出的代价更重了（关于他们在劳改营中的绝食和罢工我们还将在第三部中讲到）。
在宣布和停止绝食方面的轻率态度，一般地说，大概是那种感情表露迅速的易冲动的性格所固有的。但是，这种性格的人在俄国老一代革命者中有过，在意大利和法国也有过--可是不论在什么地方，在俄国也好，在意大利也好，在法国也好，都没有能像在苏联这样，使我们厌弃了绝食这种手段。很可能，在绝食上所付出的肉体牺牲和精神毅力，在本世纪第二个四分之一的时间里丝毫也不少于第一个四分之一。然而，在国内没有社会舆论工--因此，新型监狱就巩固起来了，囚犯们不再能轻易地取得胜利，而只能艰难地争得失败。
几十年过去了--世殊事异。绝食--囚犯们的最初的和最自然的权利，对囚犯们自己已经成为格格不入和不可理解的了，愿意绝食的人越来越少。在狱吏们眼里，它成了愚蠢举动或者是恶意捣乱。
一九六0年，一个普通犯根纳吉?斯梅洛夫在列宁格勒监狱宣布长时间绝食，毕竟还是有一个检察长走进了监室（也许是一般巡视），他问："你为什么要折磨自己呀？"斯梅洛夫回答说：
"真理于我重于生命！"
这句话以其语无伦次使得检察长大为震惊，第二天便把斯梅洛夫送进了列宁格勒犯人特别医院（疯人院），一个女医生向他宣布：
"你有精神分裂症的嫌疑。"
过去的中心监狱，现在的特别隔离所，到了一九三七年初，沿着螺旋形的犄角，已经上升到了它的细仄的部分。最后的松软地方，空气和光线的最后的残余，都渐渐地被排挤净尽。因而一九三七年初雅罗斯拉夫尔惩戒隔离所里寥落而疲惫的社会革命党人举行的绝食就是属于最后的绝望尝试之列。
他们还是提出从前那些要求--组长制度，监室间的自由交往，他们尽管要求，但自己已经未必抱着希望。十五天的绝食，虽然以软管灌食而告终，不过好像也维护了自己的管理制度的某些部分。一小时的放风、省报、笔记本。这些他们是维护住了，但却马上收走了他们的私人衣物，扔给他们一套特别隔离所的统一的囚服。过了不久--放风时间削减了半小时，以后又减掉了十五分钟。
这还是那些依照大牌阵的规则在一连串的监狱和流放地中间被拉来拖去的人们。其中有的已经十年，有的已经十五年没有过普通人的生活了，他们知道的只是恶劣的监狱伙食与绝食。那些在革命前习惯于战胜狱吏的人并没有都死光。然而，当时他们是与时代结成盟友去反对日益衰微的敌人。而现在则是时代与日益强大的敌人结成盟友来反对他们。他们中间也有一些年轻人（现在这是使我们感到奇怪的）-一当这些党派已经被粉碎、已经不复存在之后，他们才觉悟到自己应当做一个社会革命党人、社会民主党人或无政府主义者--因此，这些新加入者的前途只是蹲监牢。
一年比一年更加无望的社会党人的狱中斗争，处于接近真空的孤立状态。现在不像在沙皇时期：只要监狱的门一打开，社会各界就会扔来鲜花。他们打开报纸看到的，就是对他们的谩骂，甚至泼脏水（因为斯大林觉得，正是社会主义者对社会主义最危险）--而人民在沉默，因此根据什么可以大胆设想，人民对于他们不太久以前曾投票选入立宪会议的人们今天仍然同情呢？你瞧，现在报纸连骂也不骂了--俄国的社会党人已经被认为是没有什么危险的了，没有什么价值的了，甚至是不存在的了。外面的人提到他们的时候已经使用过去时态和久远过去时态。青年人都不能想象，在什么地方还存在着一些活的社会革命党人和活的孟什维克。遍历了奇姆肯特和切尔登流放地、上乌拉尔和弗拉基米尔隔离所--在窗子已经戴上笼口的黑暗的单身监室里，怎能不因发生怀疑而猛然颤抖，也许他们的纲领和领袖们全都错了，策略和实践也都是错误！他们开始觉得自己的所作所为实际上是无所作为。专为承受苦难而献出的一生--是致命的迷误。
笼罩在他们的头上的孤立的阴影得以扩展，部分地是由于在革命后的最初年代，他们视为当然地从国家政治保卫局接收了政治犯的荣誉称号，也视为当然地同意了国家政治保卫局的观点，即一切站在他们"右"边的，从立宪民主党人起，--都不是政治犯，而是反革命，历史的狗屎堆。结果那些因信仰基督而遭殃的人，也成了反革命。那些和"左""右"都没有沾过边的（这是指将来--就是我们，我们大家！）--也将成为反革命。这样，由于半自愿半被迫地把自己孤立起来，和别人疏远，他们就给未来的第五十八条洒上了圣水，而他们自己后来也没有逃脱掉进它的火坑的命运。
事物和行为总是因观察方面不同而显出截然不同的面貌。在这一章里我们从社会党人的角度描写他们的狱中处境--因而它是被一束凄惨洁白的光芒所照亮。但是索洛维茨的政治犯们所不屑一顾的那些反革命分子却这样回忆："政治犯？这些家伙讨厌极了：谁也瞧不起，自己结成一伙躲在一边，老是要求特殊口粮和优待。彼此间也吵个没完。"--你能不觉得这里讲的也是实话吗？这些徒劳无益、无休无止、已经令人感到可笑的争论。这种当着饥饿困苦的人群只顾为自己而提出的增添配给口粮的要求。在苏维埃时代，政治犯的光荣称号原来只是有毒的赠赐。忽然还听到这样的责备：在沙皇时期经常满不在乎地越狱的社会党人为什么在苏维埃监狱里却发了蔫呢！哪里见到他们越狱呀？一般说，越狱事件是不少的--但其中谁记得有社会党人呢？
那些比社会党人更"左"的囚犯--托洛茨基分子和共产党人--他们又把社会党人当作反革命而疏远他们--因此就用一道环形的壕沟彻底地把自己孤立起来了。
托洛茨基分子和共产党人各自把自己这一派看得纯子、高于其余的派别，轻视甚至仇视那些蹲在同一座建筑的铁窗里、在同一些监狱院子里放风的社会党人（彼此之间也是一样）。叶?奥利茨卡妮回忆，三七年在瓦宁诺港的递解站上，男隔离区和女隔离区的社会党人隔着围墙互相喊话，寻找自己人，互通消息。这时，女共产党员莉莎?科吉克和玛丽亚?克鲁吉科娃深表愤慨，认为社会党人的这种不负责任的行为可能给大家招来行政当局的惩罚，她们这样说："我们的一切灾难--都是这些社会主义坏蛋招来的--（深刻的说明，而且是多么合乎辩证法呀！）。-一把他们一个个掐死才好哩！"--而一九二五年关在卢宾卡的那两个姑娘所以唱丁香花的歌曲，只是因为其中一个是社会革命党人而另一个是反对派分子，她们之间不可能有共同的政治歌曲，而且一般说来反对派分子甚至不应当同社会革命党人在一个抗议中联合起来。
如果说在沙皇的监狱里各政党常常联合起来共同进行狱中斗争（我们可以回想起塞瓦斯托波尔中心监狱的越狱），那末，在苏维埃的监狱里每个派别都认为要保持自己旗帜的纯洁性就不能同其他派别联合。托洛茨基分子不与社会党人和共产党人一起而单独进行斗争，共产党人则根本不进行斗争，因为怎能允许自己去进行反对自己的政权和监狱的斗争呢？
结果就发生这样的情形，共产党人在隔离所里，在服刑监狱里比其他人更早更厉害地受到欺凌。女共产党员纳吉日达?苏罗夫采娃一九二八年在雅罗斯拉夫尔中心监狱里放风时走在"鱼贯而行"的队列里，没有谈话的权利，而当时社会党人却还能在自己的同伴中大声喧嚷呢。已经不允许她照料小院里的花木，花木是以前进行过斗争的囚犯们留下的。当时就已经剥夺了她看报的权利。（可是国家政治保卫局机要政治处却允许她在监室里拥有马克思、恩格斯、列宁和黑格尔的全集。）让她几乎在黑暗中同母亲会见，心情抑郁的母亲很快就去世了。（她对于女儿所受的管理制度能有什么想法呢？）
在监狱中言行表现方面的多年以来的差别，进而转化为在所得到的报偿方面的深刻差别：一九三七--一九三八年社会党人也在坐牢，也在得到自己的十年。但是通常不强迫他们作自我诬陷：因为他们不隐瞒自己够得上判刑条件的特殊观点！而共产党员则从来也没有自己的特殊观点！凭什么去审判他呢？
虽然巨大的"群岛"已经遍布各地--但服刑监狱丝毫也没有衰落。旧的牢狱传统仍然很有生气地延续着。"群岛"为教育群众所提供的新的则极其宝贵的东西，还是不完全的。只有加上特种监狱和一般服刑监狱，才能构成完整的系统。
并不是任何一、被国家机器吞进去的人都应该同"群岛"的土著居民混在一起。常有一些显要的外国人、太知名的人士和秘密囚徒，或者被罢官的国家安全机关同僚，怎样也不能在劳改营中公开露面，他们推小车的劳动抵偿不了泄密以及道德上和政治上的损失。同样也不能容许把那些经常为捍卫自己的权利而斗争的社会党人与一般群众混合关押--他们被单独地看守起来，单独地受摧残，表面的理由正是说让他们享受优待和权利。在很晚以后的五十年代，我们还将看到，特种监狱还多了一个用途，就是隔离劳改营里的造反分子。斯大林晚年对"感化"小偷感到失望了，指示把各类贼头不送劳改营而判以监禁。最后，还有这样一些因犯，他们由于体弱，一到劳改营马上就会死掉，从而也就逃脱了服刑，这种人也不得不由国家白白地供养起来。另外还有这样一些怎么也适应不了犯人劳动的人，如经常坐在尤里耶维茨市（伏尔加河畔）集市上的七十岁的瞎老头科别金。他的歌曲和诙谐话按反革命活动罪给他招来了十年刑期，但是不得不用监禁来代替劳改营。
从罗曼诺夫皇朝继承下来的全部老的监狱遗产按照不同的任务得到保护、更新、加强和改进。某些中心监狱，如雅罗斯拉夫尔中心监狱，装备得那么牢固和方便（钉上铁皮的门，每个监室里有拧死的桌子、凳子和床），只需在窗外加上咙口、把放风院子隔成监室那么大小就行了（到了一九三七年，监狱里所有的树木都锯掉了，菜园子和草地也都翻掉了，浇上了沥青）。其他一些，如苏兹达尔中心监狱，则需要对修道院房屋进行改装，但按教义把身体禁烟在修道院里和依国家法律把它禁烟在监狱里，在实体上要完成的任务是相似的，所以建筑物总是容易适应的。苏汉诺夫修道院的一所房屋也被改装成为服刑监狱--要知道彼得保罗要塞和施吕瑟尔堡改成供参观的地方了，这些损失总需要另辟场所来补偿吧。弗拉基米尔中心监狱扩充并增建了（在叶若夫时期建成一座新的大楼），它在这几十年内有很高的使用率，吞入量很大。前面已经说过，托波尔斯克中心监狱一直在使用，从一九二五年起，上乌拉尔中心监狱也开始经常大量地使用了（所有这些隔离所如今不幸都还健在，当我写这本书的时候它们都正在工作）。从特瓦尔多夫斯基的叙事长诗《山外青山》中可以作出判断，在斯大林时期，亚历山德罗夫斯克中心监狱也没有空着。关于奥尔洛夫中心监狱我们得到的消息较少：它在卫国战争中怕是遭到了很大的破坏。但是离它不远的德米特罗夫斯克市（奥尔洛夫省）有一座设备完善的服刑监狱随时可以作为补充。
二十年代政治隔离所里（囚犯们还把它们称为政治封闭所）伙食相当不错：午饭总有肉食，有新鲜蔬菜，小卖部里可以买牛奶。在一九三一至三三年，伙食显著地变坏了，但当时在外面也不见得好些。在这个时期，坏血病和饿晕在政治封闭所里都不稀罕。后来又有吃的了，但比原来差远了。一九四七年在弗拉基米尔特种监狱里，H?科尔涅耶夫天无感到饥饿：四百五十克面包，两块糖，两次吃不饱的热食--只有开水"管饱"（又会有人说，这不是有代表性的一年，当时外面也在挨饿。可是这一年却宽宏大量地允许从外面来喂养犯人；送吃的进来不受限制）。监室里的光城始终是限量的--在二十年代和四十年代：笼口和加了钢筋的不透明玻璃在监室里造成经常的昏暗状态（黑暗是使精神受压抑的一个重要因素！）。在笼口上面还经常绷上网，冬天网上盖着雪，从而断绝了光线进入的最后通路。阅读只会使眼睛酸痛并损坏视力。在弗拉基米尔特种监狱里白天光线的不足在夜间得到补偿：整夜开着明亮的电灯，妨碍睡眠。而在一九三八年的德米特罗夫斯克监狱里（H?A?科济列夫）昼夜的光亮都是来自放在天花板下吊着的一块小板子上的油灯，它耗尽了最后的空气；在三九年，出现了灯丝发红的电灯。空气也有定额规定，通风窗上了锁，只在上厕所时打开，德米特罗夫斯克监狱和雅洛斯拉夫尔监狱里的人都这样回忆（E?金兹布尔格说：面包从早晨放到吃午饭就长霉，被褥是潮的，墙发绿）。一九四八年在弗拉基米尔监狱里空气不受限制，气窗经常开着。放风时间的长短在不同监狱里和在不同年代都在十五分钟到四十五分钟之间。像在施吕瑟尔堡和索洛维茨那样与土地打交道的事情已经一点也没有了，一切植物都已拔尽、踩光、浇上了混凝土和沥青。在放风时甚至禁止抬头看天--"只许瞧着脚下！"--科济列夫和阿达莫娃（喀山监狱）都这样回忆。一九三七年禁止接见亲属后再也没有恢复。差不多历年都允许每月两次寄信给亲属并领取他们的回信，（但是，喀山监狱的做法是：读后一昼夜将信交还监管人员。）还可以用寄来的有限的钱在小卖部购买东西。家具也是管理制度的一个相当重要的组成部分。阿达莫娃生动地描写出经历过白天折起的铁床和拧死在地上的椅子之后，在监室里（苏兹达尔）看到和摸到铺着干草袋的普通木床、普通木桌时的欣喜心情。在弗拉基米尔特种监狱里科尔涅耶夫经历了两种不同的管理制度：一种是（一九四七至四八年）从监室里不收走私人物品，白天可以躺着，看守很少在监视孔里窥望。另一种是（一九四九至五三年），监室门上两道锁（一把钥匙在看守那里，一把在值班人员那里），禁止躺着，禁止大声说话（在喀山监狱只许低声说话！），所有的私人物品都被收走，发给一套用有条纹的褥垫布料做的囚服；通信--一年两次，而且只能在典狱长突然指定的日子（错过了日子就不能写了）；而且只能写在比普通信纸小一半的纸上；全体带出去脱光衣服进行凶暴的突击搜查的次数增多了。对监室间的联系追究得如此之严，以至每次解手后，看守们总是拿着提灯到厕所里去照每一个便坑。在墙上写字，全监室都要受关禁闭定的处分。禁闭室是特种监狱里的一大祸害。咳嗽（"把被子蒙住头再咳嗽！"）；在监室里走来走去（科济列夫说：这被认为是"不老实"）；鞋子发出响声（在喀山监狱，发给女犯四十四号的男鞋）都可能成为关禁闭的理由。不过，金兹布尔格推论得不错，关禁闭并不是为处罚你的过错，而是按表格轮流，所有的人都应当挨个儿在那里蹲蹲，好知道是怎么回事。而且在狱规里还有这样一项适用面很广的条款："遇有在禁闭室中不守纪律（？）的表现时，典狱长有权延长禁闭期限至二十昼夜。"什么叫"不守纪律"呢？……请看科济列夫遇到的事情（所有的人对于禁闭室和管理制度上许多东西的描述都是不谋而合，所以令人感到各地的管理制度都盖着一个统一的烙印）。他因为在监室里走来走去被罚关五昼夜的禁闭。秋天，禁闭室是没有取暖设备的，很冷。人家剥了他的衣裳，只剩下衬衣，鞋也被脱下，脚下是泥地和尘土（有时还是烂泥，在喀山监狱，地下是一层水）。科济列夫有一只小凳子（金兹布尔格连这也没有），他马上断定这下完了，要冻死。但是渐渐地有一种内在的神秘的热气开始冒出来，救了命。学会了坐在凳子上睡觉。每天给三次开水，每次一杯，喝下去有醉酒的感觉。有一次，一个值班人员在三百克定量的面包里掖进了一块非法的方糖。根据发给口粮的次数，同时注意从那个曲溜拐弯的小窗口透进来的光亮的变化，科济列夫计算着时间，现在他的五昼夜已经到头了--但还没有把他放出去。他那变得特别敏锐的耳朵听到走廊里有人低声说话，话里带出来又像是"第六昼夜"，又像是"六昼夜"的词句。奸计就在于此：等着他提出来五昼夜已经到头，该放出去了--这样就能够以不守纪律为名给他延长禁闭期限。但是他顺从地不声不响地又蹲了一昼夜--于是就只好若无其事地把他放了出去（也许典狱长就是这样轮流考验每个人的驯服程度？禁闭室专用来制服那些还没有俯首从命的人）。--过了禁闭室的关之后，监室简直就像宫殿。科济列夫耳聋了半年，喉咙里长起脓包，和科济列夫同监室的那个人因为经常蹲禁闭室而发了疯，科济列夫同疯子两人在一起关了一年多。（纳吉日达?苏罗夫采娃记得政治隔离所里的许多发疯的事例，她一人所知道的不少于诺沃鲁斯基根据施吕瑟尔堡编年史所计算出来的数字。）
现在读者是否感到，我们已经逐渐地登上了第二个犄角的顶点--它比第一个也许更高吧？也许更尖吧？
但是意见有分歧。老劳改犯们异口同声地认为五十年代的弗拉基米尔特种监狱是疗养区。从阿贝兹站被送到那里去的弗拉基米尔?博里索维奇?泽尔多维奇和从克麦罗沃劳改营转到那里（一九五六年）去的安娜?彼得罗芙娜?斯克里普尼科娃都这样认为。使斯克里普尼科娃特别感到惊异的是，每十天定期送出一次申诉书（她开始向联合国写……），有很像样的图书馆，还有外文书，它把全套目录送进监室来，你可以开列一整年的预约书单。
可是再次请诸位不要忘记我们法律的灵活性：有几千名妇女（"反革命家属"）被判处了监禁。突然一声令下--一律改为劳改（科雷马还有未淘净的金砂）！就这样改了。用不着什么法院。
这一切还是不是从前所说的监禁呢？或许它已经变成了劳改营的门房？
我们这一章本来应当从这里写起，只应当从这里写起！它的任务应当是细致地观察被单独监禁的囚犯的心灵中将会发出的如圣者头上的光轮般的闪烁的光辉。他被迫绝对地脱离了繁琐的生活，以至当他计算光阴的流逝时，他的心也能与整个宇宙密切地联系。一个被单独监禁的囚犯应能涤除以往生活中使他不能达到澄清透彻的境界的一切污浊。他多么高雅地伸出手指，想要疏松和翻动菜园中的土块。（不错，可惜铺了沥青！……）他的头是怎样自动地后仰着，想要凝视永恒的上苍（不错，可惜这是禁止的……）。窗台上跳跃的小鸟引起他多少甜美的心绪（不错，可惜有笼口、铁网、上了锁的通风窗……）。他在发给他的纸上记述着多么清晰的思想，有时是多么惊人的结论。（不错，如果能从小卖部买到纸。况且填写完毕之后，交到监狱办公室，就永不复返了……）
上面这一系列呼呼叨叨的假设，使我们自己也有点摸不着头脑。这一章的计划面临着破产，因为我们搞不清楚：在新型监狱里，在特种（哪一种？）监狱里，人的灵魂是在净化？或者是在彻底地毁灭？
如果每天早晨你所看到的第一样东西-一就是你那发疯了的同监难友的眼睛，--那你自己在降临的一天中何以求得解救呢？因被捕而打断了出色的天文研究之路的尼古拉?亚历山大罗维奇?科济列夫求得解救的办法是，专心致志地去思考永恒与无限的问题：世界秩序及其最高精神；星座及其内部状况；什么是时间和时间的运行。
这样，物理学的一个新领域就开始向他揭开了，他在德米特罗夫斯克监狱里全是赖此活了下来。但是他的推理被一些遗忘的数字卡住了。他再也不能继续构思--他需要许多数字。在这间夜里点着油灯的单人监室里从哪里去取得这些数字呢？连鸟儿都飞不进来呀！科学家祈祷起来：上帝呀！我已经尽了我的所能。帮助我吧！帮助我继续下去吧！
在这个时期，他十天只能借阅一次书（监室里只剩下他一个人了）。在这个不丰富的监狱图书馆里，有杰米扬?别德内依的《红色音乐会》的几个版本，它们反复地送到监室里来。他祈祷后过了半小时--换书的人来了，照例不问一声就扔下了一本--《天体物理学教程》！它是从哪儿来的呢？简直不能想象图书馆里会有这样的书！预感到这次相逢的好景不长，科济列夫如饥似渴地阅读起来，努力记住今天所需要的一切东西。总共只过了两天，离还书日期还差八天--突然，典狱长巡视监狱。他的锐利目光马上就发现了。"你的专业是天文学，对吗？"--"对。"--－"把这本书收走。"--但是，这本书的神秘光临已经为将来在诺里尔斯克劳改营继续进行的工作开辟了道路。
那末，我们现在就应当开始去写关于精神与铁窗对抗的一章了。
但这是怎么回事？……看守的钥匙在门扇里无声的震响。阴沉沉的监楼长带着一张长长的名单进来："姓什么？本名与父名？出生年月？哪一条？刑期？刑期终止时间？……收拾东西！快！"
喂，弟兄们，起解！起解！ ……我们要到什么地方去！上帝呀！祝福吧！我们的尸骨会有人收吗？ ...
就这么办：能活着--就下次再说吧。在第四部里，我们将把一切说完。如果能活着……