Chapter 10 Chapter 9: Decisive Battle in Pingjin

On December 24, 1948, when Fu Zuoyi was heartbroken over the annihilation of his 11th Corps in Zhangjiakou in Beiping, Chiang Kai-shek in Nanjing was in an unprecedented crisis of internal struggle. On this day, Bai Chongxi, the military and political chief of Central China, sent a "Hai Jing" telegram from Wuhan, which was forwarded by Zhang Qun and Zhang Zhizhong to Chiang Kai-shek. At the same time, Cheng Qian, Chairman of Hunan Province and Director of Changsha Appeasement Office, also called Chiang Kai-shek, asking Chiang to step down to facilitate peace talks. The news spread like wildfire, and the reporter of the United Press in Shanghai issued a special news that Chiang Kai-shek was about to step down that day.

This is tantamount to a political earthquake, making the precarious Jiang family dynasty worse. Chiang Kai-shek was desperate. He had never been in such pain since the Northern Expedition.The power of the Guangxi faction was not a concern at all, but he knew that behind Li Zongren and Bai Chongxi, there was a stronger force, that is, President Truman and Secretary of State Marshall in Washington. As early as when Marshall came to China to mediate, Chiang Kai-shek did not have a good relationship with him.The retired five-star general did not expect that after a stumble in China, his official career would be prosperous, and he would become the Secretary of State as soon as he returned to China.President Truman obeyed his advice, which deeply influenced Washington's China policy.As early as August 1947, the Americans were considering the issue of Chiang Kai-shek's resignation and began to look for a new replacement.At that time, U.S. special envoy Wedemeyer blatantly issued a statement at Chiang Kai-shek's official residence that "China's revival needs a charismatic leader", making no secret of the U.S. authorities' disappointment with Chiang Kai-shek.In September of the same year, American Ambassador Leighton Stuart was ordered to inspect North China.Afterwards, he reported to Secretary of State Marshall: "Chiang Kai-shek, who symbolizes the rule of the Kuomintang, is declining in popularity. Among the intellectuals in North China, he is even regarded as a figure in the past, while Li Zongren's reputation is rising day by day."

With the support of Leighton Stuart, Li Zongren openly wrote to Chiang Kai-shek in October of this year, requesting to run for vice president. In the spring of 1948, when Li Zongren's struggle with Sun Ke, Chiang Kai-shek's nominated vice-presidential candidate, was heating up, Stuart reported to Marshall: Forced to be on the defensive in every battlefield, the morale of the people has been extremely damaged.Such startling circumstances call for inspirational leadership, which has so far been slow to emerge.The situation was becoming more and more urgent, and the Generalissimo had to make a decision, but he was limited by his prejudices and failed to take positive reform measures.In our opinion, it seems impossible to say that a solution through peace talks, including prompting the chairman to withdraw from the political arena, is impossible.

On April 29, Li Zongren defeated Sun Ke and was elected vice president. This is a clear symptom of the rise of the Guangxi faction.At that time, someone said: "On the battlefield, Chiang Kai-shek was defeated by the Communist Party; at the National Congress, he was defeated by Li Zongren." Chiang Kai-shek regarded the "Little Zhuge" Bai Chongxi as the most senior person in the Kuomintang. He could not tolerate Li Zongren and Bai Chongxi joining forces in the court, so he released Bai Chongxi to Wuhan. Leighton Stuart reported to Marshall: "Bai Chongxi was dismissed as Minister of Defense, presumably because he helped Li Zongren in the election...he seems to suspect that the 'Gui faction' conspired against him."

Bai Chongxi didn't want to go to Wuhan to take up the post, but once went to Shanghai to work as a "residential residence". Chiang Kai-shek sent lobbyists several times to persuade him to take up the post, but they were all rejected.Later, Huang Shaohong, another important figure of the Guangxi Clique, came out, and after some advice, "Little Zhuge" was so happy that he hurried out of the mountain. Huang Shaohong said: "You have been in Nanjing for the past few years. No matter how great you are as an official, you are just a bird in a cage. Now, Chiang Kai-shek has let you out, so why don't you hurry up and fly away. There are several troops in Guangxi in Central China. You should go and get them out as soon as possible. Once they are mastered, when the time is right, if you let Delin (Li Zongren) come out to take charge of the government and advocate peace talks, wouldn't it be good for you in one fell swoop?"

During the days when Bai Chongxi was sitting in Jiangcheng, Chiang Kai-shek made two gambles: one was that the elite corps betting on the battlefield lost everything; the other was that he bet wrong on the US presidential election. The Americans secretly supported Li Zongren and dismantled him, and he hated it in his eyes. No matter how many billions of dollars in military equipment the Truman government provided, Chiang Kai-shek still could not thank Truman and Marshall.Just as Truman and Marshall made no secret of their disappointment with him, Chiang Kai-shek was also very disappointed with his "big benefactor". In the summer of 1948, Chiang Kai-shek sent Chen Lifu to the United States to donate a large sum of money to help New York Governor Dewey run for president.

At that time, Chinese in New York generally believed that Dewey would defeat Truman with an absolute advantage, which was why Chiang Kai-shek bet on Dewey.After Chen Lifu returned to Shanghai, he also made a speech on "News World", claiming: "If Dewey is elected, he will provide military assistance to China and take an extraordinary approach in the war against the Communist Party." Unfortunately, Dewey was not elected. On November 7, the results of the general election came out, and Truman was re-elected as president.Chiang Kai-shek lost his gamble again. On November 9, a frustrated Chiang Kai-shek had to write to Truman to congratulate him on being elected president.In this letter, Chiang Kai-shek asked Truman to issue a declaration "in support of the Nationalist Government's operational objectives."Truman bluntly declined.

On November 28, Soong Meiling flew to the United States and tried her best to lobby people in the U.S. government and opposition parties in an attempt to turn the tide and make the U.S. authorities continue to support Chiang Kai-shek's anti-communist war.Marshall and Truman didn't show any face to the First Lady of the Eastern Empire, and refused all of her requests in a begging tone. Soon, the U.S. embassy in China released the wind, saying: "The only way out for the Nanjing government in the future is to negotiate peace with the Communist Party, and Chiang Kai-shek's resignation is a prerequisite for peace talks."

Without the support of the United States, Chiang Kai-shek would not only lose the war, but also his presidency would not be secure. On December 17, he sent someone to tell Li Zongren that he was going to go to the field, and tested Li Zongren's attitude. Li Zongren did his part, saying that he was "willing to preside over the great affairs for advocating peace talks." After that, Li and Bai talked on the phone every day to study the policy after replacing Chiang Kai-shek.Unexpectedly, as the days passed, Chiang Kai-shek remained silent. Bai Chongxi finally couldn't bear it anymore, sent out the famous "Hai Jing" telegram, and began to force Jiang to go to the field.

Chiang Kai-shek had to consider the issue of "retiring to the field". Of course, he would not be willing to hand over power to the Guangxi faction.Retiring from the "front desk" to the "behind the scenes" and returning to the "front desk" at the right time is a major feature of old Chinese politics.Chiang Kai-shek knew this well. He had retired twice before and came back twice, playing politics around.This time is no exception. Before retiring, he made intensive personnel arrangements to prepare for behind-the-scenes manipulation. On December 30, Bai Chongxi "forced the palace" again, and sent another "Hai Quan" telegram:

On December 31, Chiang Kai-shek invited more than 40 dignitaries from Nanjing to the official residence on Huangpu Road to hold a dinner.The ballroom was brightly lit, and the Christmas decorations hadn't been removed yet.This is the last grand welcome party held by the Jiang Dynasty in Nanjing.The crumbling regime made it impossible for everyone to be as happy for the arrival of the New Year as in previous years, and the banquet was always carried out in a dull and depressing atmosphere. Chiang Kai-shek's expression was very strange, with a fake smile on his face, which was more unbearable than crying.When he was clinking glasses with others, no one dared to look him in the eyes, and everyone had a premonition that something big would happen tonight. Sure enough, after the dinner, Chiang Kai-shek said with a straight face: "The situation is serious now, and some people in the party advocate peace talks. We have to express something about such an important issue. Now we have prepared a statement and are going to publish it on New Year's Day. I invite Yue Jun ( Mr. Zhang Qun’s words) read it aloud, and I hope everyone can comment on it.” Zhang Qun took the proclamation from Chiang Kai-shek and began to read: For the past three years, the purpose of political discussions has always been peace; that is, the purpose of mobilizing against chaos is also peace.However, today's situation is peace for war, and the people for misfortune for good. The key lies not in the government, nor can our compatriots' one-sided hopes for the government be achieved.I also know that the decision on this issue is entirely up to the Communist Party. Whether the country can turn the crisis into peace, and whether the people can turn disasters into blessings, depends on the Communist Party's change of mind... As long as the Communist Party of China has the sincerity of peace and can make a definite statement, the government will be open and honest. See you, I am willing to discuss with you the specific method to stop the war and restore peace... As long as the peace agreement does not harm the independence and integrity of the country, but helps the people to recuperate and live; as long as the sacred constitution is not violated by me, and the democratic constitutional government is not destroyed by this, the Republic of China The national system can ensure that the legal system of the Republic of China will not be interrupted; the army has a solid guarantee, and the people can maintain their free way of life and the minimum standard of living... I only hope that peace can be realized as soon as possible, and I will never worry about where individuals enter and exit. Only the will of the people is to be followed. After Zhang Qun finished reading Chiang Kai-shek's "New Year's Announcement" on "Going to the Field for Peace Talks", the audience was silent and silent. Chiang Kai-shek first asked Li Zongren, who was sitting on the right side: "Brother Delin, what's your opinion on the proclamation?" Li Zongren said without hesitation: "I have no disagreement with the president." CC members Gu Zhenggang, Zhang Daofan and others made generous statements: "The president cannot step down for the sake of peace. Stepping down will lead to demoralization and demoralization, and the consequences will be unmanageable!" Chiang Kai-shek cast his eyes on the generals of Huangpu in military uniform, but no one expressed his opinion.Chiang Kai-shek was very disappointed. These guys who usually talked about the "principal" didn't even have a word to persuade them to stay at the critical moment.When Gu Zhengding said in tears, "The president must never go down", Chiang Kai-shek took the opportunity to lose his temper, pointing to Gu and said, "I don't want to leave, but your party members want me to resign; I want to go down, not because of the Communist Party, but because of the party." It's because of a certain faction in our party!" After Chiang Kai-shek finished speaking, he left the banquet hall angrily.Everyone looked at Li Zongren, and Li Zongren straightened his body with an unfathomable look. The next day, Chiang Kai-shek's "New Year's Announcement" caused a sensation in the entire city of Nanjing through the shouting of newsboys.Well-informed foreign journalists have already spread this explosive news to the rest of the world. On the same day, Chiang Kai-shek invited Li Zongren to talk and said: "As far as the current situation is concerned, of course I can't continue working, but I must make arrangements before I leave, otherwise, it will not be easy for you to take over. Please tell Jiansheng (Bai Chongxi) to understand For this reason, stop Hubei and Henan provincial councils from issuing telegrams, so as not to shake people's hearts!" On the first day of the new year, it was widely rumored in Beijing and Shanghai that Chiang Kai-shek's "New Year's Announcement" was caused by the "forced palace" of the Guangxi family. After taking Xinbaoan and Zhangjiakou, Mao Zedong turned his gaze from the west to the east, and fixed on Tanggu. This was an important part of his strategy of "strike the two ends first, and then take the middle". Tanggu is the sea passage for the North China Kuomintang army to flee eastward, and it is also an important base for military supplies in the Pingjin area.Hou Jingru, the commander of the 17th Corps, commanded the 87th Army and dozens of ships to berth at the port to assist in land defense and prepare to transport the army to retreat at any time. After the escape route to the west was blocked, in fact there was only one way left to flee from Tanggu to the sea. Mao Zedong pointed out to Lin, Luo, and Liu many times: "Use the main force to annihilate the enemies of Lutai and Tanggu, and control Haikou in my hands, and the overall situation is in sight." They are all alive", "If there are many enemies in Tanggu, we will monitor them, and if there are not many, we will annihilate them with cameras. This move should be done quickly to prevent the enemies of Ping, Tianjin, Tong, and Tang from concentrating on Tanggu and escaping from the sea." When the new security campaign on the western front started, Mao Zedong also made specific arrangements for the "battle of attacking ponds" on the eastern front. On December 21, 1948, he called Lin, Luo, and Liu: "The decision to attack Tanggu sooner or later depends on whether our army can bombard Tanggu harbor and completely block Tanggu from Dagu or near Tanggu. If it cannot be completely blocked, the area The enemy is still in danger of fleeing by sea (according to reports from foreign news agencies, the Kuomintang has a group of warships near Tanggu), so our troops should spare no effort to annihilate the enemy in Tanggu as quickly as possible. If Tanggu harbor can be completely destroyed by artillery fire Blockade, the enemy cannot escape, so they can calmly deploy the attack, there is no need to rush, and generally capture Tanggu by the end of this month or the first ten days of next month." Lin Biao, who was in Mengjialou, also first focused on fighting Tanggu on the eastern front. After the new security campaign on the western front started, he called Deng Hua, commander of the 7th column, and Wu Fushan, political commissar, in the names of Lin, Luo, and Liu: Subsequently, Lin Biao decided to attack Tanggu with a total of 10 divisions from the 2nd Column, 7th Column, 9th Column, and 10th Column 29th Division. After Deng Hua accepted the task, he took the heads of the participating troops to reconnaissance the enemy's situation and terrain on the spot, and found that the rivers and ditches in that area were mostly salt fields and grasslands, wet and muddy, which was not convenient for large troops to deploy. On December 25, Deng Hua called Lin and Liu: Lin Biao has always been opposed to "fighting recklessly". He often instilled in his troops the tactical principle of "four fast and one slow". attack".Deng Hua's telegram aroused his great attention, and he decided to send Liu Yalou to go to Tanggu for field inspections in person. Liu Yalou arrived at the Tanggu front on the 26th.The battle was originally scheduled to start the next day. After Liu Yalou scouted the enemy's situation and terrain, he learned about the pre-war preparations of the three columns and believed that the attack on Tanggu should be delayed. At this time, Zhao Erlu, chief of staff of the North China Military Region, reported to Lin, Luo, and Liu: "According to spies, there are many signs of the Pingjin enemy's breakout." Faced with this complicated military situation, Lin Biao thought for a long time. He believed that Tanggu's terrain was not conducive to the movement and deployment of large troops, and it was difficult to conquer it quickly. Prepare to break out. If the attack on Tanggu cannot be resolved quickly, the enemies of Pingjin will be threatened by the sea route being cut off. They will take the opportunity to send reinforcements or flee southward.In this way, you have to deal with the three enemy forces in Ping, Jin, and Tang at the same time, and it is difficult to defeat each of them. In fact, there were only 5 enemy divisions in Tanggu. Even if Tanggu was captured, it would be impossible to wipe out all of them. One must be wiped out, and the rest fled from the sea.Instead of this, it is better to attack Tianjin first, and monitor Tanggu with a column, so that Tianjin can be the first to wipe out the defending enemy with an absolute superiority of troops. Lin Biao's thinking was exactly the same as that in the middle of the Liaoshen Campaign. After taking Jinzhou, he did not first attack the Hou Jingru Corps in Jinxi and Huludao, but went straight to the Liao Yaoxiang Corps in Liaoxi. achieved greater results.This time it was the same, he avoided Hou Jingru who was backed by the harbor again, and aimed at Chen Changjie in Tianjin. Mao Zedong was very good at absorbing the rationalization suggestions of the front-line generals. He resolutely abandoned the Tanggu campaign plan and instead supported Lin Biao's plan to use five columns to attack Tianjin. For this reason, he called Lin and Liu on December 29: Lin Biao considered that the enemies at Ping, Jin, and Tang might cooperate to fight, that is, attack one and move at the other two at the same time. In this way, preparations must be made to deal with 30 enemy divisions at the same time. advantage, he suggested that the Yang Dezhi and Yang Chengwu corps in North China should join Pingjin. After solving the enemies of Xinbaoan and Zhangjiakou, Mao Zedong ordered Yang Dezhi's corps to besiege Datong and Yang Chengwu's corps to besiege Guisui. Lin Biao's suggestion made Mao Zedong change his plan to solve the Suiyuan issue first, which laid the groundwork for the "Suiyuan Way" in the future. Foreshadowing. On December 28, Mao Zedong called Lin Biao and the 2nd Corps and 3rd Corps in North China: Since the Pingjintang enemies have the possibility of breaking out and escaping, they agree with Lin's proposal. Yang (Chengwu), Li (Jingquan) all, Yang (Dezhi) The main forces of Luo (Ruiqing) and Geng (Biao) were all transferred to Pingjin to participate in the battle, and Lin was asked to order their actions immediately. By December 30, 1948, Lin Biao had completed the deployment of the siege of Peiping and the attack on Tianjin.At this time, Mengjialou was already a scene of "three marshals and one drama". On December 20, Nie Rongzhen, commander of the North China Military Region, also came here.The East Field Command is called the Pingjin Front Command.After Chief of Staff Liu Yalou went to Tanggu to investigate the enemy's situation, he moved to the vicinity of Tianjin with the Eastern Front troops.Lin Biao and Luo Ronghuan decided to appoint Liu Yalou as the commander-in-chief of the Tianjin Campaign Command in view of Liu Yalou's understanding of the enemy's situation and the situation of the troops. Beiping is already a dangerous city. Anyone with insight can see that Fu Zuoyi can't defend this thousand-year-old capital at all. Useless resistance will not only sacrifice the lives of soldiers and citizens in vain, but also destroy countless precious cultural relics in the flames of war. sin! They can't sit idly by, so Fu Zuoyi has to prick up his ears every day to listen to the "high opinions" of lobbyists from all walks of life. He Siyuan, the former mayor of Peking, is an "honorary citizen of Peking" who actively worked for "peace".As early as November 6, 1948, he asked Fu Zuoyi to contact the CCP as soon as possible.Fu Zuoyi said: "Li Zongren may succeed Chiang, let's talk about it at that time." At that time, Fu Zuoyi wanted to form a "North China coalition government", but he was hesitating.Fu Zuoyi asked He Siyuan to fly to Nanjing to see what Li Zongren could do. He Siyuan flew to Nanjing and stayed at Li Zongren's house, where he had heart-to-heart talks every night.After talking for a few days, he saw that Li Zongren had no good solution, so he flew back to Beiping and said to Fu Zuoyi: "Jiang will not step down for the time being, and Li Yi will not be the president. Nanjing is divided and can no longer take care of us. You should act decisively." , resolve it peacefully at an early date." Fu Zuoyi has a very deep city, and he listens to all the lobbyists' persuasion, but he doesn't express his own opinions, so no one knows what he thinks. As soon as He Siyuan showed up from Li Zongren's official residence, the secret agent reported to Chiang Kai-shek.Chiang Kai-shek hated him so much that he immediately ordered Mao Renfeng, the leader of the military command, to assassinate He Siyuan.Mao Renfeng's killer chased him to Peiping, and later planted two time bombs in He Siyuan's house, killing one of the six members of the He family and injuring five. General Ma Zhanshan of the former Northeast Army was in Beiping at the time, and he, Fu Zuoyi and Deng Baoshan were sworn brothers.After the Battle of Liaoshen, Ma Zhanshan said to Fu Zuoyi: "The Northeast is over! What are you going to do in Pingjin?" Fu Zuoyi replied, "Let's fight! What else can I do?" "I think if you don't block Lin Biao's troops east of the Luanhe River and outside Gubeikou, once they get close to Pingjin, you will have to catch them blind." At that time, Fu Zuoyi was still intoxicated by the glory of the "Famous City Defender", and said unconvinced, "Brother, I can't help you if you say that!" "Whether there is a way or no way, both of us are half-buried people, let me see him! Chiang Kai-shek will never change the elimination of dissidents and the expansion of his direct line. Don't give birth to a person just because you, Fu Yi, One or two million people's lives, property, cultural relics and antiques in the thousand-year-old capital were all smashed, and they became historical sinners!" The secret agents in Peking have long heard about Ma Zhanshan's lobbying activities against Fu Zuoyi.After listening to the spy's report, Chiang Kai-shek was murderous.One day, a spy surnamed Song came to Mafu with a telegram from Chiang Kai-shek.The telegram said: "Brother Xiufang, Commander-in-Chief Ma, I hope to come to Beijing soon to discuss the country's affairs." Song said: "The plane is parked at Nanyuan Airport, and I hope General Ma will go face to face immediately." Nanjing, so he asked his family to tell Song: "I don't know the whereabouts of General Ma." Until the eve of the liberation of Peking, the secret agents did not give up their plan to kill Ma Zhanshan. At the critical moment when the soldiers were approaching the city, there were also many people in the Fu family who advocated peace, and they also played a great role in the change of Fu Zuoyi's thinking.Just after the new year, Fu Zuoyi called Li Shijie, the chief of staff, and Wang Kejun, the director of political affairs, and said, "I've been thinking about it for a few days, and I'm going to send a peace telegram today to plead for the people and promote peace. On behalf of Li Wen, he went to Nanjing to plead guilty to Jiang and wait for his handling. By doing so, Beiping can avoid war disasters and lead to a comprehensive peace. I think this is beneficial to both the country and the people, what do you think?" When Li Shijie heard this, he said excitedly: "It is irresponsible to do this. I am sorry to anyone. I am sorry to the army and the people. You have gathered hundreds of thousands of wolves like tigers on the outskirts of Beiping, neither fighting nor fighting. Discord, and ran away after saying a few empty words. What about these teams called Li Wen? Let’s make peace, there will be a big mess; let’s fight, and Peiping will be destroyed. In this way, you will first of all be sorry to the residents of Peiping, and you will also be sorry to the hundreds of thousands of troops. If you send a peaceful telegram and leave, Chiang Kai-shek will definitely think that you are running away and will not let you go. The Communist Party will not agree with you to send a telegram.” Fu Zuoyi said: "Sacrificing for peace is also meaningful. I want to summon officials above the division commander to tell them about it." Li Shijie said: "Officials from Jiang's family can't say it, it's better to talk to officials from Chasui first." Fu Zuoyi decided to find out the generals who had followed him for a long time to see their attitude towards peace.One day, he summoned the officers of the direct line army division and above to a meeting in Jurentang, Zhongnanhai. "Peking is surrounded, what do you think?" Fu Zuoyi asked suddenly after the generals sat down. No one answered the question.Fu Zuoyi called the names one by one and asked everyone to answer.Those army commanders and division commanders who usually regarded Fu as their father and brother stood up from their seats one by one, but no one said anything. "Sun Yingnian, you answer!" Sun Yingnian was the youngest commander among the generals of the Fu family. He stood up abruptly and replied sharply: "Fight!" Fu Zuoyi was taken aback, seeing Sun Yingnian's eyes spewing fire with murderous intent, so he asked, "How many blows can you hit?" "I can hit half of it!" Fu Zuoyi was even more surprised, and asked, "What do you mean half a day? Please make it clear." Sun Yingnian explained: "Our division can participate in a large-scale attack, and can also participate in the defense of the city after returning. It's just halfway through." "What do you do when your second half is over?" "Success or benevolence!" Sun Yingnian puffed out his chest. Fu Zuoyi shook his head and said, "Are we fighting to die? There are many ways to die. Why do we have to fight to die?" He asked all the generals one by one again, and no one answered the difficult "what to do".Everyone kept silent, and actually acquiesced to "listen to Commander-in-Chief Fu, and do whatever Commander-in-Chief Fu says." Fu Zuoyi's eyes swept over the faces of the generals, and everyone was looking forward to the answer. "The only solution to Peking is peace!" Fu Zuoyi raised his voice, "I am determined to take the road of 'peace', will you follow me or not?" All the generals replied in unison: "I would like to go with the commander-in-chief!" Feeling relieved, Fu Zuoyi took out the draft of the peace telegram from his jacket pocket, asked Yan Youwen, deputy director of the Political Work Department, to read it, and then asked everyone for their opinions. Seeing that no one spoke, Sun Yingnian stood up and said, "This telegram is a unilateral truce. Does the Communist Army agree? What if the Communist Army does not agree to send such a telegram? The telegram only emphasizes that the ancient cultural city of Beiping will not be destroyed, and the people will not be spared." What kind of political opinions do we have when we are devastated? This electrification is the cry of soldiers approaching the city!" Wang Kejun, the director of political affairs, got up and asked: "Sun Yingnian, this is politics, not shouting 'one two one' on the playground! How can it be called whining?" Fu Zuoyi waved to Sun and Wang to sit down, and said, "It seems immature, and the electricity will not be sent. No one can leak out today's meeting." Indeed, the word "wailing" deeply hurt Fu Zuoyi. He has won so many victories in his life, no matter whether it is a domestic warlord or a Japanese, no opponent has ever dared to despise him. In the summer of 1946, at the beginning of the outbreak of the full-scale civil war, Fu Zuoyi severely damaged He Long and Nie Rongzhen in Datong, Zhangjiakou and other places, and his arrogance was very arrogant.At that time, he actually published an open letter to Mao Zedong, saying: "It is not the national army that was surrounded and wiped out, but the troops of He Long and Nie Rongzhen that you boasted about participating in the '25,000-mile Long March'..." Commander-in-Chief Zhu De Ordered: "Read it to the cadres above the company level. This is called the method of aggressive generals. Let everyone know that people scold us for passing the 25,000-mile long march. Think about what we should do." As a negative teaching material, this letter was later published in " In Jiefang Daily, many CCP cadres were so angry that they wept after reading it. Fu Zuoyi's strong self-esteem was slowly developed in the past extraordinary achievements. While Fu Zuoyi was hesitating, the generals of the Jiang family stationed in Beiping were also planning their own future.With no hope of breaking out on land, they fantasized about escaping from the air.Lin Biao's troops suddenly attacked the city of Beiping with lightning speed, and captured Nanyuan Airport in one fell swoop. At that time, 25 planes at the airport were too late to take off and were completely captured.Li Wen, the commander of the 4th Corps, and Shi Jue, the commander of the 9th Corps, were as anxious as ants on a hot pot. They suggested that Fu Zuoyi open a temporary airport in the Temple of Heaven, and destroyed a large piece of precious ancient cypresses. This airport has just been opened. , was blocked by the artillery fire of the People's Liberation Army.Since then, Li Wen and Shi Jue's plan to airlift their troops to escape from Peiping has completely failed.At this time, there was only a small airport in Dongdan left in the city, and large transport planes could not land. Li Wen and Shi Jue had to leave the troops to escape and went to see Chiang Kai-shek with the title of polished commander. In the days when the commander of the corps looked up to the sky and sighed, the commanders and division commanders under him were quietly finding a way for themselves.Among them, the 92nd Army is the most typical.A division commander of the army named Zhang Boquan knew Li Jieren from the Beiping underground party organization of the Communist Party of China, so he secretly contacted him from top to bottom to prepare to lead his troops to revolt.Li Jieren happened to be the nephew of Hou Jingru, commander of the 17th Corps.Hou led 50,000 to 60,000 horses back to the sea in Tanggu, and his way out was not a big problem, but his private house in Yuan'en Temple in Beiping became the contact point for Li Jieren to instigate the 92nd Army uprising.Li Jieren first countered Zhang Boquan, and then the general Huang Xiang also pulled in.The 92nd Army secretly sent people out of the city to contact the People's Liberation Army, and the Liaison Officer of the People's Liberation Army immediately moved into Huang Xiang's military headquarters.Li Jieren also has a bigger plan to instigate a rebellion. He plans to bring his uncle Hou Jingru's 17th Corps over. They communicate with Hou Jingru through the radio every day. Hou Jingru is very clear about the situation of the 92nd Army's upcoming uprising. , it is very likely that they will also rebel and revolt. Of course, Fu Zuoyi is not blind, and he is also very clear about the secret communication between the 92nd Army and the People's Liberation Army.The division within the Jiang family was also an important factor that prompted Fu Zuoyi to finally make up his mind to move towards the light. The city of Beiping was at stake, and the local civilians also reacted strongly. Students and citizens shouted slogans on the street every day: "Strongly demand the Kuomintang troops to leave the urban area of ​​Beiping!" Nervous, especially the headache is the lack of discipline in the army, and the people suffer greatly from it. At that time, Fu Zuoyi's only source of supply was airdrops.It was mid-winter, and a thick layer of ice formed on the surface of Beihai Lake, which became a natural airdrop field. Although there were several sorties of planes dropping food and ammunition every day, it was a drop in the bucket for 200,000 people. . The People's Liberation Army has begun to take military action on the outskirts of Tianjin. Although Chen Changjie has built many fortifications in Tianjin, he cannot withstand the long-term siege of the People's Liberation Army.Feeling that the situation was becoming more and more unfavorable, Fu Zuoyi finally made up his mind on January 5, 1949, and planned to send Zhou Beifeng, director of the Land Division, and Professor Zhang Dongsun of the Democratic League out of the city the next day to hold a second peace talk with the CCP. Fu Zuoyi's movements had long been closely watched by the spies. Not long after Zhou Beifeng left the city, an unexpected visitor came to Dongdan Airport——Ministry of National Defense Deputy Minister Zheng Jiemin.In Zheng Jiemin's brown briefcase, there was a thick stack of Chiang Kai-shek's autographed letters, each of which was a copy of his own. Of course, the longest letter was addressed to Fu Zuoyi.Zheng Jiemin said: "President Chiang attaches great importance to Commander-in-Chief Fu. He said, 'A thousand soldiers are easy to get, but a general is hard to find'. Recently there were rumors in Nanjing about the peace talks between Commander-in-Chief Fu and the CCP. The President asked me to tell you that he absolutely trusts the Commander-in-Chief. , Commander-in-Chief, please rest assured." Fu Zuoyi smiled slightly and said, "There are more such rumors in Beiping." "Then how can I do it? I heard that Yan Baichuan (Yan Xishan) praised you as Guan Yunchang, and your righteousness is beyond the sky!" Zheng Jiemin said, "I want to give a speech to the officers above the division commander, convey President Jiang's instructions, and make them absolutely obey Commander Fu." That night, Fu Zuoyi hosted a banquet in honor of Zheng Jiemin, and all officers above the division were present.Zheng Jiemin made a short speech, saying: "The president is very concerned about everyone. Although the current situation is difficult, he hopes that under the command of Commander-in-Chief Fu, he will be loyal to the party and the country and fulfill his duty as a soldier." Chiang Kai-shek did have illusions about Fu Zuoyi. In his letter to the generals in Peking, he asked them without exception to "obey the orders of Commander-in-Chief Fu no matter what." There are many loyal running dogs that Chiang Kai-shek has kept for many years in the Chiang Kai-shek army. They hate the Communist Party and are very dissatisfied with Fu Zuoyi's peace talks with the Communist Party of China. However, in the end, no one dared to resist Fu Zuoyi's peaceful liberation of Beiping. Divided into "credit". When Zheng Jiemin toasted Fu Zuoyi in Zhongnanhai, Zhou Beifeng and Zhang Dongsun had already held talks with Cheng Zihua, commander of the 2nd Corps of the East Army, in a compound in Xishan.Cheng Zihua cut to the chase and said, "Does General Fu Zuoyi still want to defend Beiping the way he used to defend Zhuozhou?" Zhou Beifeng waved his hands again and again: "General Fu is really sincere about the peaceful liberation of Peking." Cheng Zihua showed a satisfied smile on his face, and greeted people warmly.Zhou and Zhang went out of the city early in the morning, passed through several blockades of the national and communist armies, and had been worried for a whole day in the bitter cold wind. At this time, they finally felt relieved.Zhou Beifeng met Cheng Zihua several times during the Anti-Japanese War, and when they met each other, it was inevitable to bring up old stories again.After eating, Cheng Zihua, Zhou and Zhang surrounded the warm stove and talked about the evolution of the current situation from the Anti-Japanese War to the present, feeling a lot of emotion. In the early morning of the next day, Cheng Zihua asked Staff Officer Liu to take a truck to send Zhou and Zhang on the road.At 4:00 p.m., he arrived safely at Balizhuang near Mengjialou.After getting out of the car, Zhou Beifeng was stunned when he ran into Li Bingquan head-on. "You? You look very familiar, as if you've seen him before." "I am Li Bingquan from "Pingmin Daily". I was the one who accompanied Mr. Cui Zaizhi to the peace talks last time. Now I am in charge of entertaining you and Mr. Zhang." "It turns out that you are an underground member of the Chinese Communist Party. I should have thought of it earlier." Zhou Beifeng suddenly realized, "You were the most active in reporting the rape of Shen Chong, a girl from Peking University by American soldiers!" Li Bingquan enthusiastically welcomed Zhou and Zhang into a landlord's house. The fire in the house was booming, and the meals were ready soon.Although it is a simple meal in the farmhouse, it is very warm and comfortable for the two "envoys" whose hands and feet are stiff from the cold, and it feels like returning to their hometown to visit their hometown.This night, Li Bingquan introduced the situation, and Zhou Beifeng also talked about Fu Zuoyi's ideological changes. That Cui Zaizhi returned without success, there are two reasons that made Fu Zuoyi unwilling to talk about it: one is that the People's Liberation Army encircled and wiped out Fu Jun in Xinbaoan and Zhangjiakou on a large scale; The names of 43 first-class war criminals were announced, and Fu Zuoyi's name was also included. On New Year's Day, Mao Zedong sent a telegram to the Pingjin Front Command, ordering reliable people from the underground party in Beiping to explain six opinions to Fu Zuoyi in person: Mao Zedong mentioned Professor Zhang Dongsun, vice chairman of the NLD in the telegram, and this was the reason why Zhang participated in the negotiations.Lin, Luo, and Nie received the above-mentioned telegram, and after careful consideration, they decided to send Li Bingquan back to the city to find Cui Zaizhi and Li Tengjiu. They would introduce them and convey Mao Zedong's six opinions to Fu Zuoyi face to face. This is the direct reason why Fu Zuoyi sent Major General Zhou Beifeng to negotiate. On January 8, 1949, Lin Biao and Nie Rongzhen formally negotiated with Zhou Beifeng and Zhang Dongsun. "You are here this time, and we welcome you." Nie Rongzhen looked at Zhou Beifeng and said, "Do you think General Fu Zuoyi is sincere this time?" "Mr. Fu has seen the situation clearly," Zhou Beifeng said sincerely, "The main reason for calling me this time is to see what conditions the PLA has for a peaceful settlement." "The condition is very simple! We ask you to stop resisting." Nie Rongzhen asked, "Are you only talking about the Beiping issue, or are you talking about all the troops and areas under Fu's jurisdiction?" Zhou Beifeng replied: "Talk about comprehensive issues, including a package of peace talks between Ping, Tianjin, Tang, and Sui." Nie Rongzhen nodded, and after a moment of silence, he asked suddenly: "Mr. Fu, is he still going to fight against the cornered beast, and use the method of defending Zhuozhou in the past to resist in the corner of Beiping?" Zhou Beifeng quickly said: "Mr. Fu is sincere in asking me to go out of the city to negotiate this time. This is the general trend and the people's will. This is the only way to go. Of course, it may take some twists and turns on specific issues." "Does Mr. Fu Zuoyi have any specific opinions on the peace talks?" Nie Rongzhen asked. "Mr. Fu asked me to clarify the following four points: first, Ping, Tianjin, Tang and Suiyuan should be resolved together; second, Ping, Tianjin and other places allow other parties and newspapers to exist; third, progressive people should participate in the government; fourth, The army should not be resolved by surrender, but can be resolved by reorganization outside the city." After hearing these four opinions, Nie Rongzhen couldn't answer for a while, and said: "We will talk about this today, and we will continue to talk tomorrow." On January 9, both Lin Biao and Luo Ronghuan went out in person.Nie Rongzhen first asked Zhou Beifeng to speak. Zhou Beifeng repeated the four points mentioned yesterday, and said: "I hope that the prisoners of Xinbao and Zhangjiakou will be released and treated with leniency instead of prisoners of war; Give a way out of life; I hope that the past crimes of the military and political personnel under Fu's department will not be investigated, and Fu will be responsible for everything." 林彪沉思片刻，然后慢条斯理地说：“我们的意见是：所有军队一律解放军化，所有地方一律解放区化。在此前提下，首先解决平、津两市的问题，由傅作义将军下令把军队调出平、津两城，开赴指定地点，采用整编方式，改编为人民解放军；对傅作义不作战犯对待，保全傅和部属的私有财产，并在政治上给他们一定的地位；新保安、张家口的被俘人员一律释放；对傅作义的部属一律不咎既往，凡愿参加工作者，都可留下安排适当的工作，愿还乡者，发足路费，填发证明，资遣返乡，并通知地方政府不予歧视。” 聂荣臻又谈了一下全国的军事形势以及傅作义的处境，说：“傅作义将军除了放下武器，还能为人民做好事外，别无出路，希望转告傅将军早下决心。” 周北峰和张东荪听了林、聂的话，露出了笑容：“把军队开出平津改编成解放军是个好办法，我们料想傅先生一定能够接受。” 这天中午，摆了一桌丰盛的酒菜，林、罗、聂陪周、张共进午餐，气氛十分友好。 次日，淮海战役胜利结束，粟裕指挥华东野战军全歼了被围困在陈官庄一带的杜聿明集团，长江以北只剩孤立无援的傅作义集团了。 林、罗、聂再次与周、张谈判，由刘亚楼参谋长亲自做记录。这一次会谈，还专门摆了一个虽不正规但还说得过去的会场。双方就军队如何改编，军政机构如何接管，人员如何安排等进行了协商，并形成了一份《谈判纪要》。 林彪、罗荣桓和聂荣臻首先签字，随后周北峰签字。张东荪说：“我是民盟成员，不代表傅作义，只做中间调解人和见证人，就不签字了。” 在这份《谈判纪要》上还特别注明了1月14日为傅作义答复的最后期限。 1月11日，周北峰准备携《谈判纪要》回城，刘亚楼叮嘱道：“你们回去的路上要小心，文件一定要保存好，以免发生意外，最好缝在衣服里面。” 这次谈判双方始终是在友好的气氛中进行的，没有发生激烈争执。林彪对周、张二人很满意，想送一点礼物给他们作纪念。当时，周、张急着要走，那一带是农村，买东西不容易。聂荣臻提醒说：“你们在东北打了那么大的胜仗，有战利品没有？” 参谋处长苏静和副科长王朝纲正好有两双高筒皮靴，那是打锦州时缴获的，还没有舍得穿，于是主动拿出来送给了两位和谈代表。 1949年1月11日傍晚，解放军用汽车将周北峰、张东荪护送到北平郊区的清河镇。张东荪是燕京大学教授，校园处于解放军的防区，当晚，解放军将其送回燕京大学。周北峰怕夜晚通过国民党军封锁线有危险，当夜留宿于清河。翌日清晨，周北峰在解放军王参谋的护送下抵达燕王城，那里可以看得清雄伟的德胜门箭楼。 王参谋说：“前面就是你们的防区，祝你平安回城。” 周北峰与王参谋挥手道别，转身朝德胜门走去。大约走了半里路，几颗子弹突然从头顶呼啸着飞过，周北峰连忙卧倒，发现路边不远的地方有一个茅草屋，门口坐着一对老夫妻，于是朝茅屋匍匐前进。 “你怎么一个人跑到这里来啦？”老头问。 “我是燕京大学的教师，想进城回家看看。麻烦您到前面打声招呼，让他们别打枪。” 老头犹豫了一下，朝战壕走去，国民党军认识他，没有开枪。不一会儿，老头转身招呼周北峰过去。 周北峰来到战壕边，两个士兵端着上刺刀的枪，厉声喝问：“进城干什么？” “回家。” 士兵将他带进指挥所，一个军官叼着纸烟盘问了半天。周北峰一听军官的口音心里叫苦不迭，原以为德胜门是傅系部队的防区，傅系的基层军官清一色全是察、绥人，可眼前的这个军官却操南方口音，显然是蒋系部队。 那军官问不出什么问题，开始搜身，令周北峰将衣服全脱掉仅剩内衣，而那份《谈判纪要》正好缝在内衣里面，如果不是刘亚楼提醒，这会儿就出大乱子了。 “行了，你可以走了！”那军官将所有物品扣下，“路边有地雷，走中间直达德胜门。” 周北峰一回到家就挂电话给王克俊，报告已平安返回。几分钟后，王克俊来电话说：“总司令让你立即来，衣服也别换了，这里为你准备饭。” 周北峰乘一辆有特别通行证的小汽车，径直开进中南海居仁堂。刚下车，正巧碰到中统特务头子张庆恩，两人都很不自然地打了声招呼。显然，周北峰奇怪的衣着引起了特务的怀疑。 傅作义和王克俊一见周北峰，便急切地说：“不是说签了个协定吗？快拿出来。” “不是协定，是《谈判纪要》。”周北峰解开内衣，取出文件。 傅作义一看，脸色大变，不住地叹气，显然他不满意。 “最后一条是必须于1月14日前答复。”周北峰提醒道。 傅作义背着手在房中来回踱步，一言不发。王克俊和周北峰摸不准傅作义的心思，站在一旁不知如何安慰才好。 “你先电告中共，已平安回城。”傅作义对周北峰说，“这份文件，过两天再说。” 就在傅作义为作出最后决断举棋不定之时，绥远省主席兼华北“剿总”副总司令邓宝珊来到了北平。邓宝珊和马占山在关键时刻为推动傅作义迈出最后一步起了重要作用。 傅作义对共产党缺乏了解，他对两位义兄说：“我们过去一直与中共为敌，现在响应和平解放北平的号召，可以受到宽容和优待，这是战时政策，会不会是一种权宜之计呢？将来成立了政府，会不会老账重算，把我们作为战犯或反革命分子而加以惩办呢？” 邓宝珊在抗战时与延安来往频繁，他说：“我认为中共是可以信赖的。无论如何，我们必须以国家民族利益为重，个人得失进退当在其次，北平有几千年的文物古迹，经不起战争蹂躏，否则我们便是千古罪人。” 傅作义听了此话，不住地点头：“我以前担心的是将士们的前途。他们追随我多年，沙场征战，满腔热血，在此危急存亡之时，不能不考虑他们的利益，否则，将士们心寒啦！” “察、绥将士的利益与整个民族利益相比，有若河伯见海若，宜生当有大海之胸怀，舍小节而取大义。”邓宝珊进一步开导道，“宜生若当断不断，不仅北平古都要毁于战火，十几万察、绥将士也将玉石俱焚，到那时再来谈他们的利益就追悔莫及了。” 傅作义终于被邓宝珊说动了，决定派邓宝珊与周北峰一同出城与解放军进行第三阶段谈判。 此时，天津外围战事逐步升级，天津警备司令陈长捷不断来电请示对策。傅作义的参谋长李世杰回答说：“正在与共军谈判，再等几天就有希望；坚定守住，就有办法。” 傅作义把天津防卫战作为谈判中讨价还价的筹码，他希望陈长捷顶住解放军的攻势，使他在谈判中处于较有利的地位。当年傅作义守涿州，就是打得奉军毫无办法，迫使张作霖父子不得不走和谈的路子。傅作义知道北平是瓷器店没法打仗，他把边打边谈的希望寄托在天津守将陈长捷的身上。 当然，傅作义是一相情愿。毛泽东和林彪已经认准了要全歼天津守军，迫使傅作义按中共中央的条件和平解决北平问题。 1月13日清晨，傅作义将邓宝珊和周北峰叫到中南海居仁堂，令他们立即起程与解放军谈判。 周北峰提醒说：“今天是1月13日，离最后期限只有十几个小时了，总司令对《谈判纪要》作何答复？” 傅作义握住腰间的皮带，深吸一口气，憋了半天才说：“你们去吧！就说有些条款还需要商量一下。” 周北峰立即致电平津前线司令部：“我偕邓宝珊将军今日前往，请指定路线、地点及接头办法。” 一个小时后，解放军方面回电：“欢迎你与邓将军同来，仍在清河镇接头，我方派王科长等候你们。” 正午刚过，邓宝珊带一名副官和十名参谋与周北峰一同乘车出德胜门。过了燕王城，他们一行四人开始下车步行。不久，见前面一棵树下拴着几匹马。走过去一问，正是前来接头的王科长。 他们骑马到清河镇，再换乘两辆吉普车继续前行。 “天黑前能到吗？”周北峰以为目的地仍在蓟县的八里庄。 王科长回答说：“用不着天黑，一个多钟头就能到。” 原来平津前线司令部已经移驻于北平郊区的通县。1月10日，中共中央决定：以林彪、罗荣桓、聂荣臻三同志组织总前委，林彪为书记，所有军事、政治、财务、经济、粮食、货币、外交、文化、党务及其他各项重要工作均归其管辖，以一事权而免分歧。两市委、两军管会关于上述工作均直向总前委请示，由总前委向中央负责。 林彪、罗荣桓和聂荣臻从通县以西的宋庄来到五里桥，在这里与邓宝珊、周北峰展开第三轮会谈。华北军区作战处长唐永健做记录，唐与邓宝珊在抗战时打过交道，算是老熟人了，安排他做记录，目的是让邓宝珊一来就有一种“故人相逢”的亲切感，以缓和气氛。 双方在热烈的气氛中就座于长方桌的两侧。林彪做了简短的发言，表示欢迎邓宝珊、周北峰两位将军的到来。 “上次谈判规定14日为答复的最后期限，现在只剩几个小时了。”聂荣臻收敛笑容，严肃地说。此前，毛泽东来电指示： 谈判前，林、罗、聂已经向刘亚楼下达了攻击天津的命令。 周北峰很不自然地说：“傅先生还没有决定，请贵方宽延数日，容傅先生考虑。” 聂荣臻说：“既然如此，这次谈判就不包括天津了，只谈北平问题。” 邓宝珊显然没有意识到聂荣臻此话的严重性，在他的想象中陈长捷可以凭借坚固工事防守数月应无问题，而在数月之内，他在谈判桌上有足够的时间与对方周旋，以求得更为有利的和平条件。他首先推翻第二轮谈判中双方达成的《谈判纪要》中的条款，而又回到了第一轮谈判中崔载之所提的条件。他说：“我们希望与中共和各界人士共同组织华北联合政府，傅先生统率下之军队交由联合政府指挥……” 林、罗、聂耐心地听着邓宝珊的发言，当邓宝珊提出请解放军让出南苑机场，以诱几十架大型飞机降落，可为联合政府取一大笔军用物资时，林彪再也忍耐不住了，他怀疑傅方的谈判会不会是一种阴谋，如果让南京的几十架大型飞机降落，傅便可撤走大批军政人员，还可获得大批军火以利北平防御作战。 “现在没有别的条件可谈了，只能按上次所谈《谈判纪要》为原则，所有军队一律解放军化，所有地方一律解放区化。”林彪严厉地说，“贵方必须按平津前线司令部的规定，命令北平守军开到城外指定地点接受改编。这是唯一的出路，别的什么都不可能！” 聂荣臻见林彪口气强硬，态度和缓地说：“你们把部队开出城外接受改编，以免北平再遭炮火毁坏，于国于民于你们自己都是十分有利的。” 邓宝珊此时才意识到天津问题的严重性：“你们要打天津了？” 林彪回答说：“是的，我们已经下达了命令。” 邓宝珊对林彪的话将信将疑：“既然你们开始打天津了，怎么你们都还在这里？” 一直未开口的罗荣桓说：“那边有我们的参谋长刘亚楼指挥作战。” “你们打天津准备打多久？”邓宝珊问。 林彪说：“三天。” 邓宝珊笑道：“恐怕三十天你们也打不下来。” 林彪的计算是非常精确的，他曾致电中央军委：“战斗开始后，至多30个小时可以全部解决。” 结果，从总攻发起时算起，实际战斗时间为29个小时。 在北平方面进行秘密和谈的同时，天津方面也进行过几次试探性的和谈。 1949年1月6日，一名解放军战士在天津守军阵地前喊话：“国军弟兄们，不要打枪！我有一封重要信件要送给你们的陈长捷将军！” 这名勇敢的战士穿过地雷、铁丝网和鹿砦等封锁线，将信一直送到国民党军的第一道战壕，再由国民党军护送到第62军军部。 这封信很快转到天津警备司令陈长捷的手中，这是林彪、罗荣桓致陈长捷、林伟俦、刘云瀚三人的。林、罗要求三位将军效仿长春郑洞国，放下武器，以免天津这个华北最大的工商业中心遭到破坏。 陈长捷在他的司令部召集第62军军长林伟俦、第86军军长刘云瀚和天津市市长杜建时商量对策。当时，他们都已经知道北平方面正在与解放军谈判，但是和谈的详情却无法知道，现在林、罗找上门来了，他们也不得不在兵临城下的危急状态下表示态度。 陈长捷与傅作义一样原属晋军阎锡山一派，1948年夏调来担任天津警备司令，成为傅作义在华北的心腹大将。林、刘二位军长均为蒋军嫡系将领，1948年12月才调到天津。这三位将领相识才一个月，而且属于两个派系，即使有话也不敢掏心窝，这就是陈长捷邀杜建时参加会议的原因，杜与陈相识半年，且属中央系，与两位军长是旧交。 杜建时见他们彼此不信任，会开不拢，于是将陈长捷拉到另一间房里，问：“陈将军有何打算？” 陈长捷说：“是打是和要看傅总司令的态度，北平方面正在谈判，我们应与北平一起行动。” 杜建时又把两位军长叫到一边，问：“二位有何打算？” “陈是司令，他必须首先表态，我们不便出头。”两位军长又问陈长捷是怎么打算的。 杜建时说：“他说要等和谈结果，一起行动。如果敌军进攻，你们能守多久？” 林伟俦的那个军是主力，他颇自信地说：“一个星期应无问题。” 刘云瀚的第86军是新组建的部队，战斗力较弱，他对防守天津没有信心，说：“一个星期？怕顶不住哟！” 杜建时一听这话，担心天津很快就要陷落，催陈长捷打电话问和谈的情况。傅作义的参谋长李世杰回答说：“正谈着，你们坚定守住就有办法，能打才能和。” 于是陈长捷只能抱守的打算，回信给林彪、罗荣桓，说：“武器是军人第二生命，放下武器是军人之耻。” 1949年1月8日，天津市参议会的四名议员要求出城与解放军和谈，陈长捷鉴于各界要求和谈的呼声颇高，他不好反对，于是同意四人出城，同时想利用此机会探听一下解放军方面的情况。 刘亚楼也想利用这个机会愚弄一下陈长捷，他将谈判地点选在天津西北的北仓附近，并亲自出马，向四位和谈代表提出了四个条件： 一、天津为华北主要工业城市，人民解放军甚望和平解决； 二、天津国民党军应自动放下武器，人民解放军可保证其生命财产的安全与行动自由； 三、如不自动放下武器，则人民解放军将按计划进攻天津，首要反动分子应承担战争破坏之责，遭受严重的惩罚； 四、天津国民党军至迟应在11日上午8时以前开始放下武器。 四位议员记下刘亚楼的话回城向陈长捷和杜建时汇报。陈长捷对和谈不感兴趣，他感兴趣的是谈判地点，当得知刘亚楼亲自出面在北仓谈判之时，当即判断刘亚楼既为林彪的参谋长，说明解放军“攻津指挥所”在天津北面，共军的指挥所设在北面，主攻方向自然也在北面。 当时，天津城防工事以北面最强，早在1947年就开始在北面构筑永久防御阵地，特别是东北国民党军告急以来，天津城防以防东北解放军为重点加紧在北面构筑工事。而东野入关后，首先绕过天津，直扑塘沽，对天津南郊构成重大威胁，陈长捷又开始在南面抢修工事，因此，天津城防工事以北、南两面最坚固，而东、西两面较弱。此时，天津周围已经构筑大型碉堡380余座，小型碉堡1000余个，环城挖了一条宽10米、深3～4米、水深1.5～2米，长达40余公里的护城河；护城河外侧有铁丝网和鹿砦，并布了宽达十几米、环城42公里的地雷场；护城河内侧筑有土墙，墙上有铁丝网和电网。 在兵力部署上，陈长捷将实力最强的第62军摆在北部，实力较弱的第86军摆在南部，中间有3个师的预备队。 陈长捷作出解放军主攻方向在城北的判断之后，对兵力部署又作了新的调整，将第86军的两个师调往城北，使兵力本来就很薄弱的南面更为空虚。 事实上，解放军的主攻方向在城南，陈长捷中了刘亚楼的圈套。为了使陈长捷对自己的错误判断深信不疑，刘亚楼在总攻发起之前搞了一连串假动作。