Chapter 66 Oral Political Report at the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China [1]-2

We must now "response to the enemy and provide food."There are many enemy strongholds, but the enemy only has points, lines and facets.If the enemy wants to make points or lines, we disperse and make faces. This is "fighting against the enemy."People want to eat, there is no food to eat when they gather together, and they have to eat separately. This is "sufficient food".During the civil war, the formalization was carried out because people had forgotten that people have to eat, roads have to be walked, and bullets can kill people. This point was not understood.The army does not produce food, but only eats food from the common people. They eat it for a few months, or a year, and when they run out of food, they have to turn back and start walking for a long march of thousands of miles. They can be called "heroes".Now we need to concentrate even greater forces to attack the enemy's weak spots with more troops.You have a hundred people, I have a thousand people, and a thousand people can destroy a hundred of you.Also, move to formalization.It was written in the report that one day we get new weapons, we will be even more invincible, and we can finally defeat Japanese imperialism.Herein lies the meaning of preparing for transformation.In the tasks in the liberated areas, I said that offense should be the main priority and defense should be supplemented, that is to say, the offense should be in the front and the defense should be in the back.We must have such preparations. Once we get new weapons in the future, it will be bad if we are not prepared.Now that the situation has changed, our policy must also change, and we must adopt a complete and thorough Marxism.There are many kinds of Marxism in our history. There are fragrant Marxisms, smelly Marxisms, living Marxisms, and dead Marxisms. If you put these Marxisms together, you will get a lot.What we want is a fragrant Marxism, not a smelly Marxism; a living Marxism, not a dead Marxism.We must be prepared to change from a small sparrow to a big roc, sweeping all over China with one wing, and let the Japanese imperialists go away.

Change, but don't expect everything to change in one morning.Depending on the specific situation, if you have strength, you can build fortresses and big cities.When fighting the fortress, we can fight if there is food to eat; if we can't open it, and there is no food to eat, we will turn back and disperse the team, and a "deaf man set off firecrackers-it's gone."There is another issue that has been debated for more than ten years, that is, from the countryside to the city, or from the city to the countryside, and the competition is a mess.The correct line is to develop the countryside first and study the conditions in the countryside.Everyone says that this is the correct line and is Marxism.When Marxists walk, they must make a turn wherever they go, because they cannot go through that place.Of course, walking around the countryside for millions of years is not called Marxism, but anti-Marxism.The real Marxism is: when the need is in the country, it is in the country; when the need is in the city, go to the city.Now to finally defeat Japanese imperialism, we need to use a lot of force to transfer to the cities, prepare to seize the big cities, prepare to work in the cities, and master the big railways, factories, and banks.There are millions of people there. For example, Beiping has a population of one or two million, and Baoding, Tianjin, and Shijiazhuang also have a large population.To shift the focus to the city, we must make good preparations.Don't forget the countryside when you think of the city. If you say you want me to do rural work, I won't do it. If you don't assign me to work in the city, it means that the cadre policy is incorrect.You go to the city, so he goes to the city. There are not so many houses in the city, and no one goes to the countryside, okay? So in my report, I called on a large number of intellectuals to go to the countryside, not to wear school uniforms, but to wear rough clothes.But we have seized big cities, three or five big central cities like Beiping and Tianjin, and our Eighth Route Army will go there.We must hold the Eighth National Congress there. Some people say this is opportunism; on the contrary, if the Eighth National Congress is still held in Yan'an, it will be close to opportunism.

Urban work should be given the same importance as work in base areas. This is not just talking about it, but doing it in practice, sending cadres, and changing thinking.After the meeting of the Seventh National Congress, cadres should be sent out in batches, and under possible conditions, they should leave batch by batch.When you go to the city to do secret work, don't be like the hero in the movie, do not change your name when you work, or change your surname when you sit, but change your name and surname.Liang Shanbo also does urban work, and Shenxing Taibao Dai Zong does urban work.If there is no secret work in Zhujiazhuang, it cannot be opened. If there is no internal instability and internal problems, it will be difficult to solve the problem.

As the method of warfare changes from guerrilla warfare to regular warfare, and the focus of work shifts from the countryside to the cities, we also have to be prepared for differences of opinion over this shift.On this issue, I think there will be more or less differences of opinion. If we are well prepared, there may be fewer differences of opinion, but if we are not prepared, there may be more differences of opinion.The central government should be prepared for this, and all localities should also be prepared. They must be clear-headed in advance, first of all, senior cadres must be clear-headed, so that differences of opinion may be reduced.

The tenth question, the army and localities.It is necessary to go deep into the countryside and win over the areas ruled by the Kuomintang and the enemy-occupied areas.We want to capture big cities, but our current flags are not planted in Beiping or Wuhan, but on mountains like Qingliang Mountain, Taihang Mountain, Wutai Mountain and so on.Our current base area is the starting point of the strategy, but the current population is too small, and we need to grow to half of the country's 450 million population.If we grow to a population of 200 million, things will be easy to handle.Now we have one million troops, but this army is scattered, and it is impossible to concentrate one hundred thousand troops in one place.First of all, because there is no food to eat, and no aircraft or artillery.It would be impossible to concentrate tens of thousands of troops from Wutai Mountain, Taihang Mountain, Shanxi, Sui, and Shandong to fight Beiping with rifles.A Ji'an, which was attacked eight times but failed to enter, and a Ganzhou, which was attacked seven times but failed to enter. The reason was not lack of enthusiasm, nor was it that Marxism-Leninism did not manifest itself, but that we had too few things that could be used to attack the city. Can't climb up either.If we have weapons in the future and can equip an army of 100,000 to 200,000, we can concentrate on opening Shijiazhuang, Baoding, and Peiping from the Japanese, and fight all the way without retreating, or retreat for a day or two before advancing.To be able to equip 100,000 or 200,000 troops, the conditions are different, and the strength is not small.In the future we will "weapons plus numbers", we will have several million troops, and the whole country will be in our hands.In the future, 3 million to 5 million troops will be needed. Only in this way can the whole of China be victorious, the world will be peaceful, and China will become an independent, democratic, free, unified, prosperous and strong China.When necessary, we can expand the army by several million, and the burden on the people of the whole country is not too much, but we must have weapons.Under the current circumstances, the expansion of the army should not increase the burden on the common people.We will expand the army under all possible conditions, but if it expands everywhere and expands so happily that there will be no millet or rice in January or February, and the common people will scream, then it will be wrong.The so-called expansion under possible conditions means not increasing the burden on the common people.

The eleventh question is to convene a meeting of people's representatives in the Liberated Areas of China [31].Calling such a meeting is a proposal from our congress to the people in the liberated areas, and it is a major event.It hasn't been published in the newspaper yet.Now we can only convene a meeting of representatives. Representatives are not elected by universal elections, but are selected by the army, government, and popular groups. This is simpler.When the National People's Congress is held, it is necessary to investigate age, whether there is a right to vote, etc. It is better to hold universal suffrage after the war is over.Of course, we can do it if we want to. Now there are universal suffrages in the Liberated Areas, but this time we demand that it be faster and not too slow.It is decided to convene this meeting, and it is necessary to prepare to issue a manifesto, make resolutions, and establish a regular leading organization after the meeting. This organization is not called the government, but the "Chinese People's Liberated Areas Federation."This is something we have drawn up and conceived in our hearts. It will not be published or written in the newspapers, but we will only talk about it here.It is necessary to convene a meeting to make a resolution, issue a declaration, and send a telegram to the chairman of the committee, asking him to form a coalition government.Comrades! My political report is called "On Coalition Government". I have said very little about this issue today, so I will talk about it here.Ask the chairman to organize a coalition government. Have we invited it? We have invited it many times. Comrade Zhou Enlai invited it a few days ago. Don’t our "Liberation Daily" and Xinhua News Agency invite it every few days? Every time you invite him, he Always shaking his head, not very happy.He said to form a coalition government was to "overthrow the government".How can organizing a coalition government mean overthrowing the government? We say we are uniting with him, but he says we want to overthrow his government.When we talk about a party meeting, he calls it a "loot-sharing meeting." He says his government is a spoils, and he doesn't agree with people dividing it.Comrade Zhou Enlai told Chiang Kai-shek: "Mr. Sun Yat-sen said that in the future the National Assembly will be called." He said: "You treat my government as the government of the Beiyang warlords, and you are the prime minister!" A hooligan has a bad temper.

When we convene people's congresses in liberated areas, non-Party people must make up the majority.We are going to elect a body, what should be its name, everyone think about it, maybe your thinking is very good.The proposed name is now called "Chinese People's Liberation Federation".The Kuomintang has a government, and we avoid confrontation, so it is called the "Chinese People's Liberation Federation."If the Chinese people are to be liberated, who would dare to say that they should not be liberated? The people all have the right to resist Japan, and they must strive for this right. If the reactionaries interfere with progress and cancel the people's right to resist Japan, it is absolutely not allowed.When such a thing is mentioned, some people will call us "the king and the hegemony". We are the king and the hegemony, the king of liberation, the hegemon of liberation.Who dares not to liberate us!

3 A Few Questions About the Party The first question is about individuality and party spirit.Some people have raised this issue during the rectification movement, and some people outside have talked about us.A journalist wrote an article and published it in Ta Kung Pao, saying that the Communist Party wants to eliminate individuality and only needs party spirit. Many of their documents only talk about party spirit, and they also make decisions to strengthen party spirit, etc.This opinion is incorrect.As I said in my report, China is a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country, and imperialism and feudal forces destroy individuality, preventing the Chinese people from developing their intelligence, their bodies, and their spirits. devastated.I once said: Lu Xun's bones are very hard, and it is very rare for a semi-colonial country to have a bone as hard as Lu Xun.Semi-colonial countries are very poor, and the people live in misery and oppression, so some people become slaves of foreigners, that is, compradors.There is a so-called "foreign ham" in Shanghai, that is, a kick by a foreigner is counted as a "ham".People who have been to Shanghai have also seen signs saying "Chinese and dogs not allowed" in some parks.Ethnic wars are opposed to these things. It is impossible for foreign nations to oppress the Chinese nation. We want independence.Foreign barbaric fascism oppresses the Chinese people. It is impossible to be unreasonable! The Communist Party of China demands independence on behalf of the people of the whole country! If China does not have independence, it will have no individuality. do the same.The broad masses will not be respected without a clear, awakened, democratic, and independent consciousness.When it comes to our party, is there any difference? There is a difference.Compared with other armies of the people, the party's army has many characteristics. It is an advanced army, an advanced organized army.An army must have uniform discipline and listen to orders: stand at attention, take a break, look left, look right, start walking, aim and release.Otherwise, if the enemy is in front, one will be sent east and the other will be sent west, and the enemy will be wiped out.The same is true for the army of the party. Without unified discipline, without democratic centralism, without democracy or without centralization, it will not work.In a feudal society, the emperor's dictatorship was not acceptable. That was a matter of the feudal era.We practice the democracy of the revolutionary people, which is different from the democracy of the bourgeoisie and the old democracy. It is a broader democracy.The party is a combination of outstanding elements among the people. Everyone is consciously willing to be restrained, that is, they recognize the party program and constitution, obey the party's resolutions, and are willing to sacrifice themselves.Therefore, some people cannot join our party. They are not subject to transfer. Whether they do this kind of work or that kind of work, whether they go east or west, they are all up to them. Party members must obey the organization, Obey the party's resolutions.

Is our party unified now? The historical resolution says unprecedented unity, one, which means that we need to be unified compared with the past, and it does not say that the party is completely unified.Some comrades said: "There is no problem in putting it down, but there are many problems in raising it." This sentence makes sense.Because our party grew four to fifty times during the Anti-Japanese War. In 1936, the number of organized party members was only over 20,000, and now it has more than one million. Naturally, such a large party will inevitably have various differences of opinion, so we do One task is to carry out the rectification movement.This is a movement that pushes the party forward. Without rectification, the party cannot advance.At that time the differences reached such a level: a certain Wang Shiwei[32] wrote an article in Yan'an called it, and many people were willing to read it.In the spring of 1942, the Academia Sinica published a poster during the rectification movement, and the poster was well received. Many people from Qiaoergou and Nanmenwai went to the Academia Sinica to read the poster, and I also went to see it once.At that time, many cultural people could not get along with workers, peasants and soldiers. They said that there was no Han Jingzhou in the border area.We say that there is Han Jingzhou in the border area, who is it? It is Wu Manyou, Zhao Zhankui, and Zhang Zhiguo[33].This story can be told.In the Tang Dynasty, there was a man surnamed Han who served as the governor of Jingzhou, so people called him Han Jingzhou.Later, there was a man named Li Taibai who knew how to write articles. He wanted to be an official, so he wrote a letter to Han Jingzhou, saying that he was great and number one in the world. In fact, he wanted to see Han Jingzhou. Give him an official job.Therefore, the allusion of "Han Jingzhou" came out.At that time, many people in Yan'an wanted to find "Han Jingzhou", but they went in the wrong direction. They found a Han Jingzhou who applied rouge and gouache, a petty bourgeois Han Jingzhou, who was Ke Likong in "Front Line"[34].They couldn't find where Han Jingzhou was. In fact, Han Jingzhou was everywhere, that is, workers, peasants and soldiers.The worker’s Han Jingzhou is Zhao Zhankui, the farmer’s Han Jingzhou is Wu Manyou, and the soldier’s Han Jingzhou is Zhang Zhiguo.The majority of party members are still unclear about this issue.In short, without the rectification party, we cannot advance.The second task we have done is to solve the production problem, and we cannot move forward without the production party.At that time we had nothing to eat, and Wang Shiwei provoked the servants to oppose us. He seemed to stand on the standpoint of the servants and opposed the so-called "third-class nine" and eating small kitchens, because at that time there was nothing to eat in the big kitchens, but there were not many things in the small kitchens. .Later we solved this problem with development production.In 1941, the people in the border area had to pay 200,000 shi for public grain and transport public salt, which was a heavy burden, and they screamed.That year when the government of the border area was in a meeting, thunder struck and the county magistrate Li was beaten to death with a crash. Some people said, alas, why didn’t Lei Gong beat Mao Zedong to death? I investigated and found that there was only one reason, that is, too much public grain was collected. , some people are not happy.At that time, there was indeed too much public grain.Do you want to reflect on your research policy? Yes! From the birth of the Communist Party in 1921 to the meeting of high-level cadres in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region in 1942[35], we have not yet learned how to do economic work.If you haven't learned it, you should learn it! Otherwise, Lei Gong will kill people.At that time, whether our comrades participated in the Long March, whether they were old Communists, or young people who came to Yan’an during the Anti-Japanese War, what was the attitude of the people of Yan’an towards us? I said, “Respect ghosts and gods.” And far away".Why is it like this? Because they feel that although the Communist Party is very good and they respect it very much, it adds to their burden and they have to avoid it a little.Until the spring of last year, Comrade Zhao Yimin [36] led the Yangko team organized by Yangjialing to Ansai to perform Yangko dances. Ansai was holding a Labor Heroes Conference, and those ordinary people also organized a Yangko team to dance together with Yangjialing’s Yangko team. I said Since then, the world has been peaceful! Because foreign intellectuals and ordinary people in northern Shaanxi have performed Yangko together.In the past, the common people respected ghosts and gods and stayed away when they saw them, but now they mingle together.There is also an intellectual lesbian who went to work in Yangjiawan Primary School, and an intellectual doctor who worked in Qingliangshan. They have a good relationship with the common people.There are such Communist Party members in each of our base areas, and wherever they go, they will mingle with the people of that place and "dedicate themselves to the common people until they die."Therefore, without the two links of rectification and production, the wheel of revolution cannot move forward, and the party cannot move forward! Once upon a time, one-third of the comrades in the "Liberation Daily" were admitted to the hospital. Comrade Zhou Yang[37] He also told me that the students of Luyi doze off every morning as soon as they wake up.Why? Because there is nothing to eat.If we solve the two problems of rectification and production, our cause will advance.Rectification is the spiritual basis for progress, and production is the material basis for progress. Our party has learned to rectify and produce from unconscious to conscious.Our party is relatively unified now, it can be said that it is unprecedentedly unified, and the historical problem has been solved relatively properly, but there are still problems.I already said at the preparatory meeting that day: our party is not completely unified, and we still need a higher unity, a higher unity.Unity requires democracy, without democracy, without criticism and self-criticism, and without clarifying opinions, it is impossible to unite.Many unfair things will gradually become fair.Every day there is unfairness, so someday we have to fix it.Problems are resolved and then reoccurred, and then resolved, and that's how we move forward.Leading comrades of the central government and leading organs at all levels should pay attention to what other people say, that is, they should always open the windows to let fresh air in, just like a house.Why do we not have enough fresh air? Is it the air or is it our fault? The air is constantly flowing. If we do not open the windows, there will not be enough fresh air. If we open our windows, the air will come into the house.What kind of house is our house? It is a political house, a political factory.To open a factory, you must have raw materials, workers, technicians, and engineers.Why are there not enough raw materials? Why are there not enough personnel? We must think about our own responsibilities.Are there any advertisements posted? Is the advertisement big? Have you bought raw materials at a high price? In fact, raw materials do not cost anything, as long as you paste the word "Welcome", all kinds of raw materials will come in a steady stream.Therefore, all kinds of opinions must be allowed to be expressed, and it is necessary to "say everything you know, and say everything; the speaker is innocent, and the one who hears it is a warning; if there is something, it will be corrected, and if there is nothing, it will be encouraged."It's an old saying, but it makes sense.I want to make a statement that if someone speaks well but does not follow through on what he says, and he does not implement what he said, then it is wrong.

When it comes to individuality and party spirit, party spirit is universality, and individuality is particularity.There is no universality that is not built on the basis of particularity.How can there be universality without particularity? Where can there be party spirit without the individuality of party members? Party spirit is a common nature, a universal nature, and a nature shared by everyone in the party.For example, when it comes to the unity of policies, the coalition government, the program of New Democracy and the programs of various departments, rectification, production, etc., should be unified on the basis of these principles and on the basis of Marxist thinking. This is common.As for whether every party member is different? Of course not.Personalities cannot be forced to be the same. There are various differences in people, such as old, young, male, and female. There are also differences in military, political, economic, cultural, party affairs, etc. in work.In terms of military work, there are different officers, political workers, and logistics workers. In terms of party affairs, there are also differences in various work areas such as base areas and enemy-occupied areas.People differ in their understanding of Marxism, and the same person understands Marxism differently when he is young and when he is old.In short, there are differences in work, status, gender, age, etc. To erase these differences is to prevent comrades from developing their strengths.None of these can be unified on one track.There are nine planets in the solar system, namely Venus, Jupiter, Mercury, Mars, Saturn, Uranus, Neptune, and Pluto, and the earth is also one.They follow their own orbits and walk in a certain order. They are all formed by splitting from the solar nebula, and they are different in size and shape.As for things on the planets, not all are the same.There are no humans on the sun, but there are humans on our earth. Whether there is a human on the other eight planets, I can’t say now, I haven’t investigated it.In ancient times, there were no humans, no water, and no air on the earth. Since there was air, there was water, and then there were living things, and only after living things, were there humans.The stars in the sky often make independence. When you look up at night, you can sometimes see some stars running away! It also makes independence.All in all, party members have various personalities, and it is impossible for anyone to erase the various personalities.To obliterate all kinds of differences results in abolition of unity, and to obliterate particularity there is no unity.this is a problem.

The second question is about the treatment of several cadres within the party.There are some cadres in the party who usually feel that they are not being treated fairly. We should pay special attention to these comrades. (1) Theoretical workers.In our rectification style, we emphasize seeking truth from facts and oppose dogmatism. In this way, it seems that theoretical workers are not so comfortable.We should attach importance to theoretical workers, and we should attach importance to theory.Lenin said: "Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement." [38] Therefore, our party must study theory.I once said at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Central Committee that the theoretical level of our party is very low, and it is now higher than in the past, but it is not enough.Now our Party has of course made some progress, but our theoretical level is still insufficient in terms of the requirements of the Chinese revolutionary movement.The revolution requires us to be able to explain China's revolutionary movement, explain all aspects of this movement, explain its internal connections, including military, political, cultural, economic, all aspects of the entire revolutionary work and their internal connections, and sum up experience to improve it. Get up, make it organized and systematized.What is theory? It is systematic knowledge.The theory of Marxism-Leninism is systematic knowledge based on Marxism. Comrades who do translation work are very important. Don't think that translation work is bad.We need great translators now.I am a country bumpkin, and I still need a translator to understand a little about foreign affairs.There are very few people in our Party who can directly read foreign books. Those who can directly read foreign books must first translate the works of Marx, Engel, Lenin, and Sri Lanka, as well as the advanced things of the Soviet Union and the things of Marxists of various countries.There are also many things in history, although they are not Marxist, but have a progressive meaning, and some democrat things, we have to translate them. Therefore, we must attach importance to theoretical workers, look up to them, regard them as very learned and cultivated people in our team, and respect them. (2) Intellectuals.Intellectuals are not necessarily theoretical workers.The increase of intellectuals in our party is a very good phenomenon.It is impossible for a class revolution to succeed without intellectuals.You have seen, Wei, Shu, Wu three countries, each country has intellectuals of each country, there are high-level intellectuals, there are ordinary intellectuals, the one who wears gossip clothes and holds a goose-feather fan is an intellectual; Liangshanbo couldn't do without Gongsun Sheng, Wu Yong, and Xiao Rang, and of course it couldn't do without others.The proletariat must stand up, the working masses must have intellectuals, and any class must have intellectuals who serve its class.Slave owners have intellectuals who serve slave owners, who are saints of slave owners, such as Aristotle and Socrates in Greece[39].Our Chinese slave owners also have intellectuals who serve them. Zhou Gongdan[40] is the slave owner's sage.As for Zhuge Liang, Liu Bowen[41] in the feudal era, and Wu Yong in Li, they were all intellectuals in the feudal society.Because of the rectification and censorship, it seems that the intellectuals have been lowered a little bit, which is a bit unfair.It's like a balance, one side is a little lower, and the other is a little higher.This congress of ours should be rectified and the intellectuals should be elevated.Is it the other way around? That's not it either.We want to welcome them to serve our party, fight for the interests of our party, and fight for the interests of the people.Our party, our army, our government, our economic departments, and our mass organizations must recruit intellectuals to serve us, and we must respect them. (3) Comrades working in enemy-occupied areas and Kuomintang areas.Once these comrades arrived in the base area, they felt overwhelmed.There are many chiefs in the base area. From the looks of it, the chiefs always sit in the front. There are big chiefs, middle chiefs, and small chiefs. These comrades feel resentful.I found them in trouble again when I was in the trial. "Where are you from? Shanghai? Xi'an?" "Which hotel do you live in?" "Do you have a letter of introduction?" Because we all have a letter of introduction in our base area, we think that we need a letter of introduction when staying in a hotel in Shanghai. If you say that there is no letter of introduction, it is very strange.If we make a mistake, we must say sorry, and if we wear the wrong hat, we must respectfully take off the hat and admit our mistakes.It is understandable that these comrades are not used to the style of work in the base areas. It may take three to five years for this style of work to be gradually unified. (4) Local cadres and local military cadres.I have already written in the report that we should treat local cadres like our own brothers and sisters.Every time our army goes to a place, we must help the local cadres to form the army, the militia, the self-defense army, the local corps and local troops, and then on this basis we can form the main corps and the main force.When I first arrived in northern Shaanxi, I ignored this problem at first.Comrades Gao Gang[42] and the others set up this border area. Because I couldn't handle this issue well, people in northern Shaanxi started gossiping.Some people say that people from northern Shaanxi can only establish Soviet areas and cannot serve as the Red Army.Such remarks are due to the poor handling of some local troops.As for the inappropriate handling of local cadres and local troops in North China, Central China, and South China? If so, it should be admitted that it was wrong and should be corrected, just as I should have admitted in northern Shaanxi.The above remarks prove that these comrades have been enraged.I advocate doing investigation and research, but since I arrived in northern Shaanxi, there has been no investigation and research in this area, and now we have investigation and research.At the same time, I hope that local comrades working in the South, the North, the East, and the West will put forward more opinions.We need to open the windows to let the air circulate, listen to the news and public opinion, and correct any shortcomings or mistakes.If this one is not done well, it will not work.This question has caused great disputes in our history.After the conference this time, there are still many people who will go to various places.Last year, Wang Shoudao and Wang Zhen [43] went to Hunan, and Dai Jiying and Wang Shusheng [44] went to Henan. I told them these things when we left. Now it seems that the tongue is not loose, the lips are not burnt, and we have not talked enough.Everyone in the world has flaws, and the Bolsheviks are not so perfect, and they still have flaws to some extent. What is it called? Bolsheviks with flaws.If you say he is not a Bolshevik, that is hard to say. "I fought bravely for the party, why is it not Marxism-Leninism?" You can't say that.I think I am included in this one. If you say that I am a complete Bolshevik, then it is not necessarily true. If you say that I have no Bolshevik smell at all, it is not like that.I thought for a moment, we could be called Bolsheviks with flaws.One of the disadvantages is that you have to carry a little stuff on your back. For example, if you walk more than 25,000 miles, you will increase your burden.I am not talking about every comrade, or specifically referring to certain comrades, comrades please do not take offense.However, quite a few comrades have traveled 25,000 miles and become a burden, which increases their burden and becomes a hunchback because the burden on their back is too great.You have traveled a lot, but you have lost your base area, and the Jiangxi base area is gone now; others have not walked, but northern Shaanxi is still a base area.Comrade! You walked away and lost your base. People ask you for that base. Can you afford it? You can't afford it, and neither can I.If you want to pay for the legal currency and border currency, you can still think of a way, but if you want to pay for the Jiangxi base, there is no way.People have not walked, but they have bases; we have traveled 25,000 miles and have no bases.You see, if you walk too much with your feet, you will become a burden.And the earth also walks. The earth revolves around the sun for a few more years, and people will increase their life expectancy by a few years. The older you are, the heavier your burden will be. Older comrades, don’t blame me for saying this. I am fifty-two years old this year, and the earth walks. The road has also become our burden.Young comrades also have their burdens.Their eyes are sharp, their ears can hear far away, and their hands are quick. These are their strengths, but young comrades say that old men are "faint and old", that is not acceptable.Young comrades should not say that others are "faint and old", and old men should not say that others are "young and ignorant".We all come from childhood, and we know less when we are young, but we will gradually increase.People don't know as much as you do, but you don't know everything.If you want to talk about farming, you are not as good as Wu Manyou, if you want to talk about workmanship, you are not as good as Zhao Zhankui, and if you want to talk about being a soldier, you are not as good as Zhang Zhiguo.There are tens of millions of things we can only do one or two things, that is limited, there are many things we don't know and can't do.If we change our attitude, whenever we go to a place, we will become one with the people there, respect the comrades in that place, and raise the awareness of communism, then we will be able to reduce the chauvinism.If we want to eradicate mountainism, we must recognize the mountain and take care of the mountain. Only in this way can the mountain be reduced and eliminated.So we have to admit that there are mountains, and it’s okay not to admit it. After admitting it, we need to take care of each department, each group, each department with different history, and different problems.If their spirits are weighed down by stones, and some stones were put on by our own hands, we have to untie them for them.We will untie all the stones they are mentally pressing on, whether they are big, medium or small.The stones put on by our hands must be removed with our hands, so that these comrades can be happy, liberated, and carry forward their enthusiasm.Only in this way can the whole party and the people of the whole country be united to victory.For this purpose, wherever we go, we should not be imperial envoys, but first see the strengths of others.We are all from the New Democratic Liberated Areas, we are all members of the Communist Party, we are all comrades, and there should be no issue of looking down on them.We suffered greatly on this issue during the Civil War.Most of our comrades in Yan’an have been to the party school. The comrades present here participated in the Seventh National Congress. We look forward to Yan'an and believe in Yan'an, but comrades, we must adopt the above-mentioned attitude, not to be an imperial envoy, and wherever we go, we must "dedicate ourselves to death and die."In view of the great suffering we have suffered in history, unconscious blindness is really undesirable. We need to be conscious and pay attention to this point consciously.Every time you go to a place, you must respect the people, the army, and the government of that place, and establish a good relationship with them.This is the duty of Communist Party members. (5) Economic work and logistics work cadres.There is logistical work in the army, extensive economic work in the entire base areas and liberated areas, and a large number of comrades are doing this work.Because we did not promote and publicize work in this area enough in the past, many comrades felt that working in these departments was looked down upon and had no status.I once said that a comrade in Yan'an told me that he was not willing to be the director of general affairs. Why? Because he was looked down upon.People asked him what kind of work he did? He said I do general work.Why did he say to do general work? It is because general affairs work is hard to eat, and now we should make them eat well.Some comrades think that you can enjoy military work and party work, but you can enjoy military and political work in the army, but you can't enjoy logistical work.Because they can't eat well, we should put them in a certain position so that they can eat well. (6) Democracy movement cadres, worker, youth and women cadres.These cadres also feel overwhelmed.Some people call them "non-identical troops", but in fact they are all "central army" and there are no miscellaneous troops.大城市打开以后，广大的工人运动、青年运动、妇女运动都要开展起来。我们的党是工人阶级的政党，我们已经牺牲了很多工人同志，现在留下的做工人运动的干部不多了，可能有几十个、几百个，我们要照顾他们，尊重他们。同样，没有青年工作、妇女工作的干部也不行。 (七)抗战时期入党的干部。我们现在还叫他们是新干部，好像老干部就是万里长征来的，那就没有几个大人，不过一两万而已。同志们，在座的多数同志是老干部，因为你们富有经验，领导正确，所以被选为代表，这是很好的，在大革命时期、内战时期做工作的同志，数目虽小，没有他们却不行，因为他们很有经验。但是如果把经验当作包袱，那就不好，要轻轻快快。对同志们讲一个数目吧!现在，抗战时期入党的有一百一十几万，北伐和内战时期入党的顶多还有两万人，我们算一下，总共一百二十来万。这两万人的眼睛，不要只看着自己，还要看到那一百一十几万。否则，你看着我，我看着你，味道大得很，在镜子前照了又照，似乎漂亮得很。唉呀，这样不好，我们年纪比较老，并不十分漂亮，还是他们比较漂亮，因为他们比较年轻。在抗战时期入党的大多数是青年同志，当然年纪大的也有。我们有我们的长处，他们有他们的长处，没有我们不行，没有他们也不行。两万人的眼睛要看这一百一十几万人，要尊重他们，不要使他们感觉这两万人是不好接近的，是不好谈话的，要谈话的时候，先要想几天几夜，跟你谈话时到底怎样讲法。要使他们像胡适之说的“有什么话，说什么话；话怎么说，就怎么说”[45]，也就是要打成一片，使新老干部团结起来。抗战时期很长，对抗战时期入党的干部，不要笼统地叫新干部，因为都叫新干部，好像只有我是老干部，我老子天下第一，你小子天下第二。 (八)党外干部。这也是个很大的问题。如果在全中国，我们的党员有四百五十万，也只占人口的百分之一，而现在我们占的比例是百分之零点几。如果我们有四百五十万党员，在一百个人里，也只有一个共产党员。他的任务是什么?他的任务是团结九十九个非党人士。我们要组织军队，打倒敌人，就必须这样做。一个共产党员，如果不能团结多数人，团结工人、农民、知识分子、小资产阶级和其他民主分子，那就不算是一个好共产党员。世界上为什么需要共产党呢?要共产党干什么呢?共产党有无存在之必要呢?叶青说中国共产党没有存在之必要，那是反动派的提法，我们不赞成。我们自己也可以提出要不要共产党的问题，是因为世界上的小米太多，剩下了，非请我们吃不可，因此需要共产党，还是因为房子太多，专门要有一批房子给共产党住呢?当然都不是。世界上需要共产党，就是为了团结大多数人，组织军队，打倒敌人，建设新中国。此外还有什么事?没有了。这就是说，我们吃一点小米，吃一点大米，穿一点衣服，都是为了给人民做事，团结广大的群众，组织军队，打败敌人，建设新中国。如果革命不是这样的革法，那末，就是专门革财政厅的命。有的人不革别的命，一心一意甚至几十年的工夫，专门革财政厅的命，那是不好的。同志们不要见怪，我讲的不是哪一个人，或者哪几个人，不过我总有这样的感想，就是我们要做事情，就要了解了解，要研究一下，尤其是对各种所谓小事情，如生产、卫生、文化、民众团体、政权工作等各种具体工作。老百姓的许多东西我们要学，我们的知识很差，首先我的知识很差，运盐怎样运，我不大了了，合作社怎样办，我不大了了，我没有办过合作社。因此向我们提出了一个任务，就是要学习。经验不够，就要研究，就要工作，在工作中进行研究。 党外的人占百分之九十九，只有他们和我们一起革命才能取得胜利，单靠党员毫无办法，是不是这样?这是不是真理?完全是真理。他们中间有领袖，有干部，我们要帮助他们，培养人民中的优秀分子，同时尊重他们，和他们好好合作。对这些党外干部，将来我们各地的领导机关、组织部门要有调查研究，要有一些办法，教育的办法，团结的办法，比如开座谈会、谈心等等办法，对他们进行帮助和培养。 最后一个问题，就是要讲真话。那一天我讲过，我们要谦虚谨慎，不骄不躁。今天再说这样一点，就是要讲真话，不偷、不装、不吹。偷就是偷东西，装就是装样子，“猪鼻子里插葱——装象”，吹就是吹牛皮。讲真话，每个普通的人都应该如此，每个共产党人更应该如此。 什么叫不偷?我曾经看到过这样的事情，把别人写的整本小册子，换上几个名词，就说是自己写的，把自己的名字安上就出版了。不是自己的著作，拿来说是自己的，这是不是偷?呀!有贼。我们党内也有贼，当然是个别的、很少的。这种事情历来就有的，叫做“抄袭”。这是不诚实。马克思的就是马克思的，恩格斯的就是恩格斯的，列宁的就是列宁的，斯大林的就是斯大林的，朱总司令讲的就是朱总司令讲的，刘少奇讲的就是刘少奇讲的，徐老[46]讲的就是徐老讲的，哪个同志讲的就是哪个同志讲的，都不要偷。 什么是不装?就是“知之为知之，不知为不知”。孔夫子的学生子路，那个人很爽直，孔夫子曾对他说:“知之为知之，不知为不知，是知也。”[47]懂得就是懂得，不懂得就是不懂得，懂得一寸就讲懂得一寸，不讲多了。为什么世界上会出现“装”?为什么有人感到不装不大好呢?这是一个社会现象。偷是社会现象，装也是社会现象。装的现象现在特别多，在我们党内也特别多。爱装的人，是他母亲生下他来就要他装的?他母亲怀他在肚子里就在观音菩萨面前发誓、许愿，一定要生一个会装的儿子?当然不是，这是社会现象。我们党内历来不允许装。不知道不要紧，知道得少不要紧，即使对马列主义知道得很少、马列的书读得很少也不要紧，知道多少就是多少。在这里我提出我们要读五本马列主义的书。马克思的一本，就是《共产党宣言》，是和恩格斯合著的，但主要是马克思著的。恩格斯的一本，就是《社会主义从空想到科学的发展》。列宁的两本，一本是《在民主革命中社会民主党的两个策略》[48]，一本是《共产主义运动中的“左派”幼稚病》。列宁这两本书写得很好，马克思、恩格斯写的那两本书也写得很好，这四本书薄薄的，读完它们不用花很多时间。此外，还有斯大林主持写的《联共(布)党史简明教程》，比较厚一点。这本书是历史的，又是理论的，又有历史，又有理论，它是一个胜利的社会主义国家的历史，是马克思主义在俄国成功的历史，这本书要读。前面四本书也既是理论的，又是历史的。马、恩、列、斯的书多得很，如果先读了这五本书，就差不多了。 还有一个是不要吹，就是报实数，“实报实销”。在座的同志不是讨论过党的历史吗?有的同志在发言中说，内战时期养成了一种习惯，向上级报告工作时，要讲好一点，夸大一点，才像样子。其实这不解决任何问题。我们的工作是整个人民工作的一部分，是全党工作的一部分，我们都有份，人民都有份。为什么我现在当首长?就是恰好要我当首长，没有别的道理，本来张三、李四都可以当，但是点将点到了我的身上，要我当。至于这一份家业是哪个的?是张三、李四的?不是，是全党的，是全国人民的。延安是谁的?延安是全国人民的。我曾经和一个党外人士讲过，有人说延安是共产党的，这是不对的。说共产党在这里当首长，这是正确的，因为这个天下是我们领导老百姓打出来的。“实报实销”，要求我们的情报要真实，不要扯谎。要把自己领导工作中的缺点向大家公开，让大家来参观，看我这个旅有没有马屎、驴屎、有害的微生物，如果有，就来打扫一下，洗干净，扫除官僚主义。我提倡人家将军，有些事不逼我们就做不出来。鲁迅先生讲过，文章是逼出来的，如果不逼就写不出来。但是我们不搞逼供信的“逼”。 关于要讲真话，我们现在发一个通令，要各地打仗缴枪，缴一支讲一支，不报虚数。知之为知之，不知为不知，一支为一支，两支为两支，是知也。这个问题解决了，我们党的作风就可以更切实了。我们一定要老老实实。 我们共产党现在是一个很大的党，一个二十四年来有了很多经验的党，一个准备胜利的党。我们要在全国胜利，我们有这个志向。全党要团结起来，为全国人民解放而奋斗! Published based on the transcript of the speech kept by the Central Archives. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1]毛泽东向中国共产党第七次全国代表大会提交了《论联合政府》的书面政治报告，同时又在大会上作了这个口头政治报告。 [2]左舜生（一八九三——一九六九），湖南长沙人。当时任中国民主同盟秘书长、代理主席。他于一九四五年三月十八日发表声明，表示民盟不参加国民党召开的国民大会。 [3]林老，指林伯渠，当时任中共中央委员、陕甘宁边区政府主席。 [4]陈独秀，见本卷第101页注[8]。 [5]见本卷第142页注[2]。 [6]洛川会议，见本卷第142页注[3]。 [7]三青团，即三民主义青年团，是国民党控制青年的工具。一九三八年七月九日正式成立，一九四七年六月并入国民党。 [8]六中全会，见本卷第143页注[4]。 [9]皖南事变，见本卷第50页注[8]。 [10]冈村宁次（一八八四——一九六六），当时任侵华日军中国派遣军总司令官。 [11]见鲁迅《故乡》，原文是：“希望是本无所谓有，无所谓无的。这正如地上的路；其实地上本没有路，走的人多了，也便成了路。”（《鲁迅全集》第1卷，人民文学出版社1981年版，第485页） [12]旧金山会议，指一九四五年四月二十五日至六月二十六日五十个国家的代表在美国旧金山举行的会议。这次会议讨论和通过了《联合国宪章》等文件。 [13]指董必武。他受中共中央委派参加出席联合国大会的中国代表团。 [14]邓宝珊，当时任国民党军晋陕绥边区总司令。 [15]章乃器（一八九七——一九七七），浙江青田人，全国各界救国联合会领导人之一。一九三六年十一月被国民党政府逮捕入狱，是著名的“七君子”之一，抗日战争爆发后获释。一九三七年九月一日，他在《申报》发表《少号召多建议》一文。 [16]季米特洛夫（一八八二——一九四九），保加利亚人，国际共产主义运动著名活动家。From 1935 to 1943, he served as General Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. [17]丘吉尔，当时任英国内阁首相。 [18]指一九四五年四月二十三日《解放日报》发表的英国共产党总书记波立特的文章《论英国大选》。 [19]斯科比，是英国派驻希腊的英军司令。一九四四年十月，德国侵略军在希腊败退，斯科比率领英军，带着在伦敦的希腊流亡政府进入希腊。In December of the same year, Scobie commanded the British army and assisted the Greek government in attacking the Greek People's Liberation Army, which had been heroically resisting the German army for a long time, and massacred the patriotic Greek people. [20]同盟国，指第二次世界大战期间共同对德、意、日轴心国作战的中、苏、美、英、法等国家。 [21]指一九三七年八月在陕西洛川召开的中共中央政治局扩大会议上通过的《中国共产党抗日救国十大纲领》其要点是：一、打倒日本帝国主义；二、全国军事总动员；三、全国人民总动员；四、改革政治机构；五、实行抗日的外交政策；六、实行为抗战服务的财政经济政策；七、改良人民生活；八、实行抗日的教育政策；九、肃清汉奸卖国贼亲日派，巩固后方；十、实现抗日的民族团结。 [22]指《陕甘宁边区施政纲领》（一九四一年五月一日）。见本书第二卷第334－337页。 [23]十大纲领，见本卷第102页注[15]。 [24]见《中国国民党第一次全国代表大会宣言》。（《孙中山全集》第9卷，中华书局1986年版，第120页） [25]见列宁《在民主革命中社会民主党的两个策略》（今译名为《社会民主党在民主革命中的两种策略》）。原译文是：“在某种意义上说，资产阶级革命对于无产阶级，较之它对于资产阶级更为有利。”（解放社1943年H月印行）新的译文是：“在某种意义上说来，资产阶级革命对无产阶级要比对资产阶级更加有利。”（《列宁选集》第1卷，人民出版社1972年版，第541页） [26]王镇恶（三七三——四一八），东晋北海剧（今山东寿光东南）人，刘裕部将。在辅佐刘裕之子镇守关中期间，因与中兵参军沈田子不和，为沈所杀。 [27]爱金生，见本卷第278页注[10]。 [28]罗斯福，一九三三年至一九四五年任美国总统。一九四五年四月十二日病逝。 [29]见《列子·汤问》。 [30]山西的新军，见本卷第143页注[14]。 [31]中国共产党第七次全国代表大会以后，一九四五年七月十三日，各解放区、各人民团体以及八路军、新四军等各方面的代表，曾在延安开会，成立“中国解放区人民代表会议筹备委员会”。日本投降以后，因为时局变化，中国解放区人民代表会议没有召开。 [32]王实味，见本卷第288页注[11]。 [33]吴满有，一九四二年在大生产运动中努力开荒生产，成为陕甘宁边区的劳动英雄。赵占魁，山西定襄人，一九三九年进陕甘宁边区农具厂当司炉工。在工作中做出了成绩，成为陕甘宁边区的模范工人和劳动英雄。张治国，陕西吴堡人，一九四三年任八路军警备第三旅第七团第七连副班长，在大生产运动中成绩突出，成为陕甘宁边区的劳动英雄。 [34]客里空，苏联剧作家柯涅楚克写的话剧《前线》中一个捕风捉影、捏造事实的新闻记者的名字。 [35]指中共中央西北局一九四二年十月十九日至一九四三年一月十四日在延安召开的高级干部会议。 [36]赵毅敏，一九○四年生，河南滑县人。当时任中共中央宣传部宣传科科长。 [37]周扬，当时任中共中央文化工作委员会主任兼延安大学校长。 [38]见列宁《俄国社会民主党人的任务》（《列宁全集》第2卷，人民出版社1984年版，第443页）；并见列宁《怎么办？》第一章第四节（《列宁全集》第6卷，人民出版社1986年版，第23页）。 [39]亚里士多德（公元前三八四——前三二二），古希腊哲学家、科学家。苏格拉底,古希腊唯心主义哲学家。 [40]周公旦，周武王之弟，西周初年政治家。因采邑在周（今陕西岐山北），称为周公。曾助武王灭商。武王死后，成王年幼，由他摄政。相传他制礼作乐，建立典章制度。 [41]诸葛亮（一八一——二三四），字孔明，琅邪阳都（今山东沂南南）人，三国蜀汉政治家、军事家，刘备的主要谋士。他向刘备提出占据荆、益两州，联合孙权，对抗曹操，统一全国的建议，即著名的“隆中对”。刘伯温，即刘基（一三一一——一三七五），浙江青田人，元末进士。受朱元璋礼聘参加起义军，提出时务十八策。明朝建立后，任御史中丞兼太史令。 [42]高岗，当时任中共中央西北局书记。 [43]王首道，当时任湖南人民抗日救国军政治委员。王震，当时任湖南人民抗日救国军司令员。 [44]戴季英，当时任河南军区政治委员。王树声（一九○五——一九七四），湖北麻城人，当时任河南军区司令员。 [45]胡适之，即胡适（一八九一——一九六二），安徽绩溪人。曾任北京大学文学院院长。这句话见《建设的文学革命论》（《胡适文存》卷一，上海亚东图书馆1921年版，第73页）。 [46]徐老，指徐特立（一八七七——一九六八），湖南长沙人。At that time, he was the deputy director of the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. [47]见《论语·为政》。 [48]今译名为《社会民主党在民主革命中的两种策略》。