Chapter 16 Chapter 15 History and the Personal

The fall of the sun and the resistance against Japan are all in one thought.He can only sing "Big Sword March", but he still can't understand that period of history.Mao Zedong was wanted by Chiang Kai-shek and Zhang Guotao.Even Chen Changhao was shaken, can a hammer still be a hammer?The secret negotiations broke down, and Chiang Kai-shek wanted to "encircle and suppress" to the end.But historical determination is never personal. In August 1935, Saburo Aizawa's assassination of Major General Nagata Tieshan caused a strong shock in the Japanese military circles.Nagata Tieshan, as the number one figure of "Three Feather Crow", will become the backbone and the backbone of the ruling faction overnight, and his role and influence far exceed his military rank.

The general of the Imperial Road faction, the companion of Nagata Tieshan Ichikikai, the colleague of the Ministry of the Army, and the Yamaoka Shigetsu who led Aizawa said that Nagata was killed to fight corruption.Yamaoka said that when he was the chief of military affairs, he never participated in the dinner parties of faction politicians, even if there were invitations from high-profile figures such as Marquis Kido and Duke Konoe, he would not attend.He said: "If you have something to do, you should come to the Ministry of Army. I am not a civil servant but a soldier, so I don't go there." He believes that this kind of gathering is a gathering of the Chinese, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the bureaucrats of the Ministry of Tibet. When the situation is rising, take advantage of this opportunity to bring powerful people in the military together as accomplices, and use the power of the military to try to make the young bureaucrats get ahead politically."

But Nagata Tieshan went to participate.And he had been there many times before he became the chief of military affairs.Excessive enthusiasm for politics.Therefore, Yamaoka believes that Nagata Tieshan "as a soldier actually joined a political group that engaged in selfishness and fraud, and tarnished the military's reputation", which led him to help Aizawa Saburo kill Nagata. The reason why Yamaoka is reluctant to say it is because the generals of the imperial way faction and the generals of the control faction fought to eliminate each other, all in order to seize the decision-making power of the Japanese military.

1934 was the day when the Huangdao faction suffered a major blow.In the month of this year, General Araki Sadao was forced to resign from the Prime Minister "due to pneumonia caused by a cold"; General Masaki Jinzaburo was transferred from the Deputy Chief of Staff to the Director of Education;The three generals of the Huangdao faction all suffered setbacks to varying degrees. At the same time, Major General Nagata Tieshan, the core figure of the ruling faction, served as the most important military affairs director of the Ministry of Army. In August 1935, the Emperor's faction also retaliated by using Aizawa's sword to break off the leader of the ruling faction, Nagata Tieshan.

Speaking of Araki Sadao and Masaki Jinzaburo, the two generals of the imperial way faction, I have to mention an episode.Both Araki and Masaki graduated from the Military Academy in 1906.In the Japanese military academy, the infantry department is the most important.According to the usual practice, when the non-commissioned officers graduate, the first graduates of the infantry department in that year can get the saber bestowed by the emperor.This is the honor that all Japanese soldiers dream of.Winners of this honor will undoubtedly have a bright future in the Japanese military.Araki and Masaki's ninth batch of Infantry Division has more than 300 Japanese students, 4 Chinese students, and several foreign students from Thailand and other countries.Unexpectedly, when the list was announced, Jiang Fangzhen, the first place in the ninth batch of the infantry department, turned out to be a Chinese student Jiang Fangzhen, and the emperor's bestowed knife was taken away by the Chinese!At that time, Prince Fushimi, a relative of the emperor who presided over the graduation ceremony, also felt very uncomfortable and embarrassed, so he continued to read the list with a sullen head.As a result, there was a second surprise: the second place was still Chinese, named Cai E.Now the audience began to commotion, and the Japanese cadets felt that their face was really unbearable.So the process of announcing the list was temporarily suspended, because the third place on the list was still Chinese Zhang Xiaozhun!The panic-stricken Prince Fushimi felt that it would be difficult to explain to the emperor if it continued like this, and emergency measures needed to be taken quickly.It is difficult to change what has been announced, so we have to make a fuss about the list that has not yet been announced: one is to transfer the fourth-ranked Japanese student to the third, but it is not enough, because Zhang Xiaozhun retreats to the fourth. The Japanese still don’t look good; Readjustment: Adjust the fifth Japanese student to the fourth, so that there are two Japanese in the top four, and the Japanese graduates can be accounted for.

In this way, Zhang Xiaozhun, a Chinese student studying abroad, was squeezed from third to fifth in a black-box operation. Jiang Fangzhen, a Chinese student who ranked first, was later the president of the Army University of the Republic of China and a famous military strategist Jiang Baili. Cai E, a Chinese student who ranked second, was the first to rebel against Yuan from Yunnan when Yuan Shikai proclaimed himself emperor after the Revolution of 1911. The only one among the four Chinese students who did not win the award was Xu Chongzhi. Although it was said that he was extremely smart and had a photographic memory, he was unwilling to work hard and had mediocre grades. In the end, he became a famous general of the Cantonese Army under Sun Yat-sen's command.

The Japanese student who squeezed from the fourth place to the third place was the later general of the Japanese army, the land minister Sadao Araki. The Japanese student who squeezed into the fourth place from the fifth place was the later general of the Japanese army, the governor of Taiwan, and the deputy chief of staff Masaki Jinzaburo. The Japanese non-commissioned officer school, which has learned the lesson, has since been restructured: Chinese students and Japanese students teach separately and score separately, so as to ensure that the emperor's bestowed sword will no longer be taken away by Chinese students.No matter where they are, Araki and Masaki are reluctant to recall the absurd drama at the graduation ceremony of the military academy.

The conflict between the Emperor's Dao faction and the Control faction in Japan intensified, and the conflict between the Kwantung Army and the North China Garrison in China intensified. The Kwantung Army and the North China Garrison are the two hilltops of the Japanese Army. The qualifications of the troops stationed in North China are very old.It is a Japanese force stationed on the railway line from Beijing to Shanhaiguan according to the "Xin Chou Treaty", and its headquarters is located in Tianjin. In September 1901, the Qing government signed the "Xin Chou Treaty" in Beijing with representatives of Britain, the United States, Russia, Germany, Japan, Austria, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Spain. The ninth clause stipulated that China should It is promised that the various countries will decide several places together at their discretion, and leave troops to garrison them, so as to ensure that the capital and the sea road will not be cut off.

From then on, the foreign troops stationed in North China included Britain, the United States, France, Italy, and Japan, and their headquarters were all located in Tianjin.The agreed number is 8,200, with no more than 2,000 for each country, and 400 for the Japanese army.Stationed in 12 places in Huangcun, Langfang, Yangcun, Tianjin, Junliangcheng, Tanggu, Lutai, Tangshan, Luanzhou, Changli, Qinhuangdao, and Shanhaiguan. After the Revolution of 1911, Japan sent the "Qing Garrison Army", which was composed of the Army Command, the troops stationed in the Northern Qing Dynasty, and the Shanghai Garrison Infantry Brigade. In 1913, it was renamed "Chinese Garrison Army".By May 1935, there were two squadrons of infantry stationed in Beiping, eight squadrons of infantry stationed in Tianjin, one squadron of mountain artillery, and one squadron of engineers, distributed along the Beining Railway to the north of Tianjin and to the Tanggu Military Port in the east.

In comparison, the qualifications of the Kwantung Army are much shallower. After the Russo-Japanese War in 1905, the Kwantung Army was a force stationed in the "Kwantung State" or Luda area after Japan drove the Russian forces out of Northeast China.Originally, it was only the garrison team of the Dudufu in Kanto Prefecture, and later developed into the "Manchurian Railway" garrison team. After the "September 18th" incident, the army rose rapidly, and its military strength increased from 10,000 to 100,000. Since the Kwantung Army was a nouveau riche, it must have all the characteristics of a nouveau riche: arrogant and domineering, defiant, and looked down on other troops, including the veteran North China Garrison Army.

Its hands are very long.Especially Seishiro Itagaki, who claimed to be the father of "Manchukuo". Itagaki ran non-stop in the Northeast, and he was indeed the father of China's traitors.A considerable number of big traitors were introduced, all through the hands of Itagaki. After the "September 18th" incident, he recruited Luo Zhenyu, Zhao Xinbo, Xie Jieshi and others, and then moved Xiqia to declare the independence of Jilin; pushed Zhang Haipeng to declare independence in Taonan; induced Zang Shiyi to be the pseudo-governor of Fengtian; instigated Zhang Jinghui to declare the independence of Heilongjiang .Under the coercion, temptation and temptation of the senior staff officer of the Kwantung Army, Puyi became China's number one traitor. Itagaki Seishiro was favored by the Emperor for his "outstanding meritorious service". In January 1932, Minister of War Sadao Araki called Itagaki back to Tokyo to report.Emperor Hirohito made an exception to meet the senior staff officer.Before this, it was unthinkable for the emperor to directly ask a staff member.As a result, even more unimaginable things appeared one after another: the "Outline of Guidelines for Handling the Manchuria Issue" jointly concocted by the three powerful agencies of the Japanese Army Ministry, Navy Ministry, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs was based on the scribbled report outlines in Itagaki's notebook.Since then, Itagaki has prospered in official career and was promoted to major general in August 1932; served as deputy chief of staff of the Kwantung Army in 1934; was promoted to chief of staff of the Kwantung Army in March 1936, and was promoted to lieutenant general.It was not until the end of September 1937 when Lin Biao packed up his logistics and supply units at Pingxingguan that Itagaki, who had a great reputation in the Japanese army, suffered his first loss in China. Even though the Kwantung Army had Seishiro Itagaki, he was still looked down upon by the troops stationed in North China.The garrison troops are proud of their seniority.However, the old qualifications can not be used as a meal, and can not be used as a military force, so it looks down on the Kwantung Army, and is very envious of the Kwantung Army's rapid development.They wanted to create a "September 18th" incident in North China, but felt that there was not enough troops.Borrowing the strength of the Kwantung Army is not reconciled.I am afraid that the Kwantung Army will spread in and break the dominance of the garrison troops in North China. On April 17, 1936, Japanese Army Minister Toshiichi Terauchi proposed at a cabinet meeting to increase troops to North China.The meeting decided on the spot to strengthen the Chinese garrison. On the 18th, Army Order No. 6 was issued, confirming that the establishment of the Chinese Garrison was upgraded to an independent corps, and the number of troops was increased by 6,000 to 8,400.The commander was also promoted from major general to lieutenant general.When Japanese scholars described this incident, they said: "The camp is very neat. The mixed brigade of three infantry and artillery regiments is estimated to be able to suppress the six divisions of the Chinese army. Therefore, in terms of strength, it can be regarded as a sense of security." However, compared with the Chinese army, it still appears to have too few troops. The Song Zheyuan 29th Army stationed in Beiping, Tianjin, Zhangjiakou, and Baoding has 4 infantry divisions, 1 cavalry division, 5 independent infantry brigades and security teams, with a strength of more than 100,000 people.Although the number of Japanese troops stationed in North China has increased from 2,000 to 8,400, there is only 1 brigade, 2 regiments, artillery, cavalry and other units.Moreover, they are distributed in Beiping, Fengtai, Tongxian, Tianjin, Tanggu, Tangshan, Luanxian, Qinhuangdao, and the Beining line of Shanhaiguan. Ambition and strength are a pair of contradictions.The army and the army are also a pair of contradictions. The garrison troops felt that there were too few troops, and the Kwantung Army who wanted to enter the pass also felt that there were not enough troops. After 1933, it had to decide to use political means to seek North China.The Kwantung Army wanted to intervene in North China, and the garrison troops felt conflicted.It regards North China as its sphere of influence, and wants to monopolize it without letting the Kwantung Army intervene.So when the Kwantung Army decided to send Kenji Doihara to North China for activities, Tada Hayao, the commander of the garrison in Tianjin, politely refused.Whoever is stronger will have a louder voice.This law still applies in the Japanese army.Nanjiro, the commander of the Kwantung Army, insisted arbitrarily: "It is appropriate for the commander of Tianjin to be responsible for the establishment of a new regime, but it should include the hope of the Kwantung Army." . Doihara lived up to the hope of the Kwantung Army.If Seishiro Itagaki is the father of traitors in Northeast China, then Kenji Doihara is the father of traitors in North China.He established a secret service office in Tianjin and acted as the head of the secret service; he assembled the so-called "Northern Warlord Alliance" of the old Beiyang warlords in an attempt to disrupt the political situation in the north and create conditions for the infiltration of Japanese forces.He successively pieced together Duan (Qirui), Wu (Peifu) and Duan (Qirui) and Pu (Yi) to unite together. Shi Yousan, who was later bought by Japan, and Han Fuju, who was weak in the war of resistance and secretly collaborating with the enemy, all got along with Tufei. Yuan Xianer has a very close relationship. He's not out of the woods either.In Tianjin, first pull Wu Peifu, if it fails, then pull Sun Chuanfang.Sun Chuanfang also denounced the Japanese conspiracy to reporters, and declared that she would not be the leader of the puppet regime. Sun Chuanfang didn't do it, Wu Peifu didn't do it, Song Zheyuan almost did it, and then Wang Jingwei really did it. When imperialism really came, even the Beiyang warlords did not act as puppets, but Wang Jingwei, who chanted slogans of "Down with imperialism and the Beiyang warlords" all day long, actually acted as an agent of imperialism. Chinese history has always been filled with such unfathomable and incomprehensible riddles. What is interesting is that Sun Chuanfang.He denounced Japanese imperialism and wanted to report to the country, but he was reported to his father righteously. On November 13, the former commander-in-chief of the coalition forces of the five provinces of Zhejiang, Fujian, Jiangsu, Anhui and Jiangxi was assassinated by Shi Congbin's daughter Jianqiao in Jushilin, Tianjin.Jianqiao's move was to avenge his father.His father, Shi Congbin, was beheaded by captive Sun in November 1925. If Shi Congbin's daughter had to be filial, Sun Chuanfang would not be able to be loyal to the country. Since ancient times, loyalty and filial piety have been inseparable in China. The old Beiyang warlord was difficult to pull, and Doihara's work focus gradually shifted to Song Zheyuan. The initial harvest was to successfully encourage Song Zheyuan to resist the Nanjing government's currency reform. On November 3, 1935, the Central Committee of the Kuomintang announced the reform of the currency system and the nationalization of silver.This reform was triggered by the Silver Purchase Act of 1934 in the United States.The act caused a large outflow of Chinese silver.In order to avoid the outflow of silver, Chiang Kai-shek decided to state-owned silver and forbid the private use of silver currency, and replaced silver with French currency as the national unified currency. China's currency reform was strongly opposed by Japan.Fearing that this reform would strengthen China's economic and political unity, Japan called this reform a "violence".The commander of the Kwantung Army Nanjiro even claimed to take decisive measures against this.Takahashi, the military attache of the Japanese embassy in China, threatened Song Zheyuan: "The concentration of state-owned and cash silver in Shanghai will put the North China economy in a desperate situation and hinder Japan's interests. If you can't take the initiative to prevent it, Japan will use its strength to expect it to be realized." Doihara has never been involved in the matter of tearing face.After his face was torn apart, he came out to smooth things over. Historical records: Under the persecution of the Japanese invaders, Song Zheyuan had to order to prohibit the transportation of silver to Shanghai. In fact, historical data is historical data.The reason why many of our historical materials are not so "historical" is that there are too many embellishments and too few historical facts.Song Zheyuan's plan to resist the reform of the currency system is a historical fact, and it is a compromise to limit his motives to "the persecution of the Japanese invaders"?Even so, who is he asking for? I don't know how many regrettable "forced" "have to" people in China, do not talk about personal motives, and avoid self-interest in the motives, but the real crux of the matter can never be found. Starting with the reform of the currency system, Song Zheyuan, who was already walking a tightrope, was almost completely ruined. The activities of Doihara, who was called "Lawrence of the East" by Western newspapers in North China, made the conflict between the Kwantung Army and the Garrison Army very intense.The more effective the activities of Doihara, the greater the contradiction.This kind of hilltop faction within the Japanese army objectively contained the Kwantung Army's invasion of North China. Because Chiang Kai-shek tried his best to "encircle and suppress" the Red Army in the south, the crisis in North China should have occurred long ago.However, due to mutual containment between the Kwantung Army and the North China Garrison, and because Japan's domestic economic crisis was once again severe, and Japan's financial difficulties were unable to support the huge military expenditures required to launch the war of aggression against China, this crisis was delayed again and again. The conflict between the Kwantung Army and the Garrison Army has reached the point where mediation is necessary.Ishihara Waner went out in person. At this time, Ishihara had been transferred from the combat staff officer of the Kwantung Army to the head of the combat section of the Japanese Army Staff Headquarters.Starting from the strategy against the Soviet Union, he resolutely opposed the Kwantung Army's intervention in North China. On January 13, 1936, Shi Yuan concocted the "North China Handling Outline", emphasizing that the Kwantung Army could no longer interfere in North China and the necessity of completely handing over North China to the Garrison Army; the authority was stipulated as "the commander of the Chinese Garrison Army in North China is responsible", "The Kwantung Army and various agencies in North China assisted in its work." After that, the conflict between the two hilltops eased. Under Ishihara's plan, there was a proposal by the Minister of War, Terauchi Shouichi, to increase troops in North China at the cabinet meeting. The number of troops has been increased, but the number of troops is insufficient.With insufficient troops, the method of aggression was changed from armed occupation to "China-Japan friendship" and "China-Japan economic cooperation". Beginning in 1935, Japan's aggression against North China adopted this method.Trying to separate North China from the jurisdiction of the Nanjing government and become the second "Manchukuo" "under the guidance" of Japan. In October 1935, Japanese Foreign Minister Koki Hirota proposed three principles for China: 1. Completely eradicate the anti-Japanese movement; 2. China, Japan and Manchukuo should cooperate closely; Jiang Zuobin, the ambassador to Japan, immediately reported to Chiang Kai-shek.At that time, Chiang Kai-shek was busy directing the "communist suppression" in northern Shaanxi, traveling between Shaanxi, Henan, and Shanxi provinces. He had no intention of confronting Japan at all, so he telegraphed Wang Jingwei that he could consider it. The Japanese intensified. On November 20, Ariyoshi, the Japanese ambassador to China, traveled from Shanghai to Nanjing and met with Chiang Kai-shek to discuss the North China issue for two hours.Yukichi asked the Nanjing government not to suppress the North China Autonomy Movement, and the Central Army not to be transferred northward, and pointed out that China's currency reform did not first negotiate with Japan, which hindered Sino-Japanese cooperation. Chiang Kai-shek's answer was soft and hard.He said that any self-government movement that violates national sovereignty and hinders administrative unity is intolerable. If there is an accident, it will be suppressed, and there is no need for the central government to use troops.Regarding the situation in North China, a solution has been determined. The Beiping branch of the Military Commission will be abolished, and another senior member will be sent to discuss with the Japanese side to adjust relations. It is allowed to consider the Hirota Three Principles. However, an accident in North China will inevitably lead to a result that cannot be negotiated. This tone most clearly reveals Jiang's situation and character.He wants to adopt the strategy of "delaying" until he is free from the "encirclement and suppression" of the Red Army, but it cannot exceed a certain limit.After that, he will also be hard. Earlier in early November, with the support of the Kwantung Army, Doihara had drawn up a so-called "North China High Autonomy Plan" for the establishment of the "North China Joint Anti-Communist Committee" with Song Zheyuan as the chairman and Doihara as the general adviser. On the 11th, based on the case, Doihara issued an ultimatum to Song Zheyuan, restricting him to declare autonomy before the 20th.Song Zheyuan was even more shaken. In the telegram to Chiang Kai-shek on the 17th, he stated that he would not do anything to lose power and humiliate the country, and on the other hand, he emphasized that his "strength is weak and can only last for a while, not permanently." On the 19th, regardless of the opposition of the Kuomintang Central Committee, Song Geng negotiated autonomy with the Japanese side on his own, which aroused dissatisfaction and opposition from all aspects of society. On November 25, Yin Rugeng established the "Eastern Hebei Anti-Communist Self-Government Committee" in Tong County and acted as its chairman. On November 26, the Nanjing Executive Yuan decided that He Yingqin should go north to serve as the Chief of Staff of the Executive Yuan in Ping'an.Take Yin Rugeng. But Song Zheyuan didn't take it for granted that Chiang Kai-shek sent He Yingqin to take over Yin Rugeng. Japanese military authorities continued to exert pressure. On November 26, Doihara once again issued an ultimatum, requiring Song to declare autonomy 30 days before.Song felt like sitting on pins and needles. On the one hand, he asked Nanjing to resign from his new position as the director of Jicha appeasement. At the same time, he invited Shang Zhen and Han Fuju, local powerful figures from Hebei and Shandong, to Pingding to discuss the North China issue and put pressure on Nanjing. On November 30th, he called Chiang Kai-shek, revealing his plan to implement North China's autonomy: "The situation is critical, and the people's sentiments are becoming more and more angry. There are different opinions-some advocate autonomy, and some advocate self-determination. One block, one cannot." Song Zheyuan put The Jidong puppet regime of the big traitor Yin Rugeng is also included in the "people's sentiments".Jiang was required to "make the best use of the situation" and come up with "effective measures to comfort and calm the hearts of the people", implying that Jiang accepted the situation of self-government in North China, otherwise it would be difficult to turn the crisis into safety. In early December, Tianjin's "Ta Kung Pao" published an editorial: "Don't promote the division of the country", urging Song Zheyuan not to create divisions, not to blame public opinion, and to fabricate autonomy. Song Zheyuan immediately ordered to stop the mailing of the newspaper. The next day, the Tianjin education circle sent a telegram to He Yingqin, Song Zheyuan, and Shang Zhen, saying that the two principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity saved the country from danger. The Nanjing government also intervened.The First Plenary Session of the Kuomintang Central Committee decided to open speech, protect news and newspapers, and order to correct the illegal detention of newspapers by the Pingjin Public Security Bureau. On December 9, the "December 9th" Movement broke out in Beiping, opposing North China's autonomy, calling for an end to the civil war and united resistance against Japan. Song Zheyuan shook his hand and quit.He went to Xishan to rest, saying that everything was handled by He Yingqin under his orders. Taking retreat as an advance is a common technique in modern Chinese politics. Chiang Kai-shek and He Yingqin were forced to agree with Song Zheyuan's approach.He Yingqin telegraphed to Jiang: "Follow the final measure of Jun Zuo's instructions" to deal with it. The last resort is North China self-government. On December 18, the Jicha Political Affairs Committee was officially established, with Song Zheyuan as the chairman; there were 17 members, including 7 pro-Japanese members.On the surface, Song Zheyuan had achieved a balance between Japan and Chiang Kai-shek, taking into account his own interests, but in essence, this committee that carried out the task of self-government in North China had already taken a dangerous step towards the fall of the sun. This "Hebei-Chahar Political Affairs Commission" in modern Chinese history is a freak.It is not only the result of the Kuomintang government’s compromise with Japan, but also a means for Chiang Kai-shek to win over the local powerful factions, and it is also a way for the local powerful factions to fend for themselves in the cracks between Jiang and Japan.Chiang Kai-shek wanted to use the committee as a buffer against Japan.Song Zheyuan wanted to use the committee as a bargaining chip against Chiang.Everyone has something to think about.There are pictures. The compromise between the contradictions has made the Japanese cheaper: the first step of taking control of North China has been realized with a raise of hands. The Jicha Political Affairs Committee is Song Zheyuan's harvest.Everything gained has a price.He had to express friendship with Japan and make concessions to some of Japan's demands.At the time of his inauguration, Song issued a written statement saying: "The two provinces of Hebei and Chahar have a special relationship with Japan." After that, he signed the "North China Sino-Japanese Anti-Communist Agreement" with the Garrison Army, and negotiated with Tashiro, commander of the Garrison Army, the so-called North China Economy The "Four Principles and Eight Essential Items" of cooperation. If it weren't for the boiling national public opinion that made him feel that "the yellow bird is behind", God knows what this later "anti-Japanese hero" would do. On the same day that the Hebei-Chahar Political Affairs Committee was established, more than 5,000 Nanjing students marched and petitioned against the North China Autonomous Organization. After the "December 9th" Movement, the Pingjin student organizations expanded their propaganda groups to spread the anti-Japanese and national salvation to the villages. On December 20, more than 20,000 students from Wuhan marched to the National People's Congress, demanding to crusade against Yin Rugeng, mobilize the whole country, and safeguard the integrity of territorial sovereignty.On the same day, more than 5,000 Shanghai students kneeled in the rain to petition the city government. On December 22, students in Taiyuan and Wuhan demonstrated. On December 24, 14 groups, including the Shanghai Bar Association and the All-China Federation of Chambers of Commerce, telegraphed Song Zheyuan, saying that "the public can choose for themselves if they are left behind"; they also telegraphed to the Nanjing government to suspend the autonomy of Hebei and Chahar, and to fight against rebellion. On January 6, 1936, Song Zheyuan replied to various groups in Shanghai, saying that he was pure and patriotic, and he dared not dare to descendants. This is really public opinion to save people in times of crisis.Without this kind of public opinion, I don't know how many people will become traitors consciously or unconsciously. It was under such pressure that Song Zheyuan felt that some of his actions were too much, and began to turn around. He struggled with balance.As a result of the balance, the Jicha Political Affairs Committee has become a strange monster.Among the committee members are anti-Japanese generals such as Zhang Zizhong and Wan Fulin, as well as traitors such as Wang Yitang and Wang Kemin.This is a place where Song Zheyuan finally struggled between national interests and personal interests.When the committee was established, he used a group of traitors and politicians as members at the request of the Japanese side, but the anti-Japanese forces still held a dominant position.The Japanese side was dissatisfied, and repeatedly proposed Qi Xieyuan, Tang Erhe, Zhang Shizhao and others to be members. Song Zheyuan wanted to refuse but dared not, so he came up with a way: join the pro-Japanese faction, and join the anti-Japanese faction.When Qi Xieyuan and Tang Erhe entered, Liu Ruming and Feng Zhi'an were added; with the appointment of Zhang Shizhao, Deng Zhexi was proposed to level up. The change of Song Zheyuan's attitude towards Japan really began after the Third Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the Kuomintang in February 1937. As a result, it finally led to the "July 7th Incident" targeting Song Zheyuan by the North China Garrison Army. The "July 7th" incident happened, but he still hesitated between the war of resistance and compromise.It was not until July 27 that the power-on of resolute resistance to Japan was issued. At that time, apart from the traitors, there were very few people in China who did not resist the Japanese. There are many mysteries with deep roots in Chinese history.According to textbooks, the Anti-Japanese War was the first national liberation war in which the Chinese people resisted foreign aggression since 1840 and achieved complete victory.Wearing this garland makes people feel the thorny thorns in it.There are some things that must be explained but are not easy to explain no matter how many years pass by.People in the country know that the "July 7th Incident" was the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War.But the Marco Polo Bridge is not a frontier, a frontier coastal defense, or even a crenel on the Great Wall. It is actually in the southwest of Beijing.Why hasn't the war officially started yet, and the devils have copied to the south of the capital and strangled us by the throat?The total number of Japanese troops in North China is only 8,400 at most, and the 29th Army of Song Zheyuan alone in the same area has no less than 100,000 troops. Before the war broke out, the enemy not only penetrated into your territory, but also challenged you with such a small force. Check it out. Is there such a precedent in the history of world wars? A Chinese, if he can only sing "March of the Great Sword", he still cannot understand that period of history.No matter how time goes by, we must also remember those things that we often don't want to remember.It is necessary to explore how those people who have no lack of medals on their chests have retreated to this step, and finally "bear it no longer".If you don't understand how corrupt China's politics and military were at that time, and how weak the country was, you will never understand how huge and serious disasters will be brought about by weakness and decay. This is the real history we must face.It is thorns, not garlands. When the Japanese Kwantung Army and the North China Garrison both felt that the forces to invade China were insufficient, Chiang Kai-shek, who was devoted to "securing the interior", also began to feel that the invasion was imminent and the forces to resist Japan were insufficient. For China, whose national strength and military strength are both weak, the options are very limited.The intricate international politics even left Chiang with no choice but to build a good relationship with the Soviet Union. On December 14, 1935, before Song Zheyuan’s Hebei-Chahar Political Affairs Committee was established, the Soviet government called its ambassador to China, Bogomolov, asking him to inform Chiang Kai-shek that the Soviet government was going to conduct specific discussions on signing a military agreement with China. This is exactly what Jiang Meng dreamed of. On December 19, the second day after the establishment of Song Zheyuan's Jicha Political Affairs Committee, Bogomolov held talks with Chiang Kai-shek. Chiang Kai-shek, who was troubled both at home and abroad, was quite polite.He expressed regret that there were many misunderstandings between China and the Soviet Union in the past, especially on the attitude towards the CCP.He said that he never objected to the existence of the Communist Party, and that the Communist Party, like other parties, has the right to express its own opinions. Bogomolov officially informed Chiang Kai-shek of the decision of the Soviet government to agree to discuss the signing of the Soviet-China Agreement. Chiang immediately stated that he wanted to use the Jan 1923 "Sun Wenyuefei Declaration" as the basis for Sino-Soviet relations.His mind was spinning fast.The basis of Sun Yue's manifesto was Yue Fei's acknowledgment that the Soviet system and the Communist Party organization did not apply to China. Bogomolov did not accept this suggestion.The Soviet side raised the issue of signing a military agreement. Chiang Kai-shek changed his approach and still insisted on asking the Soviet government to assist him in achieving reunification with the Chinese Communist Party.He said to Bogomolov: "If the negotiations on this issue are successful, the rest of the issues can be easily resolved." He also said that, to a certain extent, the Soviet government influenced the Chinese Red Army to recognize the authority of the Nanjing government and obey the Nanjing government. , the Soviet government will have a sincere and trustworthy alliance. Chiang Kai-shek softened a lot.But its primary policy is still "Annei". On December 28, Stomonyakov, the Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, wrote back to Bogomolov: We agree with Chiang Kai-shek's proposal on mutual assistance and cooperation to fight against Japan. Our starting point is that doing so is conducive to supporting China's rising armed anti-Japanese trend.If China really launches a war of liberation against Japan, we are willing to give support within our capacity.However, we believe that although China's anti-Japanese ideology is rising day by day, it seems too early for us to sign an agreement with Chiang Kai-shek, thereby assuming the obligation of mutual support in the event of Japan's armed invasion.Although Chiang Kai-shek was restrained than before, he continued to make concessions to the demands of the Japanese imperialists.Perhaps it was all just a gimmick to buy time, an attempt to change the balance of power in China's favor, especially while waiting for the outcome of the Italian-Abyssinian War.But it cannot be ruled out that he will use our negotiations to reach a compromise with Japan. For Chiang Kai-shek, who is too capricious, the Soviets are still waiting and watching. Chiang Kai-shek couldn't wait. In January 1936, he appointed Deng Wenyi, the military attache stationed in Moscow, to have direct talks with Wang Ming. According to records kept by the Comintern, Deng Wenyi said at the time that Chiang Kai-shek and the Nanking government had been deceived by Japanese propaganda.They believed that Japan would not and could not turn China into its colony, so they decided not to resist Japan, but first to fight against the Western powers together with Japan, and then to deal with Japan.Deng said: Now it seems that this is wrong. The Japanese attack threatens the entire Chinese nation, and China will perish if it does not resist Japan. Deng Wenyi told Wang Ming that Chiang Kai-shek decided to negotiate with the CCP after receiving his speech at the "Seventh Congress" of the Communist International and the "August 1st Declaration".Initially put forward three proposals: ① Abolish the Soviet government, and all leaders and staff of the Soviet government will join the Nanjing government; ② Because of the need for a unified command in the war against Japan, reorganize the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army into the National Revolutionary Army; ③ Restore the two parties in 1924-1927 years of cooperation or any other form. Deng Wenyi emphasized that under the above circumstances, the Chinese Communist Party can continue to exist. When talking about reorganizing the Red Army, Deng Wenyi said: "Of course the Red Army will not accept military personnel from the Nanjing government, but the Red Army and the Nanjing Army should exchange political personnel to show mutual trust and respect. The Nanjing government will give the Red Army a certain amount of weapons and food , and allocate some troops to help the Red Army, so that the Red Army can move to the front line in Inner Mongolia, and the Nanking army will defend the Yangtze River valley." It was Wang Ming's turn to make a statement.Wang Ming said that Chiang Kai-shek's designation of Inner Mongolia as a Red Army base and activity area actually put the Red Army under his supervision, which was unacceptable to the Communist Party. Deng replied that given Inner Mongolia's remoteness from the center and the lack of food there, the Nanking government could give the Red Army other areas as bases, including parts of the Northwest.He also said this made it possible for China to establish "international connections".Deng Wenyi specifically pointed out that in the event of a Sino-Japanese war, Japan will blockade China's coast. At that time, China will not be able to buy weapons and ammunition from Europe and the United States. The main source will be the Soviet Union, so we want to get weapons from the Soviet Union through the Northwest and ammunition. Wang Ming did not know the details of the domestic situation at all. In the end, he only suggested to Deng Wenyi to establish direct contact with the leaders of the CCP and the Red Army in the country to negotiate the specific conditions of the resistance against Japan and the armistice. On January 23, 1936, Wang Mingzhuan wrote to Mao Zedong, Zhu De, and Wang Jiaxiang about this matter, introducing Deng Wenyi to the Soviet area.He also asked Pan Hannian to write to Chiang Kai-shek as the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Chinese Soviet Central Government, on behalf of Chairman Mao Zedong of the Soviet Government and Zhu De, Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army, to guarantee Deng Wenyi's personal freedom and safety when she entered the Soviet area for negotiations. Just the day before Wang Ming wrote the letter, on January 22, Bogomolov, the Soviet ambassador to China, had another serious and in-depth meeting with Chiang Kai-shek.Chiang Kai-shek was eager to obtain assistance with Soviet military equipment, strengthen his negotiating position with Japan, and improve Sino-Soviet relations. The attitude of this negotiation was particularly good, and he did not raise any requirements to embarrass the Soviet Union during the talks.Regarding the scale of aid, Chiang Kai-shek stated that everything was decided by the Soviet government.When talking about forming a united anti-Japanese united front with the CCP, Chiang did not mention the "Sun Yue Declaration", demanding that as long as the Red Army recognizes the authority of the central government and the general headquarters, maintains the current establishment, and participates in the anti-Japanese war, on this basis he can negotiate with the CCP. In order to ensure that North China would no longer be divided, Chiang Kai-shek wanted to play the Soviet card to scare Japan; in order to ensure the security of its eastern region, the Soviet Union also needed to play the card of Chiang Kai-shek to contain Japan.Both sides have needs and plans of their own. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, which was about to organize the Eastern Expedition in northern Shaanxi, did not know about these circumstances. When Su and Jiang made their own calculations, on February 26, 1936, Lieutenant Kada Kiyosada of the First Division of the Japanese Army, Lieutenant Teruzo Ando, ​​Takaji Murakami, and Yasuhide Kurihara led the division. More than 1,400 soldiers launched a rebellion in Tokyo, attacked the official residence or private residence of the head of the cabinet, killed the Minister of Finance Takahashi Shikiyoshi, the Minister of Internal Affairs Saiyumi, the Director of Army Education Kintaro Watanabe and other senior officials, and occupied the prime minister's residence, land The Prime Minister's Mansion, the Army Ministry, the Metropolitan Police Department and the surrounding areas attempted to implement the so-called "national transformation" through the Minister of War to establish a military dictatorship. This coup was the culmination of the development of the power of the Kodo faction within the Showa warlord group.These young soldiers who advocated the dictatorship of the military have become bloodthirsty, and often resort to sabers to resolve internal conflicts, and the emperor must admit that they are "rebels."They issued a statement saying: "The so-called veterans, important ministers, warlords, bureaucrats, political parties, etc., are the culprits that destroy the state system"; They are no strangers to the concepts of dictatorship and fascism: "If you think that only officers want to reform, you will fall into the dictatorship of the military department"; "When only officers do it, it is 'fascism'." Soldiers working together can represent the voice of the entire nation.” It is the absurdity of modern Japan to practice fascism but claim to be against fascism, and to go to dictatorship but claim to avoid dictatorship. These coup officers drew rich nutrition from the "September 18th" Incident launched by the Kwantung Army in 1931: "In the discussions at the court at that time, although it was not easy to make a decision on whether such an action should be allowed, this arbitrary action幸得大元帅陛下之嘉纳，使我之武威大大伸展于满蒙之原野，而奠定满洲国独立之基础”。当年关东军的独断行动，成为“二二六”政变军人行动的实践基础。 但颇富戏剧性的是，当年在关东军行动最不受拘束最坚决果断的石原莞尔，要求镇压“二二六”政变军人的态度却最强硬。 永田铁山死后，石原已经成为昭和军阀集团中的另一派别——统制派的中坚。 29日，叛乱平定，冈田内阁辞职。 皇道派遭受重挫。 参加兵变的1483人中，123人被起诉，13名军官被处死刑，1名无期徒刑，6名有期徒刑；民间人士6名处以死刑；士官、士兵除少数判有期徒刑外，其余被赦免开释。 日本陆军被动了大手术。3月23日，部队参与叛乱的第一师团长崛丈夫中将、近卫师团长桥木虎之助中将被免职；与叛乱有关联的荒木贞夫大将、真崎甚三郎大将、林铣十郎大将、阿部信行大将、本庄繁大将被勒令退职或编入预备役；原陆相川岛义之、原警备司令官香椎治平被令待命；陆军大学校长小畑敏四郎也被迫转为预备役少将，从此被排除在军界领导核心之外。 皇道派从此失势，统制派开始掌握陆军实权。日本统治集团内部就此基本结束了派系倾轧，开始集中全部力量对外扩张。1936年3月，日本废除了政党内阁制，组成广田弘毅内阁，建立由军队、官僚和财阀直接控制的法西斯独裁统治。此后以东条英机为首的昭和军阀集团完全掌握了政局，实行所谓“断然改革”，建立强大的“国防国家”。 参加政变的军官虽然除去自杀者全被枪毙，但他们行动的目的完全达到了。 日本“二二六”政变第二天，董健吾牧师受宋庆龄、宋子文委托，从南京到达陕北，在张学良部队护送下，来到中共中央所在地瓦窑堡。他向留守陕北工作的博古介绍说：“蒋系法西斯分子陈果夫左派与曾扩情右派，陈主联红反日，曾主联日反红。此外孙科、于右任、张群、冯玉祥等均主联俄联共。” 博古将此情况迅速报告正在晋西指挥东征作战的毛泽东、彭德怀。 董健吾的消息，使中共中央首次得知国民党的态度正在发生转变。 2月28日，毛泽东、彭德怀致电李克农：“蒋介石亦有与红军妥协反日的倾向。” 3月4日，毛泽东、张闻天、彭德怀致电董健吾：“弟等十分欢迎南京当局觉悟与明智的表示，为联合全国力量抗日救国，弟等愿与南京当局开始具体实际之谈判”；并进一步指出，“我兄复命南京时，望恳切提出弟等下列意见：一、停止一切内战，全国武装不分红白，一致抗日；二、组织国防政府与抗日联军；三、容许全国主力红军迅速集中河北，首先抵御日寇迈进；四、释放政治犯，容许人民政治自由；五、内政与经济上实行初步与必要的改革。”还指出，“同意我兄即返南京，以便迅速磋商大计。” 从此，中共中央开始逐步放弃反蒋抗日口号，逐步明确地提出“联蒋抗日”和“逼蒋抗日”。侵略一方已经成熟了，反侵略一方也正在成熟。 1934年9月中央红军长征前夕，中共中央与共产国际的电讯联系中断。凡事都一分为二。这种中断在某种意义上说也不完全是坏事。它使中国共产党人得以通过遵义会议等一系列会议，独立地解决了自己的军事路线、政治路线和领导人问题。 当然从更大的意义上看，它又的确不是好事。它割断了中国共产党人的消息情报来源，阻碍了共产党领导者的战略视野。中央红军留恋徘徊于川黔边4个月之久，先图赤化四川后图赤化贵州而终不可得，与此就有一定关系。 所以红军1935年5月渡金沙江、占领泸定城基本脱离险境后，中共中央立即召开会议：决定以陈云、潘汉年作为中共中央代表，携带密码到上海恢复白区工作，建立中央与上海及共产国际间的电讯联系。 10月2日，化名史平的陈云辗转到达莫斯科，出席中共驻共产国际代表团召开的会议，并成为中共代表团三个正式代表之一，此时陈云才知道为恢复与中共中央的联系，共产国际也付出了极大的努力。 从1935年4月开始，共产国际为了恢复与中共中央的电讯联系，先后派闫红阎、张浩和刘长胜带密电码回国。 闫红阎为了承担这一艰巨的任务，废寝忘食，短期内学会了英文字母，把用英文字母编排的密码背熟记在脑子里，他没有参加国际七大，于4月就提前动身回国。闫红阎进入新疆后，乔装富商，骑着骆驼、驮载着俄罗斯毛毯和灯心绒，经伊犁、迪化、兰州、宁夏、绥远到达北平。这时中央红军已经胜利结束长征，闫红阎立即去陕北找党中央。12月他在瓦窑堡见到了毛泽东、周恩来等中央领导同志，全凭记忆汇报了带回来与共产国际联系的密码。 可惜凭闫红阎的密码未能和国际联系上。是时间过长记忆有误还是什么别的原因，不得而知。 闫红阎没能参加国际“七大”就匆匆回国，张浩则是“七大”未开完就动身出发。共产国际实行新方针后急于恢复与中共中央联系的心情，由此可见。 张浩出发时，陈云还未到莫斯科，所以谁也不知道中共中央的确切位置。张浩装扮成从蒙古回来的商人，穿着光板皮袄，挑一副货筐，风餐露宿，跨越沙漠。沿途打听消息，经过三个月长途跋涉，于11月到达陕甘边区的边缘——定边。在那里由边区赤卫队护送到瓦窑堡，终于找到了中共中央。 他在瓦窑堡刚和张闻天、邓发、李维汉等见面，便立即传达国际“七大”关于改变以往对社会民主党的策略，不再将中间力量看做危险敌人、建立反法西斯统一战线和人民阵线等精神，以及中共驻国际代表团起草的《八一宣言》。 张浩也带回了与共产国际联系的密码，甚至先于闫红阎，将密码转给中共中央。但遗憾的是他带回来的密码也未能与国际沟通联系。 沟通与共产国际联系的，是刘长胜带回来的密码。 而这一联系的恢复，首功却在当年要求“会师武汉、饮马长江”的李立三。 很多人早把他忘记了。1930年三个月的立三路线后，他被解除政治局委员职务调往莫斯科，一去就是15年。其中有两年时间甚至在“世界无产阶级红色堡垒”的监狱中度过，品尝了苏联内务部人员对囚禁者从不手软的肉刑。 李立三讲，他在苏联期间“终日提心吊胆，谨小慎微，以免触怒，但还是不免经常受到斥责”。即使这样，他仍然努力为党工作。1935年初春，共产国际派他到接近新疆的阿拉木图建立交通站，负责国内方面来往人员的安排，了解新疆政治情况，更重要的是设法恢复与中共中央的电讯联系。李立三到阿拉木图后，派两批人带上密电码回国，寻找长征后的红军，由于地理和技术上的困难，都失败了。最后派刘长胜带上李立三亲自编写的一套新的更难以破译的密码回国，终于在1936年6月16日，收到了中共中央按照李立三编的密码拍来的电报。莫斯科谁也翻译不了这封电报，康生带着电报来到高加索，找到在那里疗养的李立三，终于由他翻译出来。 电报是毛泽东起草的，报告了中国国内形势和党内的情况。说：“你们派出的人，林仲丹（林育英）12月就到了，闫红阎、罗英（刘长胜）均到了。但有7个人带电台已达苏区边境被民团杀害6人，余1人及电台现尚在民团手中。” 中共中央和共产国际的电讯联系终于重新建立。 完成这一重大任务的李立三，又被人忘记了。 他被忘记的地方何止一处。 中国共产党领导的早期工人运动中，最为成功的是安源工人大罢工，文化大革命前说领导者是刘少奇，文化大革命中说领导者是毛泽东，从始至终一直在安源领导罢工的工人俱乐部主任李立三却根本无人提及。安源工人的歌谣“有个能人李隆郅”也被改为“有个能人毛润之”。篡改者还振振有词：不是为个别的真实，是为历史的真实。 丢掉了个别的真实，真的能够获得历史的真实吗？ 遵义会议后，本来已经弄清楚李立三和王明有所不同，但为了照顾与共产国际和与苏联的关系，将近十年时间，仍将王明路线称为“立三路线的残余”，李立三不仅由于自己的错误承受了应有的或不应有的对待，而且还要代人受过，把残酷斗争过他的王明的错误也担在身上。 自然又是历史的需要。李立三的命运就是这样，不断地为历史牺牲自己。 1946年，李立三终于从苏联回到东北，化名李敏然。一些单位不知道他就是李立三，请他去讲党史，他就自己选择介绍“立三路线”的错误，并分析形成的原因和领导者个人的责任，讲完后场上一片称赞。也有人听了以后疑惑不解：“您怎么会知道犯错误的人心里想什么？”李敏然的回答令全场大吃一惊：“我就是李立三。”经过短暂的沉寂后，会场上突然响起了雷鸣般的掌声。许多人很多年以后还回忆说，听了那次课，才知道什么是老革命家的坦荡胸怀和自我批评精神。 李立三这种坦荡带来的问题是：至今我们都知道他的错误在哪里，却很少有人能说出他的功劳在何处。 于是也就弄不清什么是个别，什么是历史，弄不清为什么历史如此藐视个别。 这是中国革命中一位极富悲剧色彩的人物。几十年忘我奋斗无人知晓，三个月的错误却结结实实检讨了三十多年。最初因为横冲直撞的性格被人称作“坦克车”；最终却像绑缚山崖任苍鹰一遍又一遍啄食的普罗米修斯。 开国大典中，人们还可以清楚地看到李立三作为全国总工会的代表，站在毛泽东身边。 50年代末，他到东北考察后提出的“两参一改三结合”的工业管理原则，被毛泽东概括为“鞍钢宪法”。 1967年6月22日，文化大革命炉火正红之际，李立三服用大量安眠药自尽。 1980年中共中央为他举行平反昭雪追悼会。骨灰早已无影无踪、被随便扔掉了。覆盖着党旗的骨灰盒里面，只装着他生前戴的一副老花镜。 李立三生前最喜欢明代爱国将领于谦的《石灰吟》。他的命运恰是如此：千锤万凿出深山，烈火焚烧若等闲。粉身碎骨全不怕，要留清白在人间。 在刘长胜带来李立三编制的密码之前，张浩带来了一个比沟通联络更加重要的消息：斯大林不反对红军向北和西北发展，靠近苏蒙边境。 这时中共中央与共产国际已失去联系达14个月。张浩的消息是一股扑面的春风，更是一个天大的喜讯。张闻天立即连续写信给在前线的毛泽东等人，通报张浩带回来的这个重要消息；主张根据斯大林建议，迅速经宁夏靠近外蒙，以取得技术援助并建立战略根据地。 毛泽东也非常兴奋，12月1日电张闻天：“关于红军靠近外蒙古的根本方针，我是完全同意的”；“这个方针是使中国革命战争，尤其不久就要到来的反日民族战争取得更加有力量与更加迅速发展的正确方针”。 中共中央开始准备作出战略和策略上的重大转变。 这个转变就是瓦窑堡会议。 12月17日，中央政治局在瓦窑堡举行扩大会议，确定“抗日反蒋”策略方针。 12月23日，专门讨论军事方针及打通国际路线的问题。会议一致决定“把国内战争同民族战争结合起来”，准备对日直接作战，使红军发展成为抗日的主力军。通过了毛泽东起草的《中央关于军事战略问题的决议》，确定1936年红军的战略方针和任务是“打通苏联”与“巩固扩大现有苏区”，其中以打通苏联为中心任务，以山西和绥远为红军行动和发展苏区的主要方向；以便把“苏联红军和中国红军在反对共同敌人日本帝国主义的基础之上结合起来”。 在此之前，中共中央曾多次提出打通国际路线的战略设想。 遵义会议后，领导权的问题得到了解决，但严重的军事危机并没有消除。面对蒋介石亲自出马指挥中央军、黔军、川军、滇军的围追堵截，中共中央不得不一再变更作战计划和战役方针，指挥红军奔波于云贵川三省之交。部队长期处于无立足处的超强度征战之中，缺乏休整补充，减员现象严重，指挥员中也一直存在不同意见。迅速开辟一个稳固的根据地，已成为决定红军命运前途的紧迫问题。 关键是找到正确的发展方向。当时局面异常严峻。几万红军东返内地，已不可能。向南不是入桂就是入滇，这两省皆是少数民族聚居，地方实力派统治巩固，打出一个局面非常困难。向西也是少数民族地区，粮缺人稀。唯一可行的是向北发展，接通苏联，以取得国际援助。 1935年6月16日，毛泽东、周恩来、朱德、张闻天联名致电张国焘、徐向前、陈昌浩，提出：一、四两方面军总的战略方针应是占领川、陕、甘三省，建立三省苏维埃政权，“并于适当时期以一部组织远征军占领新疆”，打通国际路线。 这是在失去中央苏区9个月后，中共中央和毛泽东本人反复思考的结果。 1935年6月26日，毛泽东在与四方面军会合的两河口会议上再提在适当时间以一部组织远征军占领新疆、打通国际路线问题。6月28日作出《关于一、四方面军会合后战略方针的决定》决议：“背靠于甘、青、新、宁四省的广大地区，有利地向东发展。” 8月4日至6日的政治局沙窝会议上，毛泽东进一步说，“西北地区的特点，是统治阶级最薄弱的一环，帝国主义势力最弱的地方，少数民族最集中的地方，因靠近苏联在政治上物质上能得到帮助。西北地区的困难是人口稀少，物质条件缺乏，交通不便，气候条件不好等，这些都能克服。”所以“要用全力实现在西北，首先是陕甘地区建立根据地的战略方针”。 毛泽东当时认为，只要得到苏联帮助，西北地区的困难便不那么可怕了。 与张国焘分裂后，这一方针的实现变得更加迫切。 在中央红军单独北上的9月12日俄界政治局扩大会议上，毛泽东作报告说：“当前的基本方针，是要经过游击战争，打通同国际的联系，整顿和休养兵力，扩大红军队伍，首先在与苏联接近的地方创造一个根据地，将来向东发展。”同时指出，中央过去曾反对主力打到苏联边界去的方针，主张在陕甘创造苏区，但现在不同了，“因一、四方面军已经分开，张国焘南下，使中国革命受到相当严重的损失”。 中央红军脱离根据地作战整整一年，部队由出发时的8万6千人锐减为不到一万人，却仍然没有找到立足之地，仍然在苦苦探寻。那种紧迫急切的心情，绝非我们今天把蜿蜒逶迤的跋涉路线看成一条红色飘带那样浪漫和诗意的。 那是一支军队的生死存亡。进而是一个政党的生死存亡。今天有很多人想走一走当年红军的长征路线。很多人真的走了这条路线。但即使你一步不差地走完全程，除去品尝到的艰苦，你能品尝到天空国民党飞机丢炸弹、地面数十万大军围追堵截那种九死一生的危险吗？