Chapter 26 About route learning, work style and current situation [1]

(March 5, 1944) One about route learning (1) Issues within and outside the party. During the study of the Party's line last year, some comrades mistrusted Comrades Wang Ming and Bogu[2] as a problem outside the Party, but now it is definitely an issue within the Party. (2) Legal and illegal issues. In the past, some comrades believed that the Provisional Central Committee [3] and the Fifth Plenary Session [4] were illegal.Now I see that Luo Fu[5] said in his reflection notes that the call from the Interim Central Committee of the Communist International was approved, and the Fifth Plenum of the Central Committee was also approved by the Communist International. Based on this, it should be said that it is legal, but the election procedures are not complete. .After the temporary Central Committee moved to the Central Soviet Area, it should report the relevant situation. It is not good for them not to report.After confirming the above problems, it is time to review whether the Fourth Plenary Session[6] was a mistake in the political line.The Fourth Plenary Session was recognized by the Communist International and the Central Committee, which is legal in form, but the political content is not good.

In this way, it is easy to clarify right and wrong politically, and it is easy to unite within the party. (3) Clarify the problem of thinking and conclusion. Since the rectification movement, we have been treating diseases and saving lives. Some people suspect that the policy of curing diseases and saving lives is not adopted in the investigation of historical issues within the party.Now our policy is to clear up the ideology thoroughly, and to make organizational conclusions cautiously and appropriately. In the past, in the history of our Party, apart from the struggle against Zhang Guotao's [7] wrong line, there were two major struggles, namely, the struggle against Chen Duxiu's [8] wrong line and the struggle against Li Lisan's [9] wrong line.At that time, there was no thorough ideological discussion, but the conclusions were serious, so the goal of curing diseases and saving lives was not achieved, and the mistakes of the past did not become a lesson for the future.This time we must be mentally clear.Now the central government has designated five theoretical books[10] to be read, in order to learn from the experience of the world revolution.In the past, I did not do serious research on theory and history, and only punished those who made mistakes.The mistake of not recognizing Li San's line is not a personal problem, but represents the ideology of the petty bourgeoisie.The revolutionary acuteness of the petty bourgeoisie is an inevitability in a vast petty-bourgeois society, and it is not an individual accident but a social phenomenon.The social existence of the proletariat is also an inevitability, and the idea of ​​the proletariat is the combination of revolutionary enthusiasm and practical spirit.The proletariat uses the method of reforming and reforming the petty bourgeoisie to guide the peasants and the petty bourgeoisie into socialism.The policy of hasty extermination cannot be adopted with regard to the petty bourgeoisie.

The most basic feature of Chinese society is that the petty bourgeoisie make up the majority of the population, and the Party must handle this issue carefully.The petty-bourgeois ideology reflected in the party and the mistakes caused by this ideology are not personal problems, but social phenomena, which are inevitable phenomena under certain historical conditions.The Communist Party of China made right opportunist mistakes during the Great Revolution, and made "left" opportunist mistakes during the civil war.This phenomenon also occurred internationally in the past. For example, during the Paris Commune, the "Left" Blanquism[11] mistakes were made, and later the Right opportunism mistakes of the Second International were made.This law is due to the fact that the policy adopted by the bourgeoisie towards the proletariat is reflected in the proletarian party.For example, when the Chinese bourgeoisie Chiang Kai-shek adopted the policy of alliance with the Communist Party during the Anti-Japanese War, right-leaning errors were prone to occur in our party; during the Southern Anhui Incident[12], "left" errors occurred, and some people thought it was another "Ma-Day Incident" [ 13], advocating national riots, etc., as soon as the bourgeoisie touches us, we will jump.

Some of the comrades who came to work in the Central Committee after the Fourth Plenary Session of the Central Committee have not participated in the Great Revolution, but they think that they are very clever.This is one of the reasons why they make mistakes. We want to emphasize the social causes of mistakes, not personal problems, so our organizational conclusions can be more lenient.This policy should now be propagated and explained to make comrades understand the necessity of implementing this policy.The thinking must be clarified, and the conclusion must be lenient, which is beneficial to the party.We oppose the erroneous policy of inner-Party struggle after the Fourth Plenary Session, so we must adopt a policy of leniency, otherwise we will become students of the Fourth Plenary Session, unable to clarify ideological issues and learn lessons from experience.

Issues during the war of resistance may not be concluded at the Seventh Congress.The Seventh National Congress only draws conclusions from the Fourth Plenary Session to the Zunyi Meeting[14]. This conclusion should focus on gaining experience and lessons, and take care of the future. It does not pay attention to punishment and only draws political conclusions to achieve the goal of curing diseases and saving lives. (4) Don't deny everything. Don't deny everything from the Fourth Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to the Zunyi Conference.At that time, Comrades Bogu and Luo Fu and I were working together, and we had something in common, that we wanted to fight Chiang Kai-shek. The point of difference was how to fight Chiang Kai-shek, which was a difference in strategy.On the issue of land, there is no dispute over the six resolutions concerning the confiscation of the land of the landlord class and the distribution of land to peasants with little or no land.The argument is that after the confiscation, Bo and Luo advocated that the rich peasants should divide the bad land and the landlords should not divide the land, but I disagree.If you deny everything in the past, that is a kind of bias.We need to analyze the problem, not to deny it in general.When I wrote "Strategic Issues in China's Revolutionary War", I also said that good things should be preserved. This is the only way to seek truth from facts.

(5) Estimates for the Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of China. During the discussion, a small number of comrades attempted to negate the Sixth National Congress, and some said that the line of the Sixth National Congress was basically wrong. I think the line of the Sixth National Congress is basically correct. The Sixth National Congress pointed out the nature of the revolution, put forward ten political platforms[15], pointed out that the situation is between two climaxes, opposed the theory of quick victory, and pointed out that we must win over the masses.The basic spirit of the Sixth National Congress is to have the views of the masses, and it is Li Lisan who does not want the masses.After the outbreak of the Jiang-Feng-Yan War[16], Li Lisan believed that the revolutionary situation had reached its climax, and the masses would riot if they were not ready.

(6) Are there still sects in the party? I think after several differentiations it is gone.After the split at the Zunyi Conference, the split at the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War, and this split, now there is no such sect.Such an estimate is in line with the facts and is conducive to the unity of the whole party. What is more serious now is mountainism.The main reasons for its emergence are: (1) the vastness of the petty bourgeoisie; (2) the rural revolutionary base areas that have been divided for a long time; (3) the lack of ideological education.This kind of thing quite hinders our internal cooperation, and it is still very serious in the relationship between the party, the government, the army, and the people.Veteran cadres who have gone through the Long March tend to emphasize the power from the army, which is also reasonable. Without the Red Army going north, it would be impossible to have the power we have now, and we can only conduct guerrilla warfare.The local responsible comrades should explain this to the local cadres.The responsible comrades from the south should also explain clearly to the outside cadres that without the foundation of local cadres, party organizations and the masses, the work cannot be done well.When the entire Red Army marched north to northern Shaanxi, there were only 25,000 people.Now we have nearly a million party members, only a few are old party members.In addition to Comrade Wang Zhen[17], the prefectural committees of the extension are mainly composed of local cadres, and the Northwest Bureau and the North and Central China regions mainly have many cadres in the north. Therefore, foreign cadres must understand this and pay attention to this issue.The first item is to explain that the Red Army cadres have achievements.At first the local cadres regarded the Eighth Route Army as a "god", but later they thought it was worthless. Now it is necessary to negate the negation, that is, it is not a "god", or a "god" with shortcomings.Second, foreign cadres should talk more with local cadres, understand local history, and cooperate with local cadres. In this regard, they must be conscious.Now the base is local comrades, veteran cadres must consciously understand this.Mountain-top doctrine is the most important concrete problem within the Party at present, and historical problems are no longer the main ones.

Two work style issues Recently, the work style of some leading comrades has improved. This improvement has been achieved after rectifying the three styles, examining cadres and studying the line.Take our office work as an example, the work is not only done in the office, but a lot of work has to be done outside the office.In the past, many organs of our central government had no contact with the local people, and they had no "nationality"; secondly, some comrades felt that they were overqualified and useless, and they were not at ease with their current jobs.The situation has changed a bit now. For example, the Women's Committee stated that it would have more contact with the local people. It used to be that those who were overqualified were not useful, but now their thinking has changed.There are also some comrades who didn't use their brains in the past, didn't know how to analyze specific issues, but only yelled and wrote big articles.The function of the brain is dedicated to thinking, and it is a big problem not to use the brain. Recently, the situation has changed, especially the recent progress.But from the point of view of the whole party, the problem of work style is still quite serious. In some links, quite a few people are divorced from the masses and don't want to think about problems.

Recently, we have been close to the masses in literature and art work and propaganda work, and newspapers have published analytical articles, and we have connected with the masses. The work of the Party School and certain government agencies has improved, and national education is also being improved. The work of the organizational department used to be formalistic, but after applying the mass line, it has made great progress.The anti-rape work has also changed the previous method of only relying on a small number of full-time workers to mobilize the masses to participate, and has achieved new results.

In the past, the labor movement used to issue documents on the commemorative day as usual, so as to cope with the commemorative day.Now the workers' committee has gone deep into the factories to conduct investigations and studies, and earnestly participate in the workers' movement in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, and there will be results. In the army, the relationship between the military and the people used to be very poor. After the high-level cadre meeting[18], the style of work has changed, and great progress has been made. At present, all aspects of work pay attention to calculating figures, seeking truth from facts, and connecting with the masses, especially in rectification, reviewing cadres, and production.It is mainly due to the implementation of methods such as head-to-head responsibility, hands-on work, combination of leaders and the masses, combination of general calls and specific guidance, etc.We must make every comrade understand that if the style of work does not change, not only will there be no personal achievements, but the revolution will lose its future.We must have the confidence that all comrades who have a bad style of work and make mistakes can be changed and have a bright future.

What are some good working methods? I think that the recent Labor Heroes Conference, Labor Heroes and Model Workers Conference, Labor Heroes and Fighting Heroes Conference is a good method of work.During the civil war, some methods of breaking away from the coercion of the masses are not good.The current hero model conference has new content, and it has truly become popular and specific.Labor heroes and model workers are role models among the masses. Holding such a meeting will link the chiefs, labor heroes and model workers with the masses.In the past, the chief was isolated from the masses, and the activists were not united to unite the masses with the chief.The criteria for model workers should be discussed among the masses, and now they must be elected in several organs, so that the leaders can be linked with the masses.Some heads of our government agencies are not as good as the masses, but there are also good heads, such as Commissioner Ma[19] who will hear lawsuits, and the common people say he is "the blue sky."This year the Border Region will also hold a Labor Heroes Conference, which will be attended by labor heroes, combat heroes, and model workers from all walks of life.This is a good method created by the masses. Such a method is a good method of competition, which can improve cadres, connect with the masses, and advance work.Model workers must be cultivated and educated, and they must not be made proud or backward.In the company of the army, in all organizations large and small, labor heroes or model workers must be elected. This method is a kind of "general" for the leaders at all levels, so that cadres can learn from it.For example, in military education, people who can throw grenades and stab guns are selected from the company to teach everyone, which forces our cadres to come out of the government.To be a cadre, you must first put down your airs, break away from individual heroism, forget what kind of "leader" you are, forget that you are a member of the Central Committee, and go to the masses to learn.This year there is a person in the army who has planted 30 to 40 mu of land (last year it was only 18 mu), which can produce six shi of grain, four shi for the public and two for the individual.Yangjialing's personal production averages five buckets of stone per person.The current dividend system that takes into account both public and private interests is a new issue of principle, created by the masses themselves. In short, if we want to establish a good work style, we must let go of our airs and open our minds to think more about problems. Three situations and our policy Our policy is to make it impossible for the Kuomintang to surrender or fight a civil war.We don't want to fight a civil war.The political offensive against the Kuomintang in the second half of last year forced out the statement of the 11th Plenary Session of the Kuomintang Central Committee that the issue of the Communist Party should be resolved through political means. There may be no civil war this year.This year is very important. We have to hold the Seventh National Congress[20], we need to start production, we need to continue rectification and counter-spies, all of which must be completed this year.Now we are still in a difficult position, and there are still many difficulties, such as economic difficulties, the work of rectification within the party and the struggle against secret agents have not yet been completed, and we will need a peaceful environment for a year to complete the above work.Compared with last year, the situation is different this year: (1) With the results of the Moscow Conference and the Tehran Conference[21] this year, the Soviet Union and the United States are now cooperating very well and actively, while the Soviet Union and Britain seem to be somewhat contradictory.There is a group of people in Britain who believe that Britain does not have independent diplomacy, such as the issue of Poland and Yugoslavia.However, both Britain and the United States declared that they would not affect the opening of a second front[22].Although there are some awkwardnesses in the current international relations, it will not hinder the foundation of the Tehran Conference. (2) Japan has decided not to attack the Soviet Union. This international situation affects China and reduces the possibility of civil war.Our policy is to take the defensive and practice "strike after strike". (3) The Kuomintang's offensive plan for the Shensi-Kansu-Ningxia Border Region has recently changed. Recently, four main divisions have left the area around the border region. (4) Our situation is also changing. The army has conducted winter training campaigns, production has achieved results, and military-civilian relations have relatively improved.Last year we carried out current affairs education (that is, class education) and united the internal forces; the production of ordnance industry has developed, and steelmaking is now possible;Under the above four international and domestic conditions, the possibility of avoiding civil war increases.Recently the Kuomintang asked Comrades Zhou Enlai and Lin Boqu[23] to go to Chongqing for negotiations. We replied that Mr. Lin could go first, and they said they were very welcome.Our policy is to avoid civil war and concentrate on the war of resistance.With Gao Shuangcheng [24] in the north, we must pay more attention to liaison, and we must improve the relationship with the liaison staff.Recently foreign journalists are coming to Yan'an, we have to prepare for them to read.We want to adopt the policy of building good relations with the Kuomintang, which is to implement "Confucius playing mahjong—peace is the most important thing." Dialectics is determined from the process.When we launched a political offensive against the Kuomintang last year, we mainly emphasized the aspect of criticizing the Kuomintang. Now we mainly focus on easing relations with the Kuomintang. We cannot emphasize these two aspects at the same time, otherwise it will be formal logic. The KMT’s condition for negotiating with our party is based on Haodian[25], and that troops should be reduced proportionally. We proposed that our army be divided into twelve divisions of the Fourth Army.Our principles are the Three Principles of the People and the Four Promises[26]. The Seventh National Congress must also grasp the Three Principles of the People and the Four Promises, emphasizing the avoidance of civil war, concentrating forces to resist Japan, and emphasizing post-war peace.Now we have to promise to use Haodian as the basis (not fully implement Haodian) before we can reopen the door of negotiation.Our plan is to send Mr. Lin first to open the door for negotiation, but the specific negotiation may not take until the second half of the year. Regarding constitutional issues, our policy is to participate in the constitutional movement.On the "March 12" anniversary of Sun Yat-sen's death, both Enlai and Lin Lao will give speeches, emphasizing local autonomy, civil rights and freedom, and liberalization of party bans. Published based on the transcript of the speech kept by the Central Archives. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1] This is Mao Zedong's speech at a meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. [2] Wang Ming, see note [11] on page 76 of this volume.Bogu, that is, Qin Bangxian (1907-1946), was born in Wuxi, Jiangsu.From September 1931 to January 1935, he was the main person in charge of the Provisional Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the Central Committee after the Fifth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.During this period, serious "Left" adventurism mistakes were made.After the Zunyi meeting, he was revoked the supreme leadership of the party and the Red Army.In the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, he successively worked in the Yangtze River Bureau and the Southern Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.After 1941, under the leadership of Mao Zedong, he founded and presided over the "Liberation Daily" and Xinhua News Agency in Yan'an.During this period, I made self-criticism on my past mistakes. [3] Provisional Central Committee refers to the Political Bureau of the Provisional Central Committee of the Communist Party of China established in September 1931.After the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in 1931, due to the successive arrests and defections of Gu Shunzhang and Xiang Zhongfa, the main leading cadres of the central government withdrew from Shanghai, and less than half of the members of the Central Committee and the Politburo were in Shanghai.According to the proposal of the Far East Bureau of the Communist International, a provisional Central Politburo was established in Shanghai in September of the same year, consisting of six members including Bo Gu (Qin Bangxian), Zhang Wentian, Kang Sheng, Chen Yun, Lu Futan, and Li Zhusheng, with Bo Gu in charge. [4] Fifth Plenary Session, see note [13] on page 77 of this volume. [5] Luo Fu, that is, Zhang Wentian (1900-1976), was born in Nanhui, Jiangsu (now part of Shanghai).He was a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee. [6] Fourth Plenary Session, see note [12] on page 76 of this volume. [7] Zhang Guotao (1897-1979), a native of Pingxiang, Jiangxi.In 1921, he participated in the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China.He once held leadership positions in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Provisional Central Government of the Chinese Soviet Republic, and the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army.During the Long March, activities to split the Party and the Red Army were carried out, and a new Central Committee was established.After arriving in northern Shaanxi, he served as the vice chairman and acting chairman of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government.In April 1938, he escaped from the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region by offering sacrifices to the Mausoleum of the Yellow Emperor. He went to Wuhan via Xi'an and joined the Kuomintang Secret Service Group. He became a traitor to the Chinese revolution and was immediately expelled from the party. [8] Chen Duxiu (1879-1942), a native of Huaining, Anhui.One of the main leaders of the May Fourth New Culture Movement.After the May 4th Movement, he accepted and propagated Marxism and was one of the main founders of the Chinese Communist Party.During the first six years after the founding of the party, he was the main leader of the party.In the late period of the First Civil Revolutionary War, he made a serious mistake of Rightist capitulationism.After the failure of the first Civil Revolutionary War, he was pessimistic about the future of the revolution, accepted the views of the Trotskyites, set up a small organization in the party, and carried out anti-party activities. In November 1929, he was expelled from the party.He was arrested by the Kuomintang in October 1932 and released from prison in August 1937.Died in Jiangjin, Sichuan in 1942. [9] Li Lisan (1899-1967), a native of Liling, Hunan.He joined the Communist Party of China in 1921 and is one of the main leaders of the Chinese labor movement.Since 1929, he has been a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and head of the Central Propaganda Department.During his leadership of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, from June to September 1930, he committed the mistake of "Left" adventurism.Later, he accepted the party's criticism of his mistakes, recognized and corrected them. [10] Refers to Marx and Engels' "Communist Manifesto", Engels' "The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science", Lenin's "Two Strategies of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution" (now translated as "Two Strategies of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution" Strategies"), "The Infantile Disease of the "Left Wing" in the Communist Movement", "A Concise Course on the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks). [11] Blanquism refers to a kind of revolutionary adventurism represented by France Blanqui (1805-1881).Blanquism denies class struggle, delusional thinking that instead of relying on the class struggle of the proletariat, man can be freed from the capitalist system of exploitation by the conspiratorial actions of a very small number of intellectuals. [12] Southern Anhui Incident, see note [8] on page 50 of this volume. [13] The Ma Ri Incident, also known as the Xu Kexiang Rebellion.After Chiang Kai-shek launched the April 12 counter-revolutionary coup in Shanghai in 1927, on May 21 (Ma), Xu Kexiang, head of the 33rd Independent Regiment of the 35th Army of the Kuomintang Army, and He Jian, the commander of the army, Instigated to launch a counter-revolutionary rebellion, besieged Hunan Provincial Trade Unions, Provincial Farmers Association and other revolutionary mass organizations, and killed Communists and revolutionary workers and peasants. [14] The Zunyi meeting refers to the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee held in Zunyi, Guizhou from January 15 to 17, 1935 during the Long March.This meeting focused on discussing and correcting military and organizational mistakes, ended the rule of Wang Ming's "Left" adventurism in the Party Central Committee, and established the correct leadership of the new Central Committee represented by Mao Zedong. At the critical moment, the Red Army was saved and the Party was saved. [15] The ten political platforms put forward by the Sixth National Congress of the Communist Party of China are: 1. Overthrow the rule of imperialism; 2. Confiscate foreign-capitalized enterprises and banks; 3. Unify China and recognize the right of national self-determination; The Kuomintang government; 5. Establish a government of workers, peasants and soldiers representatives conference; 6. Implement the eight-hour work system, increase wages, unemployment relief and social insurance, etc.; 7. Confiscate all the land of the landlord class, and return the cultivated land to farmers; Soldiers use land and work; 9. Abolish all exorbitant taxes and implement a unified progressive tax; 10. Unite the world proletariat with the Soviet Union. [16] Jiang Fengyan war refers to the large-scale warlord war between Chiang Kai-shek, Feng Yuxiang and Yan Xishan that broke out in 1930.This war officially started in May and basically ended in October. It lasted for half a year. The war zone was along the Longhai, Jinpu, and Pinghan railways in Henan, Shandong, and Anhui provinces. The two sides suffered more than 300,000 casualties. [17] Wang Zhen, at that time served as brigade commander and political commissar of the 359th Brigade of the 120th Division of the Eighth Route Army, and concurrently served as the secretary of the CCP’s Yanyu Prefectural Committee. [18] Refers to the senior cadre meeting held in Yan'an from October 19, 1942 to January 14, 1943 by the Northwest Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. [19] Commissioner Ma refers to Ma Xiwu (1889-1962), a native of Baoan (now Zhidan), Shaanxi.At that time, he was a commissioner of the Longdong Commissioner's Office of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government and the chief judge of the Longdong Division of the High Court of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region. [20] The Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China was later postponed to Yan'an from April 23 to June 11, 1945. [21] The Moscow Conference refers to the meeting held in Moscow between the foreign ministers of the Soviet Union, the United States and the United Kingdom from October 19 to 30, 1943.The meeting focused on the issue of speeding up the end of the anti-fascist war and the establishment of post-war peace. At the end of the meeting, documents such as the Declaration on Universal Security by China, the Soviet Union, the United States, and the United Kingdom were adopted.Tehran Conference, see note [5] on page 79 of this volume. [22] The second battlefield, see note [3] on page 7 of this volume. [23] Lin Boqu (1886-1960), a native of Linli, Hunan.At that time, he was a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and chairman of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Government.During the War of Resistance Against Japan, he was appointed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China as a negotiating representative with the Kuomintang. [24] Gao Shuangcheng (1882-1945), a native of Weinan, Shaanxi.At that time, he was the commander of the 22nd Army of the Kuomintang Army. [25] Hao Dian, see note [2] on page 12 of this volume. [26] The four promises refer to the following four items announced to the whole country in the "Declaration of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to Announce Cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party" published on September 22, 1937: 1. Mr. Sun Yat-sen's Three People's Principles are the foundation of China today. It is necessary, and our party is willing to fight for its complete realization; 2. Abolish all riot policies and redist campaigns to overthrow the Kuomintang regime, and stop the policy of confiscating landlords’ land by violence; 3. Abolish the current Soviet government and implement civil rights politics. Unification of political power; 4. Cancel the name and designation of the Red Army, reorganize it into the National Revolutionary Army, be under the jurisdiction of the Military Commission of the Nationalist Government, and be dispatched on standby to assume the duties of the anti-Japanese front line.