Chapter 14 Chapter Thirteen

Chiang Kai-shek wanted to play the Soviet Union card, and the Soviet Union also wanted to play Chiang Kai-shek's card.Cai Yuanpei burst into tears while talking about the anti-Japanese war, and the tears dripped into the soup plate.When the Red Army crossed the Chishui River, "Lawrence of the East" traveled across most of China. "Three Feather Crow" is a trash, isn't an assassin?Zhang Xueliang, who was shattered by Chiang Kai-shek and also by his personal ambition, his scorching soul has turned into hot magma. After the Xi'an Incident was peacefully resolved in early 1937, Chen Geng was ordered by Zhou Enlai to visit Song Xilian, the garrison commander of the Kuomintang in Xi'an.

To this fellow from Xiangxiang, Hunan, and a classmate of the first class of Huangpu, Chen Geng said: You are the commander of the National Army, and I am the commander of the Red Army. Ten years of civil war, fighting each other.Now that we have come together again, this should be credited to the Japanese devils! The driving force for the first KMT-CPC cooperation was the Northern Expedition, which was to eliminate the Beiyang warlords. The driving force behind the second Kuomintang-Communist cooperation was to resist the Japanese aggression. In 1935, although the second Kuomintang-Communist cooperation was still far away, and Chiang Kai-shek was still busy chasing the Red Army and annexing the Southwest, some objective trends independent of human will had emerged.

Like the thunder rumbling from the sky, the mountain rain is coming, and the wind is already full. Thunder came earlier than 1935. On March 1, 1934, when Chiang Kai-shek commanded the "encirclement and suppression" army in Jiangxi to advance towards Ruijin, the red capital, Yang Jie, chief of staff of the Beiping Army Branch of the Kuomintang, led a delegation of officers to Moscow, the red capital. The visit ended on March 7.Sokolnikov, Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union told Yang Jie that the Soviet Union was sure of fighting against Japan and would return the Northeast to China after defeating Japan; China's attitude towards Japan should be firm, and China and the Soviet Union should cooperate.Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army Voroshilov also said that he hoped that China would quickly organize its own army to rule out aggression.Looking forward to Sino-Soviet cooperation.

After Yang Jie returned to China, he quickly reported the attitude of the Soviet Union to Chiang Kai-shek. On April 23, Japanese Foreign Minister Koki Hirota delivered a speech in Tokyo, clarifying Japan's special status, responsibilities and interests in East Asia.On the same day, Chiang Kai-shek said at the Linchuan Expansion Memorial Week in Jiangxi Province: After 10 years, the Japanese will be expelled from the Northeast, and Korea and Taiwan will be recovered. His attitude suddenly hardened.How much of a difference did Yang Jie report to him? Things are changing within the KMT as well.

In 1934, Wang Jingwei hosted a banquet for Cai Yuanpei, the veteran of the Kuomintang.During the meeting, Cai Yuanpei said: "Regarding the matter between China and Japan, we should be firm and resist with a fearless spirit. As long as we resist, China must have a way out." Swallowed it with the soup.The whole audience was moved by it. Chiang Kai-shek is still "resisting the outside world first".When he "encircled and suppressed" the Red Army and suppressed local warlords in the south, the north was already in chaos. Especially North China. In February 1935, when the Red Army on the Long March began to fight on the banks of the Chishui River, a mysterious figure dubbed "Lawrence of the East" by Western newspapers traveled across most of China within a month.

This person is Kenji Doihara, who was sentenced to death by the International Military Tribunal for the Far East in 1948 and shouted "Long live the Emperor" and "Long live the headquarters" before going to the gallows. Doihara graduated from the Japanese Army Non-commissioned Officer Academy in 1904.During the study period, he had close contacts with Okamura Ningji, Itagaki Seishiro and Yan Xishan as classmates.Since 1913, he has been active in China for 30 years. He can speak fluent Beijing dialect and several Chinese dialects. He is the most highly regarded Chinese hand in the Japanese military.He first served in the Kwantung Army as an adjutant to Commander Rihachiro Sakanishi.Lieutenant General Sakanishi once served as an advisor to many warlords in northern China. Doihara took advantage of this position, not only learned the Chinese language, became familiar with Chinese politics, but also established subtle personal relationships with warlords and dignitaries in northern China.

But Zhang Zuolin felt that Doihara was domineering, so he used Honjo Shige as a consultant instead of Doihara. Without him, he can still help Zhang Zuolin. When the second Zhifeng war broke out, Doihara was active and fully supported the Feng army in driving Zhili across the south of the Yangtze River, making Zhang Zuolin the ruler of the Beijing government. In November 1925, Guo Songling turned against Zhang Zuolin and directed his troops at Shenyang, the home of the Feng faction warlords.At that time, the main force of the army controlled by Zhang Zuolin was in the pass, and the situation in Shenyang was critical.It was through Doihara's active activities that the Japanese troops stationed in Yongsan, North Korea went straight to Shenyang to reinforce Zhang.Guo Songling was defeated and killed, and a revolutionary mutiny was suppressed.

This is a very caring and caring person.Occupational foresight especially for expansion. When Doihara was a cadet, he was good at surveying maps.Because of his classmate relationship with Yan Xishan, he went to Shanxi several times in the 1920s, and Yan Xishan always treated him like a guest of honor.Yan Xishan obeyed all his demands.Taking advantage of this relationship, he traveled around Shanxi and planned to conduct a detailed survey of Shanxi's strategic locations, especially focusing on the Yanmen Pass area. He also paid great attention to the Sanggan River line and recorded heavy weapons passable dangerous places.

After the July 7th Incident, Doihara's intentions were immediately revealed.Senior Kuomintang officers believed that Yanmen Pass was a natural danger, especially Tiejialing near Ruyuekou, where it was difficult to use heavy weapons, and it was definitely not the target of the Japanese army's attack. Therefore, no fortifications were built in advance in this area, and the manpower was insufficient.It was only when the Japanese army came in through the gap that they were taken aback, feeling that they were not as familiar with the terrain of Shanxi as the Japanese. The invaders are not all villains who can only wield butcher knives.The huge destructive power of scheming invaders, especially those with long-term scheming, far exceeds that of a fully staffed division. Doihara completed the terrain reconnaissance of Shanxi under the warm hospitality of Yan Xishan.Later, Yan Xishan fought against the Japanese at Pingxingguan, Yanmenguan, and Xinkou, losing more and more miserably. "The terrain in Shanxi is not as familiar as the Japanese" satirized us even worse.To resist the Japanese and not be able to resist, is it just a matter of courage or equipment or training?Why don't we know how to build a new Great Wall with flesh and blood until the catastrophe is imminent?

In 1935, it took one month to travel through most of China's soil and fertilizer fields, with the purpose of instigating North China's self-government.Needless to say, Yin Rugeng from eastern Hebei and Yan Xishan from Shanxi, even Song Zheyuan from Chahar, Han Fuju from Jinan, and Shang Zhen from Hebei were all contenders for Doihara. Focus on Song Zheyuan. On April 26, 1935, just after Chiang Kai-shek had finished annexing Guizhou and dealt with Wang Jialie, he received a telegram from his close friend Huang Yu, chairman of the Peking Political Affairs Committee, from Peking.The telegram was sent to Yang Yongtai, secretary-general of the Chongqing camp, saying that Zhang Xueliang and Yu Xuezhong were approaching Japan.Japan is trying to use Zhang and Yu to create an independent regime in North China.Yu and Song Zheyuan also got married, and Song had hired Japanese consultants.

According to Huang Yu, apart from the fact that Song Zheyuan did hire a Japanese consultant, it was mostly speculation. But he was the first to make a more accurate weather forecast: the mountain rain will start from North China. Less than a month after Huang Yu started generating power, in May 1935, two pro-Japanese journalists were killed in the Japanese Concession in Tianjin.The Japanese side immediately seized this opportunity. On May 29, Umezu Yoshijiro, commander of the Japanese Garrison in North China, sent Chief of Staff Takashi Sakai and Military Attaché Tan Takahashi to He Yingqin, acting chairman of the KMT’s Beiping Army Branch, to “expel the Northeast and central forces out of North China.” Umezu Yoshijiro is one of the 11 key elements delineated by the "Sanbawu" in Baden-Baden, Germany.At that time, he was the military attache stationed in Berlin and was the senior among the 11 people.Senior people can't understand junior people, and senior troops can't understand junior troops, and the same is true in the Japanese army.Although they are both members of the "One Night Club", Meijin can't understand Ishihara of the Kwantung Army. In August 1931, Umezu Yoshijiro served as the head of general affairs of the General Staff Headquarters. One and a half months later, the Kwantung Army suddenly launched the "September 18th" Incident. In the Outline of the Policy, the policy of aggression is "to make preparations in about a year and implement it after the next spring". Dissatisfaction is nothing but dissatisfaction. Seeing that the cutting-edge Kwantung Army has rapidly expanded due to the "September 18th" Incident, the veteran North China Garrison Army is also envious. After Umezu Yoshijiro was appointed as the commander of the North China Garrison in March 1934, he also wanted to do the same thing, like his latecomer Wanji Ishihara, who he didn't think much of, to do something to expand the status and influence of the North China Garrison. Taking advantage of the Tianjin incident, Takashi Sakai, Chief of Staff of the Garrison Army, made the following request to He Yingqin on behalf of Meijin: 1. Yu Xuezhong, chairman of the Hebei provincial government, was replaced, and the provincial government was transferred to Baoding; 2. Replacing Tianjin Mayor Zhang Tinger, Public Security Bureau Chief Li Junxiang, and Gendarmerie Third Regiment Chief Jiang Xiaoxian; 3. Withdraw the Third Military Police Regiment stationed in Peiping, the Director of Political Training of the Military Branch, the Blue Clothes Club, the Central Army stationed in Hebei and the Yu (Xuezhong) Department, and the Party headquarters at all levels in Hebei. Otherwise, Japan will take "self-defense actions." Thus began the North China crisis. He Yingqin was ordered by Jiang to retreat step by step according to the Japanese request. On July 6, He Yingqin was forced to acknowledge the Japanese request in a typed letter, which was later called the "He Mei Agreement". But the eager Japanese side has lost patience.Without waiting for He Yingqin's consent, on June 2, Takashi Sakai, Chief of Staff of the Japanese Army in Tianjin, announced that Chiang Kai-shek must resign. At this time, the Red Army had just crossed the Dadu River. Chiang Kai-shek couldn't sit still. In fact, he already felt that the situation was not good. After the "September 18th" Incident, the League of Nations took no action against Japan's aggression except to send a Lytton investigation team.They want to solve the Northeast crisis through the League of Nations' intervention, "rule the barbarians with the barbarians" and "control the barbarians with the barbarians", but the big countries of Britain and the United States are gentlemen with their mouths but not their hands. After issuing a few statements expressing regret, they still do business with Japan; no country I would like to help China to shed a drop of blood. Just like Sun Yat-sen turned to Lenin's Soviet Russia after hitting a wall, Chiang Kai-shek had to seriously consider how to get closer to Stalin's Soviet Union when the Japanese insisted on his resignation. But he had already froze the relationship with the Soviet Union.One is the "April 12" Incident that massacred Communists in April 1927, and the other is the Middle East Road Incident in July 1929. In July 1929, the Nanjing government decided to forcibly take back the Middle East Road, and the Middle East Road incident broke out. On July 18, Ambassador Garahan, on behalf of the Soviet government, announced the recall of all personnel in China and the severance of diplomatic relations with the Nanjing government. In October, with the consent of Chiang Kai-shek, more than 80,000 people from Zhang Xueliang's Northeast Army launched an attack on the Soviet army in Manzhouli and Suifenhe.The Soviet army fought back fiercely, and the Northeast Army suffered heavy casualties. So far, how can he use the Soviet Union to help him resist Japanese aggression? The Chinese Communists did not know that just as they lost contact with the Communist International and the Red Army of Workers and Peasants set out from Jiangxi for the Long March, on October 16, 1934, Chiang Kai-shek’s personal representative, Jiang Tingfu, arrived in Moscow and began to seek to restore the broken relationship with the Soviet Union. Jiang Tingfu held a meeting with Stomonyakov, a member of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union.He brought two questions raised by Chiang Kai-shek: 1. There are a series of common interests between China and the Soviet Union. If the interests and status of the Soviet Union are hit, it will also be a blow to the interests and status of China. I wonder if the Soviet government has the same feeling? 2. From 1927 to 1929, when Sino-Soviet relations broke down, Chiang Kai-shek was the leader of China. Will this fact affect the development of Sino-Soviet relations? Stomoniakov's answer was comforting to Chiang.He said that the Soviet Union did not have any doubts about developing relations with China.Regarding the relationship between the Soviet Union and Chiang Kai-shek, who played a leading role in China, "it does not start from the memory of the past and feelings, but from the common interests of our two countries and the sincere hope to develop and consolidate the relationship between the two countries." We respect him as much as our friendly leader, and no personal factors, no prejudices can affect our position." Jiang was encouraged by this news.His first reaction was to intensify his pursuit of the Jiangxi Red Army.At the same time, step up the work of the Soviet Union. In the spring of 1935, when Peng Dehuai rushed to Huwan, Deng Wenyi, the secretary who accompanied Chiang Kai-shek to find the landing point of the seaplane, was appointed by Chiang as military attache in the Soviet Union and arrived in Moscow.Soon, Nanjing government ambassador Yan Huiqing arrived in Moscow with Mei Lanfang's Peking Opera Troupe. Chiang Kai-shek was the first to extend an olive branch since the Middle East Road Incident broke off diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. He's really a strategist.The ambassador sent to restore normal diplomatic relations was unexpectedly accompanied by a Beijing opera troupe.He first asked Zhang Xueliang to shoot to let the Soviets taste Chinese bullets, and then asked Mei Lanfang to sing to let the Soviets appreciate Chinese art. KMT Shanghai Mayor Wu Tiecheng mainly talked about real politics at the pre-departure banquet: "Ambassador Yan Huiqing's visit to the Soviet Union will further strengthen the friendly ties between China and the Soviet Union." The Chargé d'Affaires of the Soviet Union in China, Spilivanek, mainly talked about culture and art: "Mei Lanfang's visit to the Soviet Union will definitely promote the consolidation and development of cultural ties between the two great nations." The Soviet Union was still watching the capricious Chiang Kai-shek.The Soviet Union hoped that Chiang Kai-shek would be able to resist Japan. Under the pressure of Japanese fascism, Chiang Kai-shek, who had insisted on not resisting the war since the September 18th Incident, began to change. A person in the north who persisted in the war of resistance since the "September 18th" incident is really changing. He is Song Zheyuan, commander of the 29th Army. Song Zheyuan was originally one of the earliest Kuomintang generals who advocated the War of Resistance. On the second day after the "September 18th" Incident, he led all the officers and men of the 29th Army to send a telegram to the whole country: "It is better to die in battle than to be a subjugated slave." He even won the reputation of an anti-Japanese hero. But there are no insurmountable boundaries for anything.Including the war of resistance and the war of non-resistance. Song Zheyuan is not a direct descendant of Chiang Kai-shek.In the past, he was one of the five tiger generals under Feng Yuxiang, and he was a famous anti-Chiang figure in the melee of the new Kuomintang warlords.Chiang Kai-shek had long wanted to take the opportunity to deal with him. In May 1935, the Japanese army provoked the second "Zhangbei Incident" and reported to the Kuomintang that four Japanese soldiers secretly drew maps along the way from Duolun via Zhangbei County in Chahar Province and were detained by the Chinese army when they arrived in Zhangbei. The authorities exert pressure.At this time, Chiang Kai-shek was arranging the battle of the Dadu River, preparing to annihilate the Red Army in the Long March along the Jinsha River and the Dadu River, so he fully promoted the policy of compromise with Japan, so that Qin Dechun, the director of the Civil Affairs Department of Chahar Province, and Doihara signed the so-called "Qin Territory Agreement: 1. Apologize to the Japanese army and replace the Chinese officers involved in the incident; 2. Stop all Kuomintang activities in Chahar; 3. Establish the Chahar East African Armed Zone, and the 29th Army will withdraw from the area; 4. .Banish the anti-Japanese organs and anti-Japanese activities in Chahar Province; 5.Replace Song Zheyuan as the chairman of Chahar Province.He Yingqin, the acting chairman of the Beiping Army Branch, took this opportunity to propose to Executive President Wang Jingwei that Song Zheyuan should be replaced, and the 29th Army should be transferred to Jiangxi to "suppress the Communists." On June 29, Song Zheyuan was removed from the post of chairman of the Chahar provincial government. It was no longer possible to rely on the support and protection of the Kuomintang. Song Zheyuan felt that the only way to keep his territory in North China was to obtain the understanding of the Japanese army.After he was dismissed, he ran to Tianjin to "recover his illness" in a fit of anger. Naturally, it is a heart disease.Tianjin is the base camp of the Japanese army stationed in North China.Here, Song Zheyuan communicated with the Japanese army through his cronies Xiao Zhenying and Chen Juesheng.They told Song's situation and difficulties to Sakai, chief of staff of the Japanese North China Garrison, expressed their desire for cooperation and gained Sakai's trust. It was Sakai who declared that Jiang Zhongzheng must resign, and now he came out to guarantee that Song Zheyuan must be in power, and the Japanese army stationed in North China no longer mentioned that the Song Dynasty should be suppressed to the south of the Yellow River. This is really a profound tragedy for many old soldiers in China.Their beliefs and their doctrines are no match for their personal vital interests. The tacit understanding with the Japanese army not only preserved Song Zheyuan's own territory in North China, but also after the "Fengtai Incident", he took the opportunity to transfer the 37th Division of the 29th Army to Beiping, expanding his influence from Chahar to Pingjin. Song Zheyuan's activities of contacting the Japanese army and expanding forces made Chiang Kai-shek very worried.In order to prevent Song Zheyuan from falling further to Japan, Chiang Kai-shek adopted a series of wooing activities. In July 1935, Jiang summoned Qin Dechun, deputy commander of the 29th Army, at Mount Lushan, saying that "the central government intends to hand over the responsibility of presiding over North China to Commander Song Mingxuan" to show his trust in Song. On July 27, the national government awarded Song Zheyuan, Qin Dechun and the three division commanders the highest national medal of honor in recognition of their achievements in the War of Resistance; on August 28, Song Zheyuan was officially appointed as the commander of the Pingjin Garrison, and the Beiping Administrative Committee was revoked. As a result, Song Zheyuan actually began to manipulate the military and political power of Ji and Cha. Song Zheyuan's motive for contacting the Japanese army was not to drop the sun, but to preserve his territory and improve his status.He said: "To Japan, do not speak hard words, do not do soft things, appear friendly, and never surrender; do not speak against the central government, do not act as Chiang Kai-shek's personal tool, adapt to the situation, and be loyal to the country." To pledge allegiance to the nation and the country by "responsiveness" to protect personal interests is ridiculous in itself.The reason why the later "curve to save the country" theory and "adaptive" theory have the same effect is that they both arise from the same interest psychology.On the day of the national crisis, Song Zheyuan wanted to walk a tightrope on tiptoe on the tip of the knife in the conflict between the national justice and the group's self-interest. The flies do not bite seamless eggs, and Doihara appears. Doihara is the originator of "North China Autonomy" in the Japanese army. In 1933, Doihara began planning the "North China Autonomy Movement" when he was appointed as the chief of the Kwantung Army's Shenyang Secret Service.At that time, the secret service agencies in Shanhaiguan, Tangshan, Tongzhou and other places in North China were all placed under the leadership of Doihara.Through this, the Kwantung Army reached out to North China.Under the planning of Doihara, the Shenyang secret service successively carried out the work of soliciting Yan Xishan, Han Fuju, Song Zheyuan and others in an attempt to separate them from the National Government and establish an autonomous regime, but failed. Now the opportunity has come again. In September 1935, Doihara went to Beiping and asked Song Zheyuan to come forward to organize an "autonomous government", and Japan provided military and economic aid.Song was not so confused yet, so he refused.Doihara, who has a deep understanding of the psychology of Chinese warlords and politicians, immediately changed his tricks and contacted the local power factions in the five provinces of North China to announce self-government. The policy of joining the three faraway provinces.No one can figure out how many clever plans Doihara has in his pocket. On the point of how to effectively split China's territory, Doihara thought more far-reaching than other Japanese generals. After the "September 18th" Incident, there were different debates within the Kwantung Army about what kind of regime to establish in the Northeast.Itagaki Seishiro and Ishihara Wanji advocated direct annexation of the Japanese territory; the Doi principle suggested abandoning the idea of ​​direct annexation and establishing a "Manchurian and Mongolian Republic of the Five Nationalities" ostensibly ruled by the Chinese to achieve substantive results at a relatively small cost.Due to the situation, Itagaki, Ishihara and others finally agreed with Doihara.Doihara is even more sophisticated when it comes to drawing up puppets.He wanted to pull Wu Peifu, but someone told him that although Wu was against Chiang, but he regarded himself as a patriotic soldier, it would be difficult to use him.Doihara replied: "As long as his actions are beneficial to Japan, it is also acceptable to play the sign of resisting Japan." He knows too well the face of Chinese warlords and the names and realities of Chinese politicians. Wu Peifu didn't pull over back then, but now he is keeping a close eye on Song Zheyuan.He wants to use Song Zheyuan as a breakthrough to realize his dream of expanding North China. Under the temptation of military and political pressure and self-interest, Song Zheyuan, who declared that "he would rather be a ghost of the dead than a slave to a subjugated country", began to waver. In October 1935, Doihara personally negotiated with Yin Rugeng, the administrative inspector of eastern Jidong of the Kuomintang, and asked Yin Rugeng to "revolt".Instigated by Doihara, Yin Rugeng announced in Tong County on November 25th that he would break away from the Nanjing Nationalist Government and establish the so-called "Eastern Hebei Anti-Communist Autonomous Government" and issued a pro-Japanese declaration.After the establishment of the puppet regime in eastern Jidong, Doihara made persistent efforts and encouraged Song Zheyuan, a power faction in Hebei and Chahar, to cooperate with Yin Rugeng to establish the "Autonomous Government of the Alliance of Five Provinces in North China".Song Zheyuan discounted it a little, and after obtaining Chiang Kai-shek's consent, he established the "Jicha Political Affairs Committee", with Doihara serving as the committee's consultant, and the committee members were also full of pro-Japanese elements. Seeing that Doihara's "local self-government in the five provinces of North China" is not far away, China has become a piece of fat on the chopping board, and everyone wants to come up and cut it. Just when the Japanese were making good progress in North China and were almost on the verge of success, another undercurrent was also lurking: Japan's future German ally seemed to be doing the opposite. In the mid-1930s, the China policies of Japan and Germany collided.The Japanese threatened to compromise Chiang Kai-shek, but the Germans encouraged Chiang Kai-shek to resist. The Germans who agitated Chiang Kai-shek's resistance were not Seekert.Seekert told Chiang Kai-shek a lot, but he never told Chiang Kai-shek how to deal with foreign and powerful enemies like Japanese imperialism. As if God forbid the German consultant to leave a vacancy, Seeckert's successor, Falkenhausen, filled the gap. The summer of 1935 was a chaotic summer.The Japanese in the north are effectively promoting "North China Autonomy," and Chiang Kai-shek in the southwest is trying in vain to encircle the Red Army during the Long March. The chief adviser in Nanjing, Seckert, has run out of fuel and left China due to illness. Falkenhausen will take over as chief adviser. post. Falkenhausen is a standard German professional military officer. He was a military attache at the German embassy in Japan and has done a lot of research on the Japanese army.He arrived in China in July 1934 and initially served as Seekert's deputy, but unlike Seekert, he absolutely prioritized Germany's economic interests and refused to participate in the defense plan against Japan in the Yangtze River Basin.Falkenhausen was primarily concerned with military matters—reorganizing and training Chiang Kai-shek's army while drafting plans to prevent a Japanese invasion. As soon as this person took office, he quickly came to a conclusion that has not changed since then with his sophisticated professional military vision: there must be a war between China and Japan. On July 31, 1935, in his capacity as the German general adviser to the Nanjing government, he "reported to Chiang Kai-shek about his general plan". Falkenhausen made a total of five points: 1. The most serious and immediate threat to China is of course Japan.Japan is well aware of China's feelings, and its interests are opposite to China's. Therefore, Japan will use various methods to undermine China's internal unity and striving for strength, or at least try to delay its realization. 2. The current strategic situation. Once a military conflict occurs, North China will be directly threatened. If Hebei is abandoned without a fight, the Longhai Road and its major cities will be trapped in the forefront of the war zone. It is not difficult for Shandong to take over the defense line against the Yellow River. trend.Those that are of great significance to the front of the sea are the Yangtze River.If the enemy can control the most important central point of China, as far as the Wuhan area, China's defense power will lose the most important basis, so when it reaches the interior, China will be divided into two. 3. The current international political situation is extremely tense, and there is no possibility for the great powers to intervene jointly or individually.Washington's nine-power pact has long been a waste of paper.If China does not defend itself, no one can come forward to help.China should do everything in its power to protect the country, and it will do its best to defend itself, or it may receive foreign aid.If we do not devote all our efforts to survive, all of North China, including Shandong, will be separated from China. 4. At present, all the main forces of the national army are concentrated in the south and west. It is advisable to quickly mobilize the troops that can be saved and garrison them in various districts so that they can be used for combat.All troops used in combat should be concentrated in the Xuzhou-Zhengzhou-Wuhan-Nanchang-Nanjing section.There are two matters of great importance in the east: one is to block the Yangtze River, and the other is to guard the capital, and the two are closely related.Next are Nanchang and Wuchang, which can be used as support points, and it is advisable to stick to them with all our strength to maintain the connection with Guangzhou.In the end, Sichuan is the last line of defense. 5. To sum up, in terms of national, political, economic, psychological, and military situations, it is necessary to fight the battle ahead, and we must not abandon an inch of land without fighting.When China can't hold on to the first, it expresses its determination to fight for survival, but the big powers can't stop and interfere. These views of Falkenhausen were put forward two years before the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War. It has to be admitted that this German soldier made a relatively accurate judgment on the Anti-Japanese War that broke out two years later and the general trend of the war, which makes people have to admire Its unique military vision. What he said was deafening to Chiang Kai-shek, who was concentrating on "encircling and suppressing" the Red Army in Northwest Sichuan. Falkenhausen said that "at present all the main forces of the national army are concentrated in the south and west", which is a very polite way of saying.Of course he knew that these troops were being used to hunt down the Red Army in the Long March, so he didn't say anything.Including Chiang Kai-shek's quietly starting to improve relations with the Soviet Union, the German adviser also kept silent. He told Chiang Kai-shek: Once Japan launches a military attack on China, North China will bear the brunt, and at the same time, the seaports in the Yangtze River Basin will also be violated. Therefore, the Chinese army must establish a "strengthening area" strategically. The land defense of the Yangtze River must be advanced to the vicinity of Shanghai, Nanjing, as the capital, "should stick to it", central China should use Nanchang and Wuchang as strategic support points, and the whole country should use Sichuan as the "last line of defense".Falkenhausen finally wrote: "To sum up, in terms of national, political, economic, psychological, and military situations, it is necessary to fight ahead, and we must not give up an inch of territory without fighting." In the report, Falkenhausen put forward the idea of ​​establishing Sichuan as the base of the War of Resistance, which proved to be quite strategic afterward.He believes that Sichuan is a "prosperous and safe province due to its geographical relationship", "it is actually the best place for military industry. It is of great significance to build a railway from Chongqing to Kunming through Guiyang, and to connect to foreign countries through the Yunnan-Vietnam Road." "If Sichuan Province does not manage to industrialize and manufacture the necessary supplies by itself, in this situation, there will be no hope of victory, and China will perish." At this time, Falkenhausen not only pointed out the prospect of Sichuan's industrialization providing military supplies for the War of Resistance, but also pointed out It shows the necessity and significance of opening up the Southwest Sinotrans transportation line to obtain the anti-Japanese foreign aid. Falkenhausen's strategic proposals were later adopted by Chiang Kai-shek one by one.So he used this proposal as a blueprint to gradually deploy it.Based on Germany's experience in rebuilding the Wehrmacht, he helped Chiang train and equip 80,000 Chinese troops with full German-style equipment, and set up several artillery regiments and armored brigades to prepare for the rapid rescue of the front line in the event of war.Among them, the 86th and 88th divisions were mainly stationed in the important defense areas of Ninghu, and played an important role in the subsequent "August 13" Songhu War of Resistance. The series of frequent activities of the German military advisory group headed by Falkenhausen in China caused great anxiety on the Japanese side. They were deeply afraid that China's anti-Japanese strength would be strengthened as a result, so they resolutely offered to Japan's alliance with Japan through diplomatic channels. The German government put pressure on the Germans not to support the Nanking government's war preparations against Japan.At that time, Hitler came to power not long ago and was still fledgling. Subjectively, although he wanted to respond to the Japanese side, because the advisory group in China was controlled by the German Wehrmacht and had not yet been fully controlled by the Nazi group, he had more than enough energy for the Japanese side for the time being. can be satisfied. Here the question arises: why would a German consultant like Falkenhausen behave in such a way? On the surface, this is a manifestation of the increasingly fierce competition between major powers on Chinese soil and the conflict of interests between Japan and Germany in their China policies before the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War, but the actual situation is more complicated.Falkenhausen did not actually represent the German government, and even within the Wehrmacht he belonged to another group.Baker, Chief of the German General Staff, Blomberg, Minister of Defense, and others in this group all have anti-Hitler tendencies.The group believes that Germany's strategic interest in China should be to prevent Japanese invasion by strengthening China's defense capabilities, which will eventually force Japan to turn to compete with the Soviet Union in the Far East.They believed that China was rich in resources and difficult to conquer, so Germany had better be able to become a reliable anti-Soviet ally with China for a long time.At the same time, they also worried that once Germany's ability to participate and intervene in Chinese affairs weakened, the relationship between China and the Soviet Union would immediately improve and become closer, which would be unfavorable to Germany.At present, all the pressure Japan is exerting on China is forcing China to fall to the Soviet Union. This is what Germany does not want to see anyway. Therefore, Falkenhausen's heartfelt words are also mixed with the interests of many great powers.His understanding of what constituted Germany's interests was not entirely consistent with that of the ruling Nazi bloc in Germany. So when he received a telegram from Berlin in November 1937, asking him to use his influence with Chiang Kai-shek to persuade Chiang to give up his plan to resist Japan by force and to make a compromise with Japan that was "in line with Germany's interests", Falkenhausen did not do so.Although he had to be ordered to participate in the "Taudman Mediation" of the German government in an attempt to force China to accept Japan's "peace terms", as an individual, after dealing with the tasks assigned by the German government, Falkenhausen remained the same as before. He quickly changed his posture and participated in planning how to organize effective military resistance against Japan.He said unambiguously: "If the whole Chinese people are full of resentment against Japan, Yu's remarks and suggestions will be regarded as disloyal acts of betraying friends." He has further ideas. On December 5, 1937, Falkenhausen wrote in his memorandum "A Brief Discussion of the Situation": "In general, we can successfully resist for a long time. At present, there are everywhere that can give the enemy But there must be a premise, that is, all officers, soldiers and the people of the whole country must rise up and resist with all their strength..." He repeatedly explained to the then German Defense Minister Blomberg in China , The military efficiency of the Japanese army is not high, and he does not believe that Japan will win the final victory.The reason why Falkenhausen made such an overly optimistic estimate at the time was also clearly intended to prevent or delay Germany’s final decision to form an alliance with Japan and to recall German advisers in China.He decided that his approach was in the best interests of the German nation. There is no doubt about it: in Falkenhausen's thinking, the primary consideration will not be the interests of the Chinese nation. The problem is that apart from a few people such as Defense Minister Bloomberg, his ideas cannot find a few echoes in Germany.Hitler's Propaganda Minister Goebbels wrote in his diary on August 3, 1937: "Hitler does not think the situation (in China) is serious. China is not sufficient militarily, and it is very good that Japan defeats it, because it can make the Japan is more flexible against Moscow. (We) will not support China any further.” On April 28, 1938, German Marshal Goering banned the delivery of war materials to China. In May, the former foreign minister Niu Wright was replaced. When the new German foreign minister Ribbentrop came to power, the first order was to recall all the troops stationed in China. German consultant. Ribbentrop's order came in late April 1938.The German Ministry of Foreign Affairs informed the Chinese ambassador to Germany that the German government adopted a completely neutral attitude towards the Sino-Japanese War and believed that the German military advisers serving in China at this time were suspected of favoring one side, so they planned to withdraw all of them from China. At this time, Falkenhausen has been deeply involved in the Chinese battlefield. American female writer Barbara Tuchman recalled in her book "Stilwell and the American Experience in China" that after the Battle of Taierzhuang, military attaches from various countries stationed in China visited the battlefield one after another. When we arrived in Falkenhausen, we discussed the Taierzhuang operation with him: "General Falkenhausen, the chief military adviser of Germany, was so angry that the Chinese army did not act according to his plan that he pulled his hair fiercely. He said: 'I told the chairman It was necessary to advance, to launch an attack, and to take advantage of the victory, but they did not take any action. The Japanese army will soon transfer 8 to 10 divisions to the front line of Xuzhou, and by then it will be too late.'” Barbara Tuchman wrote in a tone of admiration: "This German consultant who knows the Japanese army's personality deeply predicted to Stilwell that the Japanese army would make a comeback to attack Xuzhou. As expected, Xuzhou soon fell into the hands of the enemy. , the Japanese army turned to attack Henan." It was at such moments that Ribbentrop's order to evacuate arrived.Falkenhausen and all members of the advisory group were initially reluctant to leave China after learning of the German government's decision. On April 30, Falkenhausen submitted a report to the German government, pointing out that they were all employed by the Chinese government with their personal qualifications, and the employment contracts would not expire until 1939 and 1940. There are difficulties. Germany's ambassador to China, Taudermann, also supported Falkenhausen's opinion on behalf of the advisory group. But Germany's determination to join Japan and abandon China has been made.In the name of Hitler, Foreign Minister Ribbentrop ordered Ambassador Taudman: Immediately negotiate with China on this issue. After negotiating until mid-June, Chiang Kai-shek saw that the delay could not continue, so he had to agree with most of the German advisers to leave China, but asked the core figure Falkenhausen to stay as the military attache of the German embassy in China, and leave 5 to 6 people to deal with the aftermath. The German side has no room for maneuver, and even Chiang Kai-shek's retrogressive request is completely disagreed. On June 20, Ribbentrop once again forcibly ordered Taudermann to threaten to suspend Sino-German diplomacy and demand the immediate withdrawal of all advisers, including Falkenhausen: "This minister urgently needs all German advisers in China to Those who have not suspended their duties will immediately stop and leave China as soon as possible. If necessary, even if it violates the will of the Chinese government, it will not be sympathetic." For example, if Falkenhausen and others do not want to leave China, "it is considered a flagrant treason, and the country will immediately punish it. Revocation of nationality and confiscation of property. The consultant should not hesitate to ask for it." This is already ordered to return home. On June 24, 1938, the German side ordered the recall of the ambassador to China, Tautman. Falkenhausen's mission was completely over: no matter how much of this mission was given to him by the German government, how much he added himself.他在中国工作了四年多时间，从构筑国防工事到完成军事部署、协助蒋介石在淞沪一带构筑“兴登堡防线”，确实出了不少力帮助中国抗战。直到中国抗日战争全面爆发，他还参加了正面战场的对日作战，最后才被“勒令率团返国”。 回到德国后，法肯豪森也不赞同希特勒的亲日政策，而同情中国的抗日行动。第二次世界大战期间，虽然由于他的威望声名而被希特勒委以军事要职，却一直同贝克将军的反希特勒组织联系。1944年因有参与“七二〇事件”刺杀希特勒的嫌疑，被盖世太保拘捕，关进拉文斯布吕克集中营。 法肯豪森帮助过蒋介石“围剿”红军、帮助过中国军队抵抗日本、也帮助过德国反抗势力反对希特勒的统治。第二次世界大战结束后，又由于战争期间出任过德国占领区的军事指挥官，被比利时军事法庭宣判有罪，定为战犯。 刚刚走出德国集中营的法肯豪森，又走进了盟军的集中营。 这也是个集种种矛盾于一身的人。 陶德曼比法肯豪森要聪明多了。他在德国驻华大使任上对法肯豪森有过不小支持，而且也没有完成德国政府指令他“调停中日争端”的任务。但在解释自己为什么调停失败时，陶德曼巧妙地把责任都推给了别人。回国前在给德国外交部的一份密电中，陶德曼说：“遵照训令，我于今日将日本和谈条件通知了蒋介石，在座的仅有财政部长孔祥熙。蒋介石要我向德国政府表达他对德国政府在这件事上所作的努力的衷心感谢。他又机密地告诉我说，只让德国政府知道：假如他同意那些要求，中国政府是会被舆论的浪潮冲倒的，中国会发生革命。……假如同意日本采取的策略，中国政府倾倒了，那么唯一的结果就是中国共产党将会在中国占优势。但是这就是意味着日本不可能与中国议和，因为共产党是从来不投降的。” 蒋介石不仅仅是在用后果吓唬德国人。他告诉德国人“共产党是从来不投降的”这一句，也算他没有白与共产党打了十几年交道。 就在德国总军事顾问法肯豪森为蒋介石精心准备那份《应付时局对策》之时，日本正在发生一个重大事件。 1935年7月16日，驻守广岛和福山的日本陆军第四十一联队的相泽三郎中佐，到陆军省访问军务局长永田铁山少将。谈话内容十分奇怪：劝永田局长辞职。 相泽中佐以吼叫的方式完成对永田少将的劝说。 陆军中央部门中最重要的实权人物、巴登巴登“三羽乌”中的头号人物永田铁山，竟然被驻地偏远的一个中佐指手画脚？ 这是在代别人表达意志。永田立即就知道了。相泽是裕仁天皇的长辈东久迩宫中将的老部下。东久迩宫在一个中队当大尉时，相泽是该中队的一名少尉。 永田还知道相泽在士官学校教过剑道，精于剑术。 真是常言说的，善者不来，来者不善了。 相泽中佐在永田少将的办公室内大发雷霆，指责永田使皇道派将领真崎大将失去教育总监职务而下台。皇道派与统制派的矛盾就以这种独特的方式爆发了。 1932年以后，日本昭和军阀集团的核心组织一夕会发生分裂，分化为皇道派和统制派。 皇道派以“三羽乌”的二号人物小畑敏四郎少将为首，包括“三羽乌”的三号人物冈村宁次少将，拥戴陆相荒木贞夫大将。所谓“皇道”，荒木贞夫解释为是维护、宣扬皇德，所以日本军队就是“皇军”。是荒木贞夫使“皇军”这个名称流行起来。最初这个词很难被记住，荒木问一个士兵：“皇道的使命是什么？”士兵以立正不动的姿势大声回答：“是、是行军累不垮！” 在日文中，皇道和行动、皇军和行军发音相同。所以以荒木为首的皇道派，被很多士兵理解为“行动派”了。这一派也确实以行动见长。它聚集了大量青年军官，主张采取激烈行动改变国内政治，实现军人专政。 如果说皇道派更多注重法西斯军人的理想，那么统制派则更多注重法西斯军人必须面对的现实。 统制派则以“三羽乌”的头号人物永田铁山少将为首，包括巴登巴登聚会时在外看门的东条英机。所谓“统制”，即主张军队在国家现有制度下行事，不主张对内采取过激行为。永田铁山觉得，日本还没有作好同西方国家对抗的准备。在工业化改革于1936年底完成以前，日本进攻苏联的话连讲都不应该讲。相反，要首先争取同苏联签订互不侵犯条约，争取充分消化满洲。 两派的冲突不可避免。以荒木贞夫为首的皇道派主张北进。永田铁山等人对此却毫无兴趣。 1934年1月，荒木贞夫大将失去了陆相职务。 1935年7月，陆军省又决定皇道派的另一首脑真崎甚三郎大将退役。 矛盾由此爆发了。 就在相泽中佐闯进永田办公室的前一天，1935年7月15日下午1点，日本陆军三长官会议。参谋总长、陆相、教育总监出席。不愿下台的教育总监真崎甚三郎大将拿出了杀手锏：“在这次会议后面，我看见不纯的动机。” 他把一份文件放在桌上。 这是永田铁山参与1931年三月事件的铁证。永田遗失已久、寻找已久的文件。 1931年3月，陆军省次官杉山元、军务局长小矶国昭、军事课长永田铁山、参谋本部第二部长建川美次，加上作战科长山胁、俄罗斯班长桥本、中国课长重藤等人，制订了一个包围议会、要求内阁总辞职而由陆相组阁的政变计划。最后时刻，陆相宇垣一成得知天皇有意让他组阁，才蓄意将政变计划向外透露，使其流产。 这就是所谓的“三月事件”。 永田铁山当时起草了一份代号“小说”的政变宣言。他把这份宣言放在他的正式文件内。事件流产后，却怎么也找不着那份文件了。他不知道是调查人员悄悄拿走了它，呈报在当时的陆相荒木贞夫大将的办公桌前。 永田的“小说”在荒木陆相的手中微微发抖。这个东西牵涉到天皇裕仁。荒木早就知道裕仁与永田10年前在欧洲建立起来的那种亲密关系。 所以他再未往上呈报，也未将它归入陆军档案，而是悄悄将它放进了自己的保险柜。荒木从20世纪20年代初就开始搜集与天皇有关的各种秘密资料。直到他1967年去世，这些档案都妥善地保存在他身边。他曾透露说，档案中的每一页都已经影印，影印件都已加封，由另一位可靠的朋友保存。如他遭遇不测而死，这些文件将被启封，其内容将予散布。所以直至最终他平安地死去，珍藏这些档案的保险柜仍保存在荒木家中，天皇也奈何不得。 现在他把这发炮弹给了真崎甚三郎大将。永田的宣言证明天皇本人与三月事件有牵连。真崎深知这份杀手锏的分量。他在会议上大叫：“现在的阴谋也是由三月事件的人制造的。统制派已经破坏了纪律和在陆军中引起混乱。我们向天神保证清除陆军中不良分子的誓言必须实现。会议的第一个议题就是清除统制派！” 永田铁山4年前写的“小说”变成了一发炮弹，由真崎甚三郎装进炮膛了。它将证明出卖天皇的，恰恰是那个自以为天皇亲信的永田铁山。 这真是一发重磅炮弹。“三羽乌”中的头号人物、被称为日本陆军中最具头脑的人物永田铁山被轰得粉碎。 三长官会议结束第二天，相泽中佐就出现在于永田铁山的办公室。 即使这时，他还不知道天皇已经没有任何一件事情再委托他去办了。 永田忍耐着，不动声色。他本身就是“下克上”的好手，非常明白这些“下”的心劲和能量。他们的力量，都来源于他们背后那些人。 永田对相泽说，他感谢相泽关心国家利益，但对罢免真崎之事不清楚。总之是为了维护陆军的纪律。最后他以那种不拘礼节的伙伴式态度亲自送相泽中佐出门。 反身回来的永田铁山立即调来相泽的档案。迅速看过之后，以陆军省军务局长的身份下令，调相泽三郎中佐赴驻台湾的日军服役。 相泽三郎很快就接到了调令。但他没有返回部队，而是立刻启程前往四百多公里外的大阪，去见他的老上司东久迩宫中将。 没有任何一个外人知道这次谈话的内容。 相泽与东久迩宫谈话后，便直趋东京。 这个方向与调令命令他前往的方向完全相反。 他先见真崎甚三郎大将。自称办事比天皇还公平的真崎手法十分隐讳。他对相泽说：“如果你想杀人，就对字垣将军插上一刀。就是他在1931年搞了三月阴谋，才开始把局面弄得这样糟。” 相泽又见了东久迩宫的兄弟、另一个皇室贵族近卫师团长朝香宫中将。这位日后指挥南京大屠杀的朝香宫与相泽又进行了一番无人知晓的秘密谈话。完后朝香宫去皇宫，称有急事，要私下谒见天皇。而且要求不能有外人在场，和天皇“绝对秘密地在一起待几分钟”。 连天皇的表弟北白川宫也不能在旁边。 永田铁山连自己也不知道以前搞过多少阴谋，现在阴谋却搞到他的头上来了。 8月5日，陆相林铣一郎奇怪地派人劝说永田铁山离职，出国旅行。 事情很明显，天平上这块砝码已失去作用，要被抛出去了。 永田断然拒绝离职出国。14年来在陆军内部他充当天皇裕仁的重要耳目，出谋划策搞垮长州藩，集合了一群忠于天皇的少壮军人，参与夺取满洲和镇压国内反叛者，他不相信自己会出事。 8月12日早上，相泽三郎到达陆军省。在接待处，他提出要见山冈重厚陆军少将。山冈是永田组织一夕会的得力伙伴，但现在不再得力了。山冈现在是陆军省军备局局长，皇道派的重要分子，与军务局长永田的统制派势不两立。山冈本人还有一个嗜好，崇拜附在古代武士刀剑上的鬼魂。他本人收集了一百多把古代刀剑，并且负责制定条令，规定日本军官都要备一把指挥刀，并在出席一切公开仪式时佩带。他先让神情紧张的相泽坐下，然后派一人去探听永田铁山是否在办公室。 听差回来报告，永田在他的办公室里。山冈立即送相泽出门，并告诉他该走的方向。 军务局是陆军省最大的一个局。相泽竟然顺利地穿过若干个办公室，没有通报姓名就突然出现在永田铁山的面前。 永田正在和东京的秘密警察头子新见大佐谈话，他只来得及大喝一声：“干什么？”相泽已经嗖的一声抽出了指挥刀。 永田铁山只来得及跳起身来，躲过第一刀。没有等他冲到门口，相泽的第二刀已经砍在他的背上，鲜血涌流。乘新见大佐想阻止相泽的同时，他用力去开门，还想夺路而逃，无奈已经双膝瘫软，身不由己。相泽的第三刀从跪在地上的永田后背穿过，直透前胸。他胸口的鲜血就像那面旭日旗上的旭日。不同的是一把闪着寒光的钢刀从中穿过。曾是天皇亲信中亲信的永田铁山，像一个用旧了而被抛掉的弃物，几分钟内一命呜呼。 当侍从长本庄繁向天皇报告永田遇刺时，裕仁眼睛看着别处，首先表示非常遗憾，接着说：“我今天照常游泳，你说行吗？” 作为天皇，裕仁从来不在意他的工具。 1933年下半年，曾任关东军司令的本庄繁侍从长向裕仁诉说，宫中没有建立一块纪念碑，以表彰在满洲的阵亡者；士兵们觉得陛下午后不理国事，乘船到相模湾采集海洋生物标本，是一种冷漠行为。裕仁心平气和地把本庄带到一艘旧游艇上解释：从爱国角度讲，没有钱建造毫无意义的纪念碑。倘若没有天皇本人日积月累的观测，海军水文局就不可能修正海图，将来某一天，日本的战舰就会弄错相模湾的深度。 1934年11月，裕仁去视察长野县两所学校。为皇家车队带路的保安警察不小心走错了路，将天皇带到了另一所学校。结果文部大臣没有在场。学校的教职员也没有作好准备。场面尴尬。几分钟后，那个带路的警察自杀了。明显不高兴的天皇说，他并不在意，不过倒是打扰了学校。 “多么宽宏大量呀！”天皇的侍从武官长本庄在日记中写道。 那个倒霉的警察，不过是一只蚂蚁。 相泽三郎不知道这些。知道了，也许就不做刺客了。 他的刺杀行为受到天皇两个长辈的鼓动。朝香宫曾私下觐见天皇，弄清楚了行动完将会平安无事。所以胸有成竹的相泽杀完人以后，并不急于逃跑，而是首先到医务室包扎流血的手指。完后他说必须立刻返回驻福山的部队，以执行被他杀死的永田铁山的命令，收拾行装前往台湾。 使他大感意外的是，秘密警察迅速将他扣押。 “三羽乌”是弃物，刺客就不是了吗？ 无怪天皇那个最善于玩弄阴谋的叔辈东久迩宫对相泽的评价是：这是一个思想简单的人。 所谓昭和维新，不过是让复杂的人做复杂的工具，简单的人做简单的工具而已。 永田铁山被刺杀的表面原因是天皇及其小集团同三月事件有牵连的证据被泄漏。更深一层的原因，则是永田铁山已经显露一些迹象，在对华战争问题上同天皇分道扬镳。他到底主张什么样的政策，却来不及说出了。 永田铁山先是天皇的敲门砖，后来便成为了绊脚石。 敲门砖敲开了门后，就是绊脚石。 在永田铁山的葬礼仪式中，皇族、陆军参谋总长闲院宫元帅送来悼文，称颂永田是一个具有超凡天才的人，堪称表率。 优质工具的表率。 14年前在巴登巴登浴室给永田点烟的东条英机，从驻扎南方九州岛的第二十四旅团司令部特地请假前来东京吊唁。从此以后直到1948年他被绞死为止，他每月给永田的遗孀小额津贴。 陆相林铣十郎被迫辞职。天皇裕仁训戒新陆相的第一句话就是：“陆军必须是天皇的陆军。”然后是：“天皇本人意欲亲自监督一切外交事务及军事工作，因此，在作一切决定之前先要向他禀奏。” 只有人为日本战车加速、再也无人敢为它减速了。 1935年8月是一个多事之月。华北危机爆发。法肯豪森为蒋介石草拟《应付时局对策》。永田铁山被刺身亡。王明代表中共中央在共产国际七大上发表《为抗日救国告全体同胞书》，即《八一宣言》。 日本法西斯、德国法西斯在迫使世界发生改变。 共产国际和苏联在变。 蒋介石的国民党在变。 力量在重新趋向联合，利益在重新开始交换。 外界发生的这一切，唯独仍然苦行于雪山草地的中央红军和红四方面军毫不知晓。准备开始长征的红二、六军团也不知晓。 蒋介石要红军做“石达开第二”、红军17勇士抢渡安顺场、22勇士夺占泸定桥的时候，王明正在苏联基斯洛沃德斯克疗养。 除了看到少量的外电报道，知道那些红色火种依然在顽强燃烧之外，他根本不知道红军的准确位置在哪里。在即将召开的国际七大上，中共代表团的“苏区代表”是一直待在莫斯科的周和生（即高自立）。周和生的发言由王明、康生领导炮制，说“今天苏区占有土地有二百多万平方公里，人口有5600万”，“现时的红军有50万人，此外还有一百多万人加入了游击队。红军击退了帝国主义者、军阀和国民党的六次'围剿'，挫败了法西斯将军冯·塞克特领导下精心制订的计划，进军3000公里，英勇地完成了捍卫苏维埃的任务”。除夸大其词外，根本谈不上实事求是。 这种不实事求是似乎已经成为王明的一种理念。他费力地要用这种虚假的东西去粉饰什么，去掩盖什么，去获取什么。 有些时候变本加厉到令人作呕的地步。 1937年底王明回国前，与王稼祥等人一起去见斯大林。王稼祥回忆说：“当我进入斯大林办公室时，我被介绍说，这是不久才从陕北来到莫斯科的。斯大林就问红军有多少人？我说，在陕北约3万人。王明就插上来说是30万。因为俄文中没有'万'字，而是说30千或300千。斯大林就说，重要的是红军每个战士都是真正的战斗员，而不是吃粮的。” 斯大林晚年犯有严重错误。人们说他被捧得太高了。是否也被骗得太深了呢？周围有多少个王明，在拼命夸大每一分成绩，拼命掩盖每一个缺陷？ 也不能说王明一件好事没办。 他办的最出名的好事，就是疗养