Chapter 65 Oral Political Report at the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China [1]-1

(April 24, 1945) Comrades! I report to comrades on behalf of the Central Committee.The written version of the political report has been published, and everyone has seen it, so I will not talk about it according to the written version, but only talk about some problems raised in this report, and some problems that have not been fully developed in this report.I will talk about three issues: the line issue, several policy issues, and several issues within the party. one line problem What line should the Seventh National Congress of our party decide on? What kind of political line? How should we decide? We think it should be: "Let's mobilize the masses, strengthen the people's power, and defeat the Japanese aggression under the leadership of our party." liberate the people of the whole country, and build a new-democratic China.” This is our party’s line, our party’s political line.What is said here is to mobilize the masses freely and strengthen the power of the people under the leadership of our party, that is, to organize our ranks.What is the purpose of organizing troops? Nothing else but to defeat the enemy—Japanese imperialism and its lackeys.After defeat, what will be the result? Liberation of the whole country, the liberation of the people of the whole country, the establishment of a new China, a new democratic China, an independent, free, democratic, united, prosperous and strong China.This is our general line.

Has our Party always followed this line? Yes, our Party has always followed this line.After the Russian October Revolution, the nature of the Chinese revolution changed, from the old democratic revolution to the new democratic revolution.Especially after the birth of the Communist Party of China, during the three periods of the Northern Expedition, the Agrarian Revolutionary War, and the War of Resistance Against Japan, didn’t the Chinese people all struggle for a new democratic China? That’s exactly what happened. Our line and our program can be summed up in one sentence, which is "the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution of the masses of the people led by the proletariat."What is the nature of the people's revolution led by the proletariat? It is an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution of the masses of the people led by the proletariat. This is the new democratic revolution.Therefore, our politics is the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal politics of the masses of the people led by the proletariat; our economy is the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal economy of the masses of the people led by the proletariat; Imperial anti-feudal culture.Political, military, economic, cultural, in short, all the revolutionary tasks at present are of such a nature, and all revolutionary forces are of this nature.In this route, there is a team problem, an enemy problem, and a team leader and commander problem.This team is the masses of the people, this enemy is imperialism and feudal forces, and this leader and commander is the proletariat.What does the proletariat lead? Leading the masses of the people.What do you do to lead the masses of the people? To fight against imperialism and feudalism.

Our program consists of just a few words, but it is often forgotten by some of our comrades.Have you forgotten the anti-imperialist? Sometimes you forget it, but it is not easy to forget the anti-imperialist, and it is better to remember it more firmly.Anti-feudal sometimes forgets.Why do anti-feudalists sometimes forget? It is because they forget the peasants. Do we want the peasants? Or do we want the landlords? On this question, if we want the landlords, we forget the peasants; if we want the peasants, we don’t need to completely forget the landlords.It is easier for the peasants not to forget the landlords, but more difficult for the landlords not to forget the peasants.The so-called masses are mainly peasants.Wasn't there a time when we forgot about the peasants? We forgot in 1927, when the peasants held out their hands for something and the communists forgot to give them something.During the Anti-Japanese War, problems of almost the same nature also existed.Who should be relied on to defeat Japanese imperialism? Who should be relied on to establish a new China? Where is the strength? Some people are unclear at this time and have forgotten it.

The most important part of the masses of the people is the peasants, followed by the petty bourgeoisie, and then the other democrats.The main force of the Chinese democratic revolution is the peasants.If the peasants are forgotten, there will be no Chinese democratic revolution; without the Chinese democratic revolution, there will be no Chinese socialist revolution, and there will be no revolution at all.We have read a lot of Marxist books, but we must be careful not to forget the word "peasant"; if you forget these two words, it is useless to read a million Marxist books, because you have no strength.Although a few petty bourgeois and liberal bourgeois elements can be used to offset it, if there are no peasants, who will provide food? If there is no food and no soldiers, it will not be enough for two or three days.

The so-called leadership of the proletariat is the leadership of the Communist Party.The Communist Party of China is the party of the proletariat.A group of relatively advanced people emerged from the proletariat and organized into a political group called the Communist Party.Of course, there are other elements in the Communist Party, such as peasants, people of petty bourgeois origin, and intellectuals of other classes.But one’s family background is one thing, and joining the party is another. One’s family background is non-proletarian, and after joining the party, one is a proletarian. His thinking and behavior will become proletarian.The Communist Party wants revolution, and revolution requires the organization of teams, mainly peasants, and other classes, including the petty bourgeoisie, the liberal bourgeoisie, and sometimes the big bourgeoisie, and even landlords.Teams must have commanders and commanders. In China, there are mainly two commanders and commanders, either the proletariat, or the big bourgeoisie or big landlords.The two ends of Chinese society are small, but the two ends are strong, and the middle is large, but politically weak.The middle class is vacillating, no matter which middle class has its vacillation.There are only two resolute classes: the proletariat and the big landlords and big bourgeoisie.Their political representatives are the Communist Party and the Nationalist Party respectively.The liberal bourgeoisie is also competing with us for leadership, so don't think that the liberal bourgeoisie is capable of revolution, just like the Communist Party.The liberal bourgeoisie also has its own independent opinions and its own political organization, which is now the Democratic League.There is a part of the petty bourgeoisie in the Democratic League, but the main one is the liberal bourgeoisie, which has its own nature.The recent "Reference Materials" published a statement by Mr. Zhang Lan, chairman of the Democratic League. Comrades, I don't know if you have read it. That is his position, his independent political opinion.Recently Zuo Shunsheng [2] made another statement at a meeting for foreign journalists, which also has his independent stand.Now, the Democratic League agrees with the Communist Party on the idea of ​​a coalition government. The Kuomintang says that the Democratic League is a friendly party of the Communist Party, and we must unite and unite with it.But it has its own independent opinions, and it is now "opening the bow on both sides", distinguishing between the two sides, and fighting on two fronts.On the one hand, it does not approve of the one-party dictatorship of the Kuomintang, and on the other hand, it does not fully agree with the Communist Party, saying that it stands between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.This statement is very thorough and correct. It defines its nature and belongs to the middle school.

In the late period of the Great Revolution, our party made mistakes in carrying out the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution of the masses of the people led by the proletariat. At that time, we only talked about the leadership of the proletariat, but actually gave up leadership.Before then, for a long period from 1921 to 1926, the comrades of the Communist Party of China organized workers, led the labor movement, and led the student movement; later promoted the reorganization of the Kuomintang and helped organize the Kuomintang; Finally, in the course of the revolution, a large number of peasant associations were organized, with tens of millions of members, mainly in the southern provinces, but also in the north.Is this Marxism? Elder Lin[3] said it well yesterday. At that time, there was Marxism. Marxism was introduced to China, adopted by the Chinese people, and practiced.That is to say, there were some people who did not understand Marxism at that time. At that time, the dominant leader of our party was represented by Chen Duxiu[4], who no longer wanted Marxism in the late period of the Great Revolution.

What is not Marxism? It means forgetting the leadership of the proletariat, forgetting the masses, and forgetting the peasants.When the landlord yelled, he poured cold water on the peasants.He wants the leadership of the proletariat, but he doesn’t want the peasants. Do you think the leadership of the proletariat still exists? In China, how should Marxism be practiced now? He doesn’t want the leadership of the proletariat, and he doesn’t want this leadership. Then what else is there to lead? The leadership of the proletariat should mainly lead the peasants. He does not want the peasants.The landlord said: The Communist Party, you can’t do it! Ever since, the Communist Party was sandwiched between the landlord and the peasant, and finally accepted the influence of the landlord and poured cold water on the peasant.Anti-imperialism and feudalism don’t want peasants, so what is there to be against feudalism? If there is no anti-feudalism, what is there to be against imperialism? What does imperialism do? It is to see that there is oil in China and want to take a little bit of it.Out of the five people in China, four are peasants. If the 450 million people are divided into five parts, and each part is 90 million, then four of the 90 million are rural population, and only one of 90 million is the rural population. urban population.Hit that "di" with five fingers, he said too much, it doesn't matter so much, cut off four, hit with one finger, the force is very strong, that "di" panicked, just wow He cried out and cried, and he couldn't get off the stage just by crying, so he knelt down in front of us.You see, all four fingers are lost, and only one is left. The proletariat is also isolated and becomes the commander of the army and the commander of the air force.To be a commander-in-chief, you always have soldiers.You don’t have farmers, do you think the petty bourgeoisie will come? He ran to your house and saw that there were not many people, so he was too frightened to come.The petty bourgeoisie is the easiest to change. Sometimes he is full of air and slaps his chest, "I am the best in the world";There are no soldiers in your house, and there is no food to eat, so the old man deserted after looking around.Do you blame others? No, blame our commander-in-chief because you don't recruit troops.This is the temper of the petty bourgeoisie. He looks at power and policy. If you have great power, he will be active. "How about I get one? Do you want me to be a pioneer?" : "Come back next time! I still have something to do today, and my wife is sick." Only the proletariat recruits soldiers and buys horses, accumulates grass and grain, and there are four fingers among the five fingers, and the other finger is the proletariat. The class has become a fingernail, and the other half of the finger is the petty bourgeoisie and the liberal bourgeoisie. At this time, if you say: "Come or not? Comrade, come to the meeting!" He will not say it even if his wife is sick.Seeing that you have such great strength, he said: "My family is fine, I have food to eat, and my wife is very good."

We have made mistakes, we have forgotten leadership, we have forgotten the peasant masses.The so-called leadership means that you must have something to lead. Only when you are led can you be a leader, and only when you are led can you lead.If you don’t want the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie and the liberal bourgeoisie will flee, and the big landlords and big bourgeoisie will concentrate their forces to attack us, and the proletariat will roll off the platform with its nose broken.Then I got up and took a look: "Why are you beating me? You, Chiang Kai-shek, are not friends!" So he cleared his mind and started an agrarian revolution.Another acute illness came during the Agrarian Revolution.But we still don’t want farmers, we don’t want leadership, we don’t want the greatest strength of the Chinese people, we don’t want four out of five fingers.Why doesn’t acute disease require peasants? Because acute disease requires worker riots, urban uprisings, and is very active in building big cities. Although peasants also want it, it’s incidental. They don’t pay attention to studying peasants, their faces, their eyes, His stature and size, study his surname Zhang and Li, what he thinks in his heart, and what he eats.Some people have traveled so many provinces, traveled 25,000 miles plus how many more miles, and participated in the agrarian revolution for many years, but they were given a topic: "What is a rich peasant?" He said sorry, but did not study it.Ask him: "What is a middle peasant?" There is no research.Even if he is looking at flowers on a horse, he should look at them, but he doesn't look at flowers on a horse, because this flower is a farmer.Of course, it is more careful to get off the horse and look at the flowers. That is called investigation and research.People with acute illnesses don't even want the petty bourgeoisie and the middle class, and in the end they become air force commanders themselves, and the team gets smaller and smaller.Twice our Party has become smaller. It has become larger and then smaller, and it has become larger and smaller again.In the first time, there were not many members left with more than 50,000 members; in the next time, there were not many members left with 300,000 members.Proportionally speaking, the first loss was relatively small, with more than 50,000 people remaining, or one-fifth; later, less than 30,000 people were left with 300,000, and only about 25,000 organized Party members, less than one-tenth.Now it's getting bigger again, and the little finger has turned into a fist. Don't make it smaller in the future.

Before the war of resistance broke out, our preparations were like this.When the War of Resistance came together, our policy was to "mobilize the masses freely and strengthen the power of the people".At that time, the central government believed that only the people's war could defeat Japan.The so-called people's war is basically or mainly a peasant war.We have never said that Japan could be defeated without the participation of the broad masses of peasants in the War of Resistance Against Japan.It has been 102 years since the existence of Marxism. Did all the true Marxists in the world say that the enemy can be defeated without the struggle of the people? They never said that.The so-called people's struggles, or relatively peaceful struggles, such as strikes, ideological struggles, economic struggles, political struggles, or the highest peak of political struggles, that is, wars.If there is someone who calls himself a Marxist and says, "The enemy can be defeated without the struggle of the people," then when he says this, he declares that he is not a Marxist himself, and that he calls himself a Marxist. or is false.Some people have this kind of thinking that it is temporary and temporarily shaken, as if the enemy can be defeated without people's war.Then what kind of power does he want to rely on? For example, rely on the Kuomintang, and even rely on the stubborn part of the Kuomintang, thinking that relying on them can defeat Japan.But after a period of time, he felt that this was no longer possible.At that time, there were not many Marxists among these people, and it became more and more later.In our Party, there are many such cases, and there are quite a few such comrades.Our Party held the National Congress[5] in May 1937, the Luochuan Conference[6] in August, and a meeting of Party activists in Yenan in November.At these meetings, the central government once affirmed such a line, that is: to mobilize the masses freely, strengthen the people's power, and under the leadership of our party, defeat Japanese imperialism, liberate the whole of China, and build a new democratic China.This line was approved and decided by these meetings.At these meetings, the central government does not believe that an autocratic government that does not launch a people's war can liberate China. This is written in the resolutions and documents.Can an autocratic government that oppresses the people liberate China? Can it win by relying on it? We firmly do not believe it! Because of this belief, Marxism ran away, at least temporarily in one morning.In the future, we will look for it and bring back Marxism.Marxism, if you look for it, it will come back, if you don't look for it, it won't come back, because it doesn't know whether you want it or not! We don't believe that Japan can be defeated lightly and skillfully without the power of the broad masses of the people.By raising the question in this way, we do not reduce the program of the proletariat to that of the bourgeoisie, but raise the program of the bourgeoisie to that of the proletariat.This kind of formulation has been refuted by others, saying that this is not Marxism, and that this formulation is for leadership.They said that the program of the bourgeoisie, especially the program of the Kuomintang representing the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie, is powerful and should be propagated among the broad masses of the people, among the peasants, and among the petty bourgeoisie, the Communist Party is useless!

Regarding this problem, we should analyze it, and widely publicize our proposition, saying: "Peasants! Petty bourgeois! Fellow countrymen! You must know that only you can unite and reform our state system, transform it Only when there is democracy, an army with the people, a government with the people, and an organization with the people, can Japanese imperialism be overthrown! Without these, China will be a dark China, and Japanese imperialism cannot be overthrown! Power has knocked it down, and China is still dark!" This is what our propagandists want to say.For non-Communist members, we must tell them and propagate to them: "The people of the whole country must unite, organize the people's army, organize the people's political party, and organize the people's government; reform the Kuomintang, transform the National Government, and transform the Kuomintang army. "Why do we propose to reform it? It is to raise it to the level of our programme.But if you want it to rise, it won’t rise. What should we do? We must rely on the people of the whole country, on the development of the progressive forces, on the efforts of the middle forces, and on the democrats in the Kuomintang.We once conceived of reforming the Kuomintang, but we seemed to have made a mistake in this matter, that is to say, this estimate was inaccurate, and we failed to do what we envisaged at that time, and the Kuomintang has not been reformed.It should be said that there is nothing wrong with reforming it, but it does not listen to you.Can the Kuomintang be reformed? It is possible, but it is also impossible.At that time, if we wanted to reform it, we had to create certain conditions, develop progressive forces, win over middle forces, and split up within the Kuomintang, but there was no time.The progressive forces did not develop as much, and the middle forces did not have time to win over them. The democrats in the Kuomintang were trapped by fascism, and the reform failed.In this way, have we lost money? We have not lost a single marijuana money.When we talk about reforming it, we don’t mean that we don’t develop progressive forces, the Eighth Route Army, the New Fourth Army, or conduct extensive propaganda. Moreover, the propaganda of reforming it is itself a harvest.After hearing what we said, the common people will feel that what the Communist Party said makes sense, and the chairman of the committee does not look very good-looking, so he should be asked to wash it off.I heard that there was a meeting held in Xi'an, and a member of the Three Youth League[7] was the chairman. Many peasants were present at that time. When the meeting was over, they shouted the slogan "Long live Chairman Jiang!" The peasants shouted, "Finish the grain and pay the taxes!" What was the reason? What? Because the KMT wants peasants to hold a meeting for nothing else but to pay their grain and pay their taxes. What they pretend in their minds is to pay their grain and pay their taxes. So when someone shouts on the stage, they shout out.The face of the Kuomintang is very dark. If it is said to wash its face, out of the 450 million people in the country, 403 to 40 million people are in favor of it.We asked the chairman to wash his face, but if he didn't wash it, we didn't lose money and made money. This is to let the common people know why he should wash his face.Comrades, do we still have this policy today? Do we ask him to wash his face, or cut off his head? To this day, we still ask him to wash his face, but not to cut off his head.We held this meeting, not to decide to cut off the head! This head must not be cut off! We still implement the "face-washing policy" and ask him to amend his wrong policy.As for whether he washes or not? It depends. If he doesn't wash today, will he wash tomorrow? It's hard to say.Older people don’t like to wash their faces. Don’t blame me for the old comrades. The Chairman is also very old. It’s more likely that he doesn’t wash his face than he washes it. Sweat profusely, smoky!

Comrades! Who are the main people and what forces are those who are fighting for leadership in China and want to drag China back into the dark world? This is the reactionary group within the Kuomintang, the big landlords, the big bourgeoisie, the Representatives of big bankers and big compradors. At the Sixth Plenary Session of the Party Central Committee in 1938[8], we corrected the erroneous thinking mentioned above, that is, we did not require the Kuomintang to wash its face, but said that its face is very beautiful, and our face is full of Ash, not as good as it, at most similar to it.Supporting the National Government at all times, supporting the National Government in everything, and supporting the National Government everywhere is a standard slogan of this kind of erroneous thinking.Such stuff is wrong. A correction came at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Central Committee, and many comrades understood this problem.After the Sixth Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, some people thought that the Kuomintang was very good and beautiful. Later, the "Measures for Restricting the Activities of Alien Parties" and the first anti-communist upsurge came out. "When the mask he wore was taken off, his unattractive appearance was revealed. At this time, some of our comrades gradually became enlightened.Afterwards, there was a second anti-communist upsurge, the Southern Anhui Incident[9], and a third anti-communist upsurge, in July 1943, the Communist Party was to be disbanded and the border areas abolished.By this time, our Party has largely eliminated illusions about the Kuomintang.Eliminated the thought that if the Kuomintang does not remould, China can be saved and Japan can be driven out; changed the thought that the main thing is not to rely on ourselves, to develop our strength, to develop the liberated areas, so that the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army are not restricted; In order to mobilize the masses of the people, strengthen the people's strength, under our leadership, the idea of ​​overthrowing the Japanese aggressors and building a new China has unfolded a new picture among the broad masses of the people and in the minds of comrades.So thinking is very strange. To get rid of bad things, things that are not suitable for Marxism-Leninism, things that are not suitable for China's conditions, you have to go through a certain stage and have experience. It doesn't make sense just by talking.Lenin said that "the people must be educated through experience", because the people only believe in experience and not speech.But we still have to talk.We have two big teachers: one is Japanese and the other is the chairman.These two great teachers don't pay us to teach us.Without these two great teachers, the Chinese people and our Party cannot be educated.As for some small teachers in our Party, they don't know much Chinese, and they can't explain a lot of truths.Later, we invited a Japanese, a Chinese, a Japanese fascist, and the chairman of the National Committee. These two teachers helped us teach, and the teaching was over. After the Sixth Plenary Session of the Central Committee, our Party resolutely exercised leadership over the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie, the middle class, and even the landlords.In our liberated areas, rent reduction and interest reduction, rent and interest payment, and landlords followed us.Thanks to the resolute exercise of such a leadership, we have developed the army, the liberated areas and our party.Since then, it has defeated countless attacks by the Japanese invaders, and gradually launched an offensive. For example, the offensive that started last year will be even bigger this year.In the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, we were on the offensive, and in the mid-term, we were on the defensive. Now we are focusing on offense and supplementing defense. This is for Japan.With regard to the Kuomintang, we repulsed its three anti-communist upsurges and numerous attacks, including ideological attacks, political attacks, and military attacks. What position did we put the Kuomintang in? Its influence has been reduced , the power has shrunk.The Kuomintang also hired a teacher, the same teacher as us, named Neiji Okamura[10]. He used to live in Peiping, but now he lives near the chairman of the committee.As soon as this teacher teaches, the influence of the Kuomintang will be reduced and its power will be reduced.Does the influence of the Kuomintang still exist? It is still quite large.The Kuomintang has "devoted itself to the national revolution for forty years", and if we add another twenty years, we have a total of sixty years of history. Ours is less than half that of others, with only twenty-four years of history.Their influence will only go away if our influence goes away; if our influence does not go away, their influence will not go away.Therefore, the influence of the Kuomintang is low, not non-existent. Its influence has shrunk, but it still has considerable strength.They have an army of 1.5 million, while we have only 910,000; they have international status, but we do not; they have a population of 200 million, while we have only 100 million; Fourteen years of influence. Due to the correct implementation of our Party's line during the Anti-Japanese War, resolutely mobilizing the masses, strengthening the people's strength, defeating the enemy and building a new China under the leadership of our Party, the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal and anti-Japanese campaigns of the masses of the people led by the proletariat The war squeezed the Kuomintang into such a position that its influence was low and its power dwindled, and our party was placed in such a position that it became the center of gravity for resisting Japan and saving the country, and the vast majority of the people all over the country looked at us. It has now been fully proved that only such a route is the correct one.The line of striving for leadership and independence is the line of our Party Central Committee, a line that reflects the demands of the majority of comrades in the entire Party, and a line that reflects the demands of the majority of the people in the country.Where did this line come from? Did it fall from the sky? Nope.Was it sent from a foreign country? Nor was it.It is grown from China's own soil.Lu Xun once said: The road is made by people. [11] Our line was also paved by the Chinese people.Striving for leadership and independence is the line of the masses of the people led by the proletariat, that is, the masses of the people led by the Communist Party, against Japanese imperialism and its lackeys in the War of Resistance Against Japan.The correctness of this line can now be clearly proved.It is no worse than the winter of 1937, or 1938, or even the period after the Sixth Plenary Session of the Central Committee, but until the third anti-Communist climax, there were still some comrades who did not believe in this line.So, are they all awakened now? Do they all believe so thoroughly? Are they all long live Marxism? I see that there are various situations, some are ten thousand years old, some are nine thousand years old, and some are eight thousand years old ....Even from the perspective of our party members, the understanding of the 1.21 million party members is also different.Recently, many symposiums have been held in North and Central China. It has been shown that there are not only quite a few non-Party people, but also some among Party members who do not fully understand and understand our line.Therefore, among the vast majority of our party members, Marxism exists, but the degree varies greatly. I think it exists from one year old to nine thousand nine hundred and ninety-nine years old, although there is also Long Live. Our policy towards the Kuomintang is to unite and fight at the same time.When it comes to struggle, we are justified, advantageous, and moderate.We are fighting it from the standpoint of self-defense, and we are justified; this struggle is partial and can only be fought in our favor; but this kind of struggle is also temporary, and we have to restrain it for the sake of unity.Conversely speaking, self-defensive, partial and temporary struggles should be conducive to unity.The Kuomintang wants to beat us every day, but it doesn't dare to make a big break with us.Our struggle is also regulated.For example, we sent a letter requesting to send people to the San Francisco Conference[12]. The Kuomintang refused at first, but in the end we did not go. As for our saying to go to three, he said that you go to one, one is one, and we don’t Big fight, now our representative [13] has arrived in Washington.Comrades! Power is earned by fighting for it, not sent. There is a word "struggle" in this world. Don't forget our comrades.Some people say that our party's philosophy is called "struggle philosophy," and a commander-in-chief in Yulin named Deng Baoshan[14] said so.I said "you're right".Ever since there were slave owners, feudal lords, and capitalists, they have fought against the oppressed people, and they invented the "philosophy of struggle" first.The "philosophy of struggle" of the oppressed people came out relatively late, and it took thousands of years of struggle before Marxism came into existence.Abandoning struggle and only wanting to be united, or not paying attention to struggle, and fighting casually, but fighting inappropriately and not vigorously, this is a manifestation of the weakness of the petty bourgeoisie.The petty bourgeoisie has another nature, which is revolutionary.Their revolution is leather, but a little weak.Weakness has now been fully proven wrong.There is Zhang Naiqi[15], I put a hat on him and call it "Chang Naiqi Doctrine". I think it makes sense to wear it.This person has now made peace with us, and he told Comrade Zhou Enlai that he made a mistake, which is very good.In November 1937, I criticized him at a party meeting, saying that Zhang Naiqi's philosophy was not good because he put forward "fewer appeals and more suggestions".This is a sign of the weakness of the liberal bourgeoisie, whose opinion has been overcome by us.He is a centrist, and we can only educate him with long-term experience if we firmly unite with him.In the future, the liberal bourgeoisie will often use its weakness to influence us, because it has such a nature, just like the "scent" emitted from Lin Daiyu's body after taking a bath, and the liberal bourgeoisie also has such a "fragrance". Fragrance", this kind of fragrance is "weak fragrance".When it comes out with that kind of "fragrance", it must be sold in the market, and sent to Yan'an purposefully, which will have a bad influence on our party.Our publicity is sometimes too harsh. Although roses are cute, they have many thorns, and "mutton is delicious and hot."For those gentlemen, roses are lovely, but they don't like them very much because of their many thorns.They like Xue Baochai and dislike Tanchun.This is very troublesome.Comrades! Trouble is yet to come, don't be afraid of trouble.To make a revolution there is trouble, and sometimes very trouble.If you want to save yourself the hassle, sit at home and smoke your long pipe.Now that summer is here, sitting under a tree with a big cattail fan is less troublesome.But there are still turmoil. Didn’t Lu Xun write an article? There will be no turmoil in the world. If you are afraid of turmoil, you can’t be a human being, so you should quickly go to the king of hell to give an account.Now our party often encounters turmoil, big turmoil, moderate turmoil, and small turmoil. We should not be afraid of turmoil.Now our will is stronger and we will not be overwhelmed by the storm.It is impossible and impossible to drown our party in the sea of ​​China. Regarding this part, I will say a few words at the end to end it. First, what is the situation of the peasants? What is the attitude of the peasants? Whether it has been eight years or twenty-four years, the peasants have welcomed our policies very much, very much welcome the policies I just mentioned.But as a party, as a leading ideology, we must distinguish the boundaries from the peasants and not confuse them with the peasants.This may not be easy for comrades of peasant origin to understand, "I am a peasant, why can't I be confused with peasants?" I said that you are now a member of the Communist Party, and peasants are your origin. Origin and joining the party are two different things, and the Communist Party is the proletariat vanguard.But this point has to be figured out slowly. You can’t figure it out in one year, two years, two years, and three years. Don’t say that our Communist Party has a meeting, just read it.Yesterday a comrade said: A German comrade mentioned in Dimitrov's book, when speaking at a conference of unemployed workers in Berlin, he followed the resolution of the 13th Plenary Session of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, so the common people do not like to hear.Now we should not copy the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China.The Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China said, "Don't be confused with peasants." When you go back and say this, many peasant comrades disagree, saying that he is a peasant.When I say not to be confused with the peasants, I mean that the peasants should be raised to the level of the proletariat.In the next few decades, all non-Party peasants must be raised to the level of the proletariat.Anyone who does not believe this is not a Marxist.In the future, if we want to mechanize and collectivize, that is to improve them. Second, what about the petty bourgeoisie? Intellectuals of petty bourgeois origin, whether inside the Party or outside the Party, have their vacillating and revolutionary qualities.Instability is their bad side, but generally speaking, it can be overcome with education.From the perspective of the party, the Yan'an rectification movement is a proof.Artists and writers also agree with such methods as the symposium on literature and art. In the past, they did not know how to do it. Our party pointed out guidelines for them and carried out educational work for them. It is not commandism, but gradually makes them conscious. This is very effective. .To overcome the vacillation of the petty bourgeoisie, we must rely on our Party to carry out appropriate propaganda to them, mainly on practical actions, and on our own vast strength, vast liberated areas and armies. Third, what about the liberal bourgeoisie? The liberal bourgeoisie is more volatile, but the liberal bourgeoisie wants democracy now, and they want the democracy they think, so they are our allies.Under our determined influence, the liberal bourgeoisie can be neutral enough to walk with us.For example, they are in favor of the slogan of the coalition government; for another example, during several anti-communist upsurges, they took a neutral attitude.When the Kuomintang and the Communist Party fought, they persuaded the fight on both sides, telling one side not to do this and the other side not to do that.The most obvious is that the National Political Council was held on March 1, 1941. Our political senators did not attend, but the chairman of the committee insisted that we attend, and we must not attend. , We said: "You give us something, and we will attend." They said, "Give it later", we said "Give it, and then attend."就这样几反几复，我要你给，你要我出，结果一个不给，一个不出，还是给的没有给，出的没有出。在这中间，一些中间人士就两面拉，对国民党说“你给吧”，对我们说“你出吧”。这是自由资产阶级动摇性的一个标本例子。这样的事，多得很，现在时间有限，一下子说不完。总之，在我们坚决的影响下，能够使自由资产阶级中立，以至于使他们跟我们走。 第四、大地主、大资产阶级怎么样?大地主、大银行家、大买办阶层是以国民党反动集团为代表的，他们是国内抗日战线中的反动派。我们对他们的态度就好像英国共产党对丘吉尔[17]一样。昨天报纸上有英国共产党总书记一篇文章[18]，同志们可以看看。他提出的口号是同自由党、工党、公安党成立联合政府，在下次大选当中用选举来推翻丘吉尔。他说的“推翻”在我们中国容易引起误会，因为我们的特点和外国不同，在我们这里，“推翻”就是要争取领导权，过去我们曾经“推”过一次，我们要力争领导权。所谓力争，要注意这个“力”字，大地主、大资产阶级千方百计要争取领导权，要把广大人民，主要的是三万万六千万农民放在他们的领导之下，不受我们的影响。中国什么人身上有油水?油水最多的就是农民。日本人打来就是要刮中国农民的油水，蒋介石也要刮农民的油水，还要注意中国将来会有斯科比[19]老先生来刮油水。在希腊，斯科比就是代表英国刮希腊人民身上的油水的。大地主、大资产阶级要把中国变成黑暗的中国，因此他们是我们长期斗争的对象。 最后，讲到外国。外国怎样呢?苏联，毫无问题是朋友，是中国人民最好的朋友，我在报告中讲得很清楚。其他外国，几个大国，同盟国[20]，也要坚决地联合他们；但是他们搞得不对的地方，也要斗一下。为什么《解放日报》上没有登这个话呢?没有登不是永远不登，并不是否定要斗一下。他们要推出斯科比，那就不行。我在报告中提醒了这个意思。在国外还有反动势力，而反动势力还很强大。现在整个国际形势是好的，有苏联参加的反法西斯阵线的团结，主要是英、美、苏三国的团结。这个团结是主要的，统治一切的。现在的世界面目已完全变化了，这一方面在我的报告中写得很多，很充分。关于黑暗的一面，我写得很少。给蒋介石撑腰的那些外国人，他们的脸也不好看，有些装着天官赐福的样子，还是不好看，我们要警觉。 这是第一个问题，可以叫形势与路线。 二政策方面的几个问题 政策有各方面的政策，纲领有一般的纲领、具体的纲领。 第一个问题，一般的纲领与具体的纲领。这样的划分是不是从这次才开始的呢?从前也是有划分的，不过从前没有在同一个地方把它分开来写:头一条是一般纲领，第二条是具体纲领。比如《新民主主义论》那本小册子，没有说具体的政策，只提到一般纲领。但是我们各个时期都有具体的政策，比如抗战初期的十大纲领[21]，抗战中期各方面的具体政策，在陕甘宁边区有二十一条施政纲领[22]，其他敌后各抗日根据地也都有大同小异的纲领，性质相同，条文小异。内战时期，党的第六次代表大会所决定的十大纲领[23]，就是新民主主义总路线下的具体纲领，更具体的还有土地法、婚姻法、政治工作条例等等。北伐战争时也有类似的东西，党发布过很多对时局宣言，都是具体的纲领。这次我们把这个问题在这里说清楚一下，使我们的同志们懂得新民主主义就是我们的总纲，有纲有目，“纲”就是鱼网上拿在手里的大绳子，“目”就是鱼网的眼。 第二个问题，关于孙中山。在我的报告里很说了几句好话。孙中山这位先生，要把他讲完全。我们是马克思主义者，是讲历史辩证法的。孙中山的确做过些好事，说过些好话，我在报告里尽量把这些好东西抓出来了。这是我们应该抓住死也不放的，就是我们死了，还要交给我们的儿子、孙子。但是我们和孙中山还有区别，孙中山的三民主义比我们的新民主主义差，新民主主义的确比三民主义更进步，更发展，更完整。现在的新民主主义在将来还会发展得更加完整。我们党内有一种情绪，不喜欢孙中山，这种情绪在相当广大的党员中存在着。认真说，这种情绪是不大健全的，是还没有真正觉悟的表现。这是反映了内战时期的情绪，那时候，因为环境不同，连孙中山也不要了。那个时期为什么我们不大讲孙中山?因为我们被国民党一下子打倒在地，爬起来也红眼了。蒋介石手里打着孙中山的招牌到处乱杀人，这时候，群众对孙中山也就不喜欢。在十年内战中不要孙中山，这也很难怪，因为我们的力量小得很。在抗战初期，我们的力量也还小，所以那时候我们要孙中山所发生的影响不大，因为人家还看不起我们。将来我们的力量越大，我们就越要孙中山，就越有好处，没有坏处。我们应该有清醒的头脑来举起孙中山这面旗帜。 第三个问题，关于资本主义。在我的报告里，对资本主义问题已经有所发挥，比较充分地肯定了它。这有什么好处呢?是有好处的。我是在这样的条件下肯定的，就是孙中山所说的“不能操纵国民之生计”的资本主义。至于操纵国民生计的大地主、大银行家、大买办，那是不包括在里面的。在写具体纲领的时候，有人提出增加一条:“没收大地主、大银行家、大买办的财产”。其实在全文里，引用了孙中山所说的“凡本国人及外国人之企业，或有独占的性质，或规模过大为私人之力所不能办者，如银行、铁道、航路之属，由国家经营管理之”[24]，意思已经有了。现在如果讲没收，就是要没收蒋介石、宋子文、孔祥熙这三家，那就不大好。所以我没有讲要没收他们的财产，但是这个意思也讲了，因为那是孙中山讲过的。在后头，我还要讲新的资产阶级民主革命，他们就是这个革命的对象，因为他们不是一般的资产阶级。所谓一般的资产阶级，就是指中等资产阶级和小资产阶级，也就是中小资产阶级。孙中山讲过的“操纵国民之生计”的特殊的资产阶级，则不在其内。将来我们的新民主主义，在大城市里也要没收操纵国民生计的财产，没收汉奸的财产(这一点，我在报告里已经讲过了)。我们是在这样的条件下，没收这些财产为国家所有的。另外，在下面我也说到要广泛发展合作社经济和国家经济，这二者是允许广泛发展的。 我们这样肯定要广泛地发展资本主义，是只有好处，没有坏处的。对于这个问题，在我们党内有些人相当长的时间里搞不清楚，存在一种民粹派的思想。这种思想，在农民出身的党员占多数的党内是会长期存在的。所谓民粹主义，就是要直接由封建经济发展到社会主义经济，中间不经过发展资本主义的阶段。俄国的民粹派就是这样。当时列宁、斯大林的党是给了他们以批评的。最后，他们变成了社会革命党。他们“左”得要命，要更快地搞社会主义，不发展资本主义。结果呢，他们变成了反革命。布尔什维克就不是这样。他们肯定俄国要发展资本主义，认为这对无产阶级是有利的。列宁在《两个策略》中讲:“资产阶级民主革命，与其说对资产阶级有利，不如说对无产阶级更有利。”[25]我们不要怕发展资本主义。俄国在十月革命胜利以后，还有一个时期让资本主义作为部分经济而存在，而且还是很大的一部分，差不多占整个社会经济的百分之五十。那时粮食主要出于富农，一直到第二个五年计划时，才把城市的中小资本家与乡村的富农消灭。我们的同志对消灭资本主义急得很。人家社会主义革命胜利了，还要经过新经济政策时期，又经过第一个五年计划，到第二个五年计划时，集体农庄发展了，粮食已主要不由富农出了，才提出消灭富农，我们的同志在这方面是太急了。 第四个问题，关于共产主义。这个问题，在我的报告里已经提到了，但是没有强调。为什么不强调呢?如果要强调，就要列出共产主义的纲领，可是我们认为现在还是不列出的好，因为共产主义的纲领就是消灭私有制，消灭阶级。把这些东西写上去，只有一点好处，就是对教育党员是有利的，因为我们有很多同志还不晓得什么叫共产主义。从前我在井冈山打土豪时，曾到一个土豪家里去看有没有书，一个老妈妈走出来问我来干什么，我说来找东西，她说:“昨天已经共了产，东西都共掉了，现在没有东西可共了。”我们的农民同志很多都认为，把地主的财产分给他，这就叫共产主义。这当然不对。 有人说我们党要改改名称才好，他们说我们的纲领很好，就是名称不好，“先生之志则大矣，先生之号则不可”。不但蒋委员长来电报要我们改名称，中间派也劝我们改名称，像左舜生就说过:“你们的纲领实在好，如果你们不叫共产党，我就加入。”前年七、八、九三个月的反共高潮中，我们有很多东西搞出去了。他们看到之后，非常高兴，说纲领很好，就是名称不好。很多美国人也要我们改名称，我们若是改了名称，他们就喜欢了。他们喜欢我们改成国民党，大概世界上最好的名称莫过于国民党了。另外，还有一个第三党，然而它也不过是第三而已。再有还可以叫保守党。但是，一切问题并不在乎名称，你叫保守党也好，什么党也好，他们还是叫你红党。美国的新闻记者福尔曼写了一本书叫《红色中国的报导》。还有一个美国记者斯诺写了一本书叫《红星照耀中国》，现在翻译为《西行漫记》。不论你名称怎样改，它都是红的。你粉白了，不要胭脂，只要水粉，他们还总是把红账挂在你的身上。所以并不在乎名称。国民党这名称总算好吧，但是为什么人家还是那样不喜欢国民党呢?从前有许多人怕小孩害病或死掉，就故意起个坏的名字叫猫，叫狗。历史上有个人名叫王镇恶[26]，名字这样好听，可是他还是死了。我们是不是要起一个名字使党不死呢?随便你起一个什么名字，只要它所做的还是那样，那是不会改变实际的。有一个新闻记者叫爱金生[27]，多少带点自由主义，是一个旧民主主义者。他称我们为“温和的民主集中制”，可见我们并不那样“红”。资产阶级的代表都那样讲，所以我们党的名称还是不要改。我们的名称，中国人民是喜欢的。 第五个问题，关于国民党。对国民党我们尖锐地批评它，但也很客观，并没有超过他们的实际。他们有一点好处，我们也要给他们挂在账上。可惜国民党的好处不多，虽然想挂，却是很难，只能挂几笔，而且还拖了一个尾巴，要委员长洗去脸上黑的东西。这是我们的方针。我们一方面是尖锐的批评，另一方面还要留有余地。这样就可以谈判、合作，希望他们改变政策。我们说过打倒委员长没有呢?没有。在我的报告里，就连一个委员长也没有提。这位委员长写了一本“很好”的书，叫做《中国之命运》，本来应当提一提，但还是没有提，这实在是可惜。我的报告里提到的，去世的人有孙中山，现在又加上一个罗斯福[28]，活着的人革命的有斯大林，反革命的有希特勒，其他的人以少提为妙。因此，我们给国民党留有余地，就不会犯错误；如果不留余地，实际的结论只有一条，就是“打倒”，那我们就会犯政治上的错误。关于这一条，委员长也看出来了，他有几次要挑动我们去犯这样的错误，挑动我们的军队打出去，向西安打，挑动我们提出推翻国民党。同志们!我们要注意这些东西，注意这些挑动。你说要合作，那好得很，但是你必须要洗一洗脸，才同你“结婚”；你若不洗脸，那就不好看，就不同你“结婚”。这就是我们的方针。 关于自卫与反击。我们要站在自卫的立场反击国民党的进攻，一个是自卫，一个是反击。一切国民党的大小进攻，必须给以反击，给以回答。不论是文的也好，武的也好，特别是武的，只要它进攻，就要把它消灭干净。我们曾经提出，要坚决、彻底、干净、全部消灭之。我和国民党的联络参谋也这样讲过，我说我们的方针:第一条，就是老子的哲学，叫做“不为天下先”。就是说，我们不打第一枪。第二条，就是《左传》上讲的“退避三舍”。你来，我们就向后转开步走，走一舍是三十里，三舍是九十里，不过这也不一定，要看地方大小。我们讲退避三舍，就是你来了，我们让一下的意思。第三条，是《礼记》上讲的“礼尚往来”。来而不往非礼也，往而不来亦非礼也，就是说“人不犯我，我不犯人；人若犯我，我必犯人”。还在一九三九年我们就提出了这个口号，现在还是这个方针。好比说，我们有一百条枪，你们缴了我们九十九条，我们当然不高兴，但是不怪你们，因为你们本领大，高明得很。但是，就是只剩一条枪，我们也要打到底的。只要我们手里还有一条枪，我们被打倒了，就把枪交给我们的儿子，儿子再交给孙子。有一个愚公移山的故事[29]，说在山西有一座太行山和一座王屋山，现在这两座山比较矮，从前比较高，不大好走路。有一个人名叫愚公，是一个很笨的老头，在他附近还住着一个老头名叫智叟，是一个很聪明的老头。有一天他们两个人吵起架来了，为什么吵架呢?因为愚公要把太行山、王屋山移掉，带着他的儿子孙子挖山、挑土。那个聪明的老头就告诉他不必挖了，太行山、王屋山这样高，怎么能挖掉呢?愚公说:这两座山虽然高，但是我死了还有儿子，儿子死了还有儿子的儿子，儿子的儿子死了还有儿子的儿子的儿子，父而子，子而孙，孙孙子子，子子孙孙无尽，而山是不会再增高的。后来，有一个神仙为愚公的精神所感动，报告了上帝，上帝就派人把山移走了!这个故事是书上讲的，并不是我编造的。 世界上的反革命，日本侵略者和中国的反动派，不把他们打倒是不行的。对于国民党的进攻，我们是站在自卫立场上反击的。超过这个自卫的立场，我们就要犯错误。但有些同志劲来了，就忘记了这一点，这是不好的。基本是自卫的立场，有了这样的立场，就不会犯错误。自卫就是有理，局部就是有利，暂时就是有节，这就是有理、有利、有节。违反了这个方针，就会犯错误。麻烦是很多的，我们和国民党的麻烦更多得很。 第六个问题，关于改造旧军队。改造旧军官，利用旧军官，这里有思想问题，要在我们全党进行广泛的宣传。旧军队多得很，这中间有很多的军官需要改造，不能个别地对付，要有整个的政策。除彻底的反动派改造不了外，大部分是可以改造的。过去在这个问题上犯过错误，不相信旧军官能改造，认为旧军官不好搞，旧军官没有马列主义，不会有布尔什维克。其实，在半殖民地半封建的中国社会里，许多旧军官是受蒙蔽的，是要找饭吃、找出路的，到我们这里才有出路，我们不怕他们造反。世上最怕的是造反，但造反也不可怕。造反有两种，一种是公开造反，一种是秘密造反，搞特务。公开造反我们有准备，而且公开造反已造了好多年，并未造出结果来。秘密搞特务我们要防备，害人之心不可有，防人之心不可无。我们的眼睛望着他，这就是严肃性、警惕性。另一个就是走人，如果他带了枪走，我们并不蚀本，因为枪支是他带来的又带走了。你要走，送你几块法币，开个欢送会，并且告诉他将来要来还可以来，这就叫做政治。对比较进步的军队，要适当地帮助，从前我们对这些军队也有过帮助。有两种极端思想，一种是对旧军队一个都不要，不信任还要缴枪，这是不好的。另外一种是对比较进步的军队，什么东西都送给他，这叫帮倒忙，也是不好的。我们改造旧军队，要进行两条战线的斗争。 第七个问题，关于我们的军队。八路军，新四军，山西的新军[30]等等，也是实行统一战线的政策，内部外部都是实行统一战线政策，这就是联盟的意思。内战时期的红军也是联盟，是工农联盟，党和非党的联盟，我们的军队没有一个不是这样的。我们的军队，不像国民党的军队那样人人都要入党，我们也讲过党军，但这是指的党的领导，不是要求军队里所有的人都是党员。历来我们军队中的党员最多只有一半，经常是三分之一到五分之一，党员是占少数的。在军队里，少数共产党员应该跟多数的党外人士合作，所谓“人士”就是指农民、工人、知识分子。我们的军队是人民大众的军队，它属于人民大众，它为人民大众，这也就是民有、民治、民享，是新三民主义即新民主主义的军队，是在共产党领导下的人民大众的反帝反封建的军队。这个军队是在无产阶级领导下的。有些人听说无，产阶级领导他，他就不高兴。有些人却偏要喊你要归我领导，如果你不归我领导那就不正确，路线就发生问题。这种神气就不好，人家就不大欢迎。在这里，我们要讲清领导的性质。什么叫做领导?它体现于政策、工作、行动，要在实际上实行领导，不要常常叫喊领导。常常叫喊领导，人家不愿听，就少说些。对领导权要弄清其性质，而不要天天像背经似地去念。 现在，我们的军队在尽可能地扩大和党外人士的合作。最近山东有三支伪军过来了，现在他们不叫伪军叫八路军了。我们给他们开会搞通思想，改造思想，他们一开始是害怕的，以后逐渐打破了思想顾虑，觉得很舒服。这个方法很好，《解放日报》也发表了社论。我们大会各代表，如果觉得这个方法很好，就做一个决定，大家照此去做。只要不反对革命，我们就和他合作，另外拿一只小眼睛去注意特务活动。和民主分子合作，怕什么呢?我们有饭大家吃，有敌人大家打，发饷是没有的，自已动手，丰衣足食，还实行三大纪律、八项注意，七搞八搞便成了正果。像梁山泊，就实行了这个政策，他们内部政治工作相当好，当然也有毛病就是了，他们里面有大地主、大土豪，没有进行整风。那个卢俊义是被逼上梁山的，是用命令主义强迫人家上去的，他不是自愿的。 我们对于只要不是坚决的反动分子，而愿意革命并和我们合作的，就来者不拒，“姜太公钓鱼，愿者上钩”。姜太公他发表宣言:你愿来就来，不愿来的就拉倒。人家了解得很清楚，钓鱼都可以发宣言，我们也可以发表一个宣言。 第八个问题，扩大解放区。在一切可能进攻的地方，就要发动攻势。但是我们要注意防御敌人的进攻，敌人进攻我们就粉碎它，我们要以进攻为主、防御为辅。 在抗战初期，是进攻的，到处发展。在抗战中期一九四一年至一九四二年，是缩小，以防御为主。一九四三年至一九四四年，又向前发展。根据这两年的经验，我们规定了这样两条:第一条是进攻，第二条是防御。不要因为一九四一年和一九四二年受了损失，被蛇咬了一口，看见绳子就怕。根据一九四三年和一九四四年，特别是一九四四年的经验，我们的任务需要发展攻势，扩大解放区，集中大的兵力(五至六个团)和小的兵力(武工队)，到敌后之敌后举行攻势。因为日寇的情况变化了，它的兵力疲惫，自顾不暇，而我们的地方扩大了。我们和敌人两方面的情况都变化了，世界的情况也变化了，柏林快打下来了，所以我们应该集中相当的兵力，在可能条件下，对敌人最薄弱的地方举行进攻。这对我们的防御，也有很大的好处。现在各地作的关于一九四五年任务的计划，第一条就是进攻，第二条就是防御。这不是冒险主义，因为我们讲是在可能条件下，不是讲在没有可能的条件下去进攻，而且还讲了敌人有可能来进攻我们，要注意巩固根据地，所以这不是冒险主义。 第九个问题，准备转变。由分散的游击战逐渐转变到正规的运动战，由游击战为主逐渐转变到以运动战为主。在抗战初期，我们提出过，但那时只是一种希望。那时候的任务是什么呢?有些同志在这个问题上没有搞清楚。那时我们前面的敌人是日本人，后面有国民党内的反动派，我们被夹在中间。我们的力量在那时是个小手指头。一九三六年我们在全国的军队，包括南方游击队，仅有三万人，到一九三七年增加了一点，也不多。那时候我们的任务是增加力量，长大起来。加一个指头，又加一个指头，再加一个指头，使它长大起来。怎样长法?靠打麻雀战，打游击战。麻雀满天飞，哪里有东西吃，就飞到哪里去。六中全会时我们特意为游击战列出十八条好处，这个方法是好的，八年来证明了这一点。满天的麻雀就是种子，可以发很多芽。有了这个种子之后，党建立了，政权建立了，根据地有了，老百姓有了，饭也有得吃了，干部也锻炼出来了。那时候我们到处飞，前面的敌人日本人搞我们，后面的国民党反动派也搞我们，他们两个都在挑动我们，挑动我们干什么?集中兵力打大仗。他们对我们一鼓一骂，一个说共产党英勇，是抗日民族英雄，一个又骂我们是机会主义，怕死。谁愿意当机会主义?谁不愿意当民族英雄?但是我们还要学麻雀，虽然麻雀有机会主义，哪里有粮食到哪里去，虽然它现在还是小麻雀，但集合起来有九十一万。是不是就永远做麻雀，“麻雀万岁”呢?客观事实完全证明了，我们这个麻雀与别的麻雀不同，可以长大变成鹏鸟。从前中国神话中说:有一个大鹏鸟，从北方的大海飞到南方的大海，翅膀一扫，就把中国扫得差不多了。我们也准备那样，准备发展到三百万、五百万，这个过程就要从小麻雀变成大麻雀，变成一个翅膀可以扫尽全中国的大鹏鸟。