Chapter 4 Chapter 3 Magma

Chiang Kai-shek was not Sun Yat-sen's chosen successor, nor was Mao Zedong the official leader of the Communist International.The Communist International asked Chiang Kai-shek to give a report, but issued an obituary to Mao Zedong.Chiang Kai-shek ran magazines, and Mao Zedong ran newspapers, both from the pen to the gun.Chiang Kai-shek started with Whampoa, Mao Zedong started with Jinggangshan.Mao Zedong met Chiang Kai-shek through the barrel of a gun, and Chiang Kai-shek also met Mao Zedong through the barrel of a gun. There is an old saying in China that the times make heroes. One more sentence should be added: "Heroes still need to know the situation."

On October 10, 1911, Sun Yat-sen took a train and was on his way from the west coast of the United States to the central and eastern parts of the country to collect donations.Before leaving, I received a telegram from Huang Xing from Hong Kong.Because the cipherbook was already in the luggage and the translation could not be taken out, the content of the telegram was not known until after getting off the car in Denver and taking out the luggage. Huang Xing informed that Lu Zhiyi, a member of the Wuchang Revolutionary Party, reported to Hong Kong: "The new army must move, please send money quickly, and go to host."

The tired Sun Yat-sen gently put the telegram aside.He did not know how many armed riots and uprisings led by the revolutionaries in his life, but none of them succeeded.What I did over and over again was to try to bury the remains of the martyrs after failure, appease the orphans of the martyrs, and then write one after another sacrificial text with grief and indignation.Now he's running around fundraising, and no sense has ever made him realize that the goal he's pursued for decades is close at hand. There is no money to remit, let alone go to host, this is his first thought after reading the telegram.I wanted to call Huang Xing back immediately and ask the Wuchang New Army not to move for the time being, but because it was late at night and the journey was very tiring, I decided to call back the next morning.

The next day I slept until 11 o'clock.Get up and go to the restaurant to eat, buy a newspaper in the corridor to read in the dining room.He unfolded it as he walked, and immediately saw a special telegram in bold bold letters that made his blood stop flowing: the revolutionaries occupied Wuchang. The Revolution of 1911 broke out. Later, someone said that when Sun Yat-sen saw the news, the glass in his hand fell and broke, and the milk in the glass spilled all over the floor.Whether it is true or not, there is no doubt about this point: the shock he suffered at that time is by no means what we can imagine today.

The Chinese feudal dynasty, which lasted for more than two thousand years, collapsed from then on. Although it was he who laid the foundation for the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty with his unremitting efforts, he not only failed to participate in the most decisive and only successful Wuchang uprising, but almost called to stop it. In July 1921, the first congress of the Communist Party of China was held in Shanghai.Thus was born the world's largest party, which has now grown to more than 70 million members.However, it is quite regrettable to the history of the party, to future generations, and to those large photos of representatives of the "big one" in the Revolutionary Museum. Neither "South Chen and North Li", the two backbone figures of the CCP's founding party, attended the event. .

At that time, Chen Duxiu was the chairman of the Education Committee of the Guangdong Government and the principal of the university preparatory school under Chen Jiongming. The reason for not attending was that he was fighting for a sum of money to build the school building. Once he left, the money would be difficult to handle. Li Dazhao was the director of the library of Peking University at that time. The reason for not attending was that Peking University was at the end of the academic year and it was difficult to get away from the busy school affairs. Both were busy at the time.But comparing their reason with the CCP's historical status as a "big one" is undoubtedly comparing sesame seeds with watermelons.

What is history?This is history. Not ideal, but real history. It's not demanding on the predecessors.The Wuchang Uprising did not necessarily succeed once it was launched.Its success, after all, there are many other factors.During the period of drastic changes in old China, as many organizations were formed every day as there were disbanded organizations, and the "South Chen North Li" cannot be forced to foresee the new China 28 years later. Ordinary people can also feel the quantitative changes in front of them.But in many cases, great men cannot immediately perceive the qualitative changes that will appear or have already occurred.

So Sun Yat-sen had regrets facing the Revolution of 1911.Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao also had the regret of facing the "big one" of the CCP. There are exceptions. On June 16, 1917 (June 3 in the Russian calendar), the First Congress of the All-Russian Soviet of Engineers and Soldiers was held in Petrograd.Of more than 1,000 delegates, 770 declared their party affiliation: Socialist-Revolutionaries, 285; Mensheviks, 248; Bolsheviks, 105th. The Bolsheviks made up less than 10% of the representatives, the smallest number.Tsereteli, the Menshevik party member and Minister of Posts and Telecommunications of the Provisional Government, declared loudly at the meeting that in Russia, no political party dared to control the entire political power alone and be responsible for the future destiny of the country.

A man of short stature and piercing eyes stood up from the representative seat and replied loudly: "There is such a party!" The answer was the leader of the Bolsheviks, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. The only person in Russia who dared to answer in this way was Lenin. China has Mao Zedong.Perhaps Chiang Kai-shek felt that he was one of them. On July 30, 1924, Chiang Kai-shek gave a speech to the first batch of students of the Whampoa Military Academy.He said in an unquestionable tone: "Who can come up with a doctrine to save China? Apart from the Three People's Principles of the prime minister of our party, is there a second doctrine that can save China? If there is no Three People's Principles, our How to eliminate the danger in China, how to build our country, we are desperately going for the revolution, and where to start. Thinking about it this way, it is almost insane. People like me may have died long ago because of the insanity. Unknown."

Chiang Kai-shek lived until he was 88 years old and did not die from a mental illness.If this is the case, how many excellent leaders of the Communist Party of China will be able to save from the butcher knife? On January 5, 1930, Mao Zedong wrote to Lin Biao, a graduate of the fourth phase of the Whampoa Military Academy and the commander of the first column of the Fourth Red Army: "But the upsurge of the Chinese revolution that I said is coming is by no means "coming soon" as some people say. "possibility" is an empty thing that has no action meaning at all, and is elusive. It is a ship standing on the coast and looking at the sea, and the tip of the mast can already be seen. It is standing on the top of a high mountain. Looking at the morning sun in the east, which is already radiant and ready to burst out, it is a baby that is about to mature restlessly in the mother's womb."

This is the famous article that foresees the future of the Chinese revolution: "A single spark can start a prairie fire". Russia's Lenin and China's Mao Zedong both showed bold and irrepressible confidence in their careers and missions. Lenin's self-confidence comes from his grasp of the laws of the development of human society and from his perspective on the past and the future. In April 1917, when Lenin returned to China, he shouted the slogan "Long live the socialist revolution" at the welcome meeting at the railway station.At that time, the February Revolution had just succeeded, and the provisional government had just been established. Both inside and outside the party were inconceivable about this slogan, and suspected that Lenin had made a "Left" error that surpassed the stage of revolutionary development. "Pravda" stated: "We cannot accept Comrade Lenin's general formula, because it starts from the conclusion that the bourgeois-democratic revolution is over and expects the immediate transformation of this revolution into a socialist revolution." But Lenin hit the mark. Six months later, the October Revolution that shook the world broke out. When Chiang Kai-shek held a murderous gun barrel in his hand and the chamber was full of murderous bullets, he was full of ambitions for his party and himself. On the sixth day after the "April 12" counter-revolutionary incident in 1927, in the "Letter to the National Comrades of the Kuomintang", in addition to stating that "the great task is to save China", he also uttered the famous saying that was widely circulated: the party is here, When the country is alive, I am also there; when the party is dead, the country is dead, and I am also dead. However, Mao Zedong did not put on a sharp serge military uniform, face the queues standing in the audience and the forest of bayonets, so that he could speak with confidence.His courage and self-confidence come from his deep understanding of the land of China.Even when he was just a poor student wandering around Juzizhou, he dared to declare: The world is our world, the country is our country, and the society is our society.If we don't talk, who will?If we don't do it, who will do it? Both Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong, who were confident and confident, had never met Lenin. In September 1923, Chiang Kai-shek led the "Dr. Sun Yat-sen delegation" to visit the Soviet Union, and Lenin was seriously ill. “I am deeply sorry to hear that Lenin, the leader of the Russian Revolutionary Party and the creator of the Soviet Republic, was ill from overwork and could not meet with him,” Chiang Kai-shek later wrote regretfully.It was his great regret not to see Lenin. Mao Zedong did not visit the Soviet Union for the first time until after the founding of New China. When he laid a wreath at the Lenin Mausoleum in Moscow's Red Square on January 11, 1950, Lenin had been dead for 26 years.Before Mao Zedong became a Marxist, he greatly admired the "Millions of Lenin's Party Members" who "had doctrine (Boer's committee member Kosm), had opportunities (Russia's defeat), were prepared, and had a truly reliable party". Great admiration for Lenin. Like Lenin, Chiang Kai-shek and Mao Zedong, who had never met Lenin, both ran magazines and newspapers with great enthusiasm. When Lenin's exile in Siberia ended in 1900, he immediately set to work on an idea that had been brewing during his years of exile: to create a newspaper that would serve as an organizational center for uniting the Russian underground revolutionaries.Soon the revolutionary elite gathered in the editorial board: Lenin, Plekhanov, Martov, Potresov, Axelrod, Zasulich.Two years later two later big names were added: Trotsky and Kamenev.On the first issue of the newspaper in Leipzig, Germany, a poem from the Decembrists’ reply to Pushkin was used as the masthead inscription: “A single spark can ignite into a raging flame!” So the newspaper was named "Iskra". The poem written by the Russian Decembrists to Pushkin is translated today as "a single spark starts a prairie fire". Afterwards, these newspaper publishers were divided several times, and the raging flames of the October Revolution really ignited on the land of Russia. Lenin founded "Iskra" in Germany at the age of 30. Chiang Kai-shek founded "Junsheng Magazine" in Japan at the age of 26, and wrote his own words for the publication.At that time, Tsarist Russia induced the autonomy of Outer Mongolia, and Jiang was very indignant. He wrote "Suggestions on the Battle of Mongolia" and "The Fundamental Solution of the Mongolian-Tibetan Problem" and other articles, saying that conquering Tibet is not as good as conquering Mongolia, and being soft to Russia is not as good as soft Britain; studying diplomacy and military affairs, I really think "Raise a group of people, and take Pingmeng as the foundation of your career." When Mao Zedong founded Xiangjiang Review in Changsha, he was also 26 years old. He also wrote his own manifesto: "What is the biggest problem in the world? The biggest problem is food. What is the strongest? The power of the people's unity is the strongest. Don't be afraid of what? Don't be afraid of the sky. Don’t be afraid of ghosts, don’t be afraid of the dead, don’t be afraid of bureaucrats, don’t be afraid of warlords, don’t be afraid of capitalists.” They all search for the truth with all their heart and soul.They are all very confident, and what they hold in their hands is the truth.There is no lack of profound understanding of history, and no lack of careful arrangements for the future.Both are extraordinary leaders for their respective parties. Since human beings are divided into classes, the core of class is political party. At the heart of a political party is the leader. What is the core of leadership? It is will, and thought. Some leaders provide will, and some leaders provide ideas.That is why Lenin said that a leading group is needed. But Lenin himself provided both will and thought. So did Mao Zedong. Chiang Kai-shek provided only the will for his party.It was Sun Yat-sen who provided the idea. On this point alone, Jiang is no match. Marx, Einstein and Freud are considered to be the three giants of thought who have had a decisive impact on the contemporary world. All three are Jewish. There were also two Jews from the Communist International and the Soviet Union who had a great influence on the Chinese revolution: Borodin and Mif.Borodin found Chiang Kai-shek in the Kuomintang, and Miff found Wang Ming in the Communist Party. The two people who were discovered are therefore in high positions in their respective political parties. Many people thought that Chiang Kai-shek was Sun Yat-sen's chosen successor. So it is said that the successor was chosen wrong. Chiang Kai-shek also often regarded himself as "the only successor to the prime minister".The reason is said to be that Sun Yat-sen called "Jieshi" in his mouth when he was dying; It is a pity that this statement comes from the "First Draft of Chiang Kai-shek's Chronicle" revised by Chiang Kai-shek himself. The memory of Li Rong, the bodyguard in front of Sun Yat-sen's bed who never left Sun Yat-sen's bed, was: (March 11) until 8:30 p.m., (Sun) never spoke privately. At one o'clock in the morning on the 12th, he kept silent. At 4:30, there was only one call of "Da Ling", and another call of "Jingwei" at 6:30, and it was extended to 9:30 in the morning. A great man of a generation passed away and returned to heaven. The dying Sun Yat-sen called Soong Ching Ling and Wang Jingwei, but he did not call Chiang Kai-shek. Sun Yat-sen died in March 1925.On July 1 of that year, the National Government of the Republic of China was established in Guangzhou.The so-called "the only successor to the Prime Minister" Chiang Kai-shek was neither a member of the Standing Committee, a member of the Nationalist Government, nor a member of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee, nor even an alternate member. He was just a figure with little influence. Sun Yat-sen did not designate his successor until his deathbed. Chiang Kai-shek met Sun Yat-sen when he was introduced by Chen Qimei in Tokyo in 1905.However, Sun Yat-sen relied on Huang Xing and Chen Qimei as military talents, followed by Zhu Zhixin, Deng Keng, Ju Zheng, Xu Chongzhi and Chen Jiongming.When Chen Qimei was martyred, Sun Yat-sen said "I lost my Great Wall"; when Zhu Zhixin died of illness, Sun Yat-sen said "I lost my left and right hands"; , as the Yingshi after the second year of the Republic of China, I trust those who trusted Keqiang and Yingshi at that time." He is not relying on Chiang Kai-shek.So for a long time, he did not appoint Chiang to any important military post. It was the first time that Jiang showed his military ability in front of Sun Yat-sen. It was when he wrote a letter stating the situation in the European War and the strategy of the anti-Yuan struggle, which made Sun Yat-sen pay attention to him.During Chen Jiongming's tenure in the Ministry, Chiang Kai-shek even presented Sun Yat-sen with opinions such as "Judgment on the Actions of the North and South Armies in the Future" and "The Second Phase of the Cantonese Army's Operation Plan", which only made Sun Yat-sen feel that he was a good staff officer, nothing more. Therefore, most of Sun Yat-sen's appointments to Chiang Kai-shek were chief of staff, joining the army and other positions that did not hold actual power.Jiang successively served as chief of staff of Juzheng, joined the army at the Presidential Palace of Sun Yat-sen, director of the combat department of Chen Jiongming, chief of staff of Xu Chongzhi, and chief of staff of Generalissimo Sun Yat-sen's battalion. It was Chen Jiongming who appreciated Chiang Kai-shek first.He found that this person's talents were by no means limited to the staff.Chiang Kai-shek worked as the director of the combat department in the Chen Department for a while, and he wanted to resign. Chen Jiongming tried his best to persuade Jiang to stay, saying to Chiang that "the Guangdong army can be defeated a hundred times, but it cannot be without a brother." Chen Jiongming was right.In the end, he was really defeated by Chiang Kai-shek. Chiang Kai-shek and Chen Jiongming have a good relationship. In April 1922, Chen Jiongming prepared to rebel and resigned to Sun Yat-sen as Commander-in-Chief of the Guangdong Army and Governor of Guangdong.Sun Yat-sen approved.Chiang Kai-shek didn't know Chen Yi, and wanted to find Sun Yat-sen to intercede for Chen.If not, he resigned.On the boat back to Shanghai, he also wrote a letter to Chen Jiongming: "Zhongzheng and I are in trouble together. It is not a day. They are thousands of miles away, and our voices are connected." But as soon as Chen Jiongming rebelled, Chiang immediately abandoned his friendship with Chen and sided with Sun Yat-sen. It was precisely because of Chen Jiongming's rebellion that Sun Yat-sen left a deep impression on Chiang Kai-shek for the first time.He later wrote in the preface of "President Sun's Difficulties in Guangzhou": "Jieshi went to the Cantonese man-ship when he was in trouble, and he served the rest of the day. He made a lot of plans, and he was happy to live and die with Yu and the navy." Sun Yat-sen had a headache for Chiang Kai-shek's character and way of doing things. Chiang Kai-shek has a bad temper and often has tense relations with the people around him; he often resigns and quits, and leaves without approval, and he will not be called back by anyone who sends a telegram. In October 1922, Sun Yat-sen appointed Chiang as Xu Chongzhi's chief of staff.In just over a month, Chiang resigned and returned home on the grounds of "no progress in the military". Sun Yat-sen sent Liao Zhongkai to hold his handbook, but he could not stay. In June 1923, Sun Yat-sen appointed Jiang as the chief of staff of the Generalissimo's battalion.Jiang had been in office for less than a month, and he resigned and returned to Xikou on the grounds that he would not suffer from "the calamity of siege". At the beginning of 1924, Sun Yat-sen appointed Jiang as the chairman of the preparatory committee of the Whampoa Military Academy; just one month later, Jiang resigned as the chairman of the preparatory committee on the grounds that "there was no funding". In September, he resigned as the principal of the military academy. From July 1918, when he resigned as the director of the combat department of Chen Jiongming, to September 1924, when he resigned as the principal of Whampoa Military Academy, in the six years, Chiang Kai-shek resigned and returned to his post as many as 14 times. Sun Yat-sen tolerated Chiang Kai-shek's successive resignations, but he could not bear his resignation from the Whampoa Military Academy.It was Marin who suggested to Sun Yat-sen in 1921 to establish a military academy and establish a revolutionary armed force. After the signing of the "Sun Wen Yuefei Declaration" in 1923, Yuefei also stated that Soviet Russia would provide funds, weapons and trainers to help establish a military academy.Sun Yat-sen struggled in the revolution for decades, suffered from the loss of not having his own armed force, and dreamed of building this armed force.Until the possibility of realizing it in his later years, Chiang Kai-shek frequently gave up his picks and quit, which really hurt his heart a lot.He was deeply disappointed in Chiang Kai-shek. Chiang Kai-shek, who has always had great military power, did not know the importance of the Whampoa Military Academy.What he was really dissatisfied with was not just "the lack of funding", but that Sun Yat-sen did not appoint him as a representative at the "National Congress" of the Kuomintang in January 1924, and the provincial party headquarters did not elect him. For this conference, he didn't even get an admission ticket. On November 13, 1924, Sun Yat-sen set off for the north.The history of the Kuomintang party records that two days before going north, "the prime minister ordered the (Whampoa) new army to be renamed the party army, and Jiang Zhongzheng was appointed as the military secretary."This was Sun Yat-sen's last post to Chiang Kai-shek.Sun Yat-sen did not give any letters or instructions to Chiang Kai-shek within 4 months from the time he went north to his death. Chiang Kai-shek recalled in Taiwan in November 1963: "I joined the party at the age of 21; the prime minister did not summon me until I was 27 years old. Although the prime minister continued to teach me and asked me to take on some important jobs, I I have never asked the Prime Minister for any position, and the Prime Minister has never appointed me any public and noble position. I was not elected as a member of the Central Committee until I was 40 years old. I started to join the party and served as a member of the party's Central Committee. It’s been almost 20 years since…” The words are full of the misfortunes and grievances of the year. Sun Yat-sen never sent Chiang to any public and high-level post, who sent Chiang to any public and high-level post? Chiang Kai-shek's rise to power will be a work of modern history in terms of its inevitability.As far as its contingency is concerned, it should be attributed to the Soviet adviser Borodin. He was the first to push Chiang Kai-shek to the peak of power. Borodin is also an enigma.None of the Comintern or Soviet revolutionaries sent to China could creatively carry out the instructions of the Comintern and Stalin as he did; nor could any one exert such a great influence on the course of the Chinese revolution as he did . He was a veteran revolutionary, born in Latvia, and successively joined the revolutionary movements in Russia, Spain, Mexico, the United States, Britain and China.His life is a legend. From July 30 to August 23, 1903, the Second National Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party was held in Brussels and London.A total of 57 representatives attended the meeting.There are 43 people with voting rights, and a special case is that 8 of them have the power of two votes, so the actual total number of votes in the assembly is 51 votes. These numbers are dull and difficult to remember, but they have great significance for the 20th century. When the 22nd meeting was discussing the first article of the draft party constitution concerning party members, a split occurred. Lenin's draft proposed that "anyone who recognizes the party program, helps the party materially and joins an organization of the party" can become a member; It is enough to "always personally assist the party under the leadership of a party organization", and it is not necessary to join a party organization. Differences arise from this.After lengthy debate, Lenin's draft was rejected by 23 votes to 28. It was Martov, not Lenin, who first seized the majority.In every subsequent debate at the Congress, Martov won by a large margin. It was not until the twenty-seventh meeting, when a subcommittee brought the question of the status of the "Bund" to the General Assembly, that a change took place.Five Bund delegates angrily withdrew from the Congress because their autonomy was denied.Two representatives of the "Economists" believed that their organization "Russian Social-Democrats Abroad Federation" did not exist after the conference, and they had no reason to attend the conference and left the conference venue. Seven delegates left suddenly, leaving only 44 votes in total.What is even more dramatic is that the 7 lost votes were all Martov's! Another representative changed his attitude temporarily. Lenin's votes rose from 23 to 24, Martov's fell from 28 to 20; Lenin immediately secured a firm majority of 24 to 20. The instantaneous reversal in the process of the General Assembly is a historic reversal. What Western historians call "Lenin's Twenty-Four" controlled the Congress. After the Congress, Lenin's faction called themselves "Bolsheviks" (majority faction) and Martov's faction "Mensheviks" (minority faction).With a difference of four votes, two political factions that shocked the world were born.Dictionaries in various languages ​​have to add two brand new political terms based on the translated sounds. A history of world revolution will be rewritten. The "Bund", which played a key role in the formation of the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, comes from the Jewish word Bund, which means "alliance", and its full name is "General Union of Jewish Workers of Lithuania, Poland and Russia".It was the largest workers' organization in Russia to promote Marxism in the early days.Martov was a leading member of the early Bund organization. In 1900, a 16-year-old Jewish youth named Mikhail Markovich Grusenberg joined the organization. In 1903, the year when Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were born due to the withdrawal of the "Bund", the 19-year-old Grusenberg also quit the "Bund" and voted for Lenin's Bolsheviks. Grusenberg is Borodin. Borodin was introduced to Sun Yat-sen by Galakhan, the Soviet representative in China. Sun Yat-sen said that among the members of the Communist International he had met, the person who impressed him the most and admired him the most was Borodin.He called Borodin "an incomparable man". Garakhan did not ask Borodin to reform the Kuomintang.Borodin also did not expect that the first thing he did in China, which was also the most far-reaching thing later, was to preside over the transformation of the Kuomintang. Before Borodin, the KMT could not be counted as a party politically, organizationally and theoretically.It has no program, no organization, no statutes, no elections, no regular meetings, and it doesn't even know how many members it has.It is said that there are 30,000, but only 3,000 are registered.The party fee is 6000 again.To join the party, one had to pledge allegiance to Sun Yat-sen personally, but even Sun Yat-sen couldn't figure out how many "party members" there were and who these party members were. Borodin told Sun Yat-sen that, as an organized force, the Kuomintang did not exist. Sun Yat-sen was greatly shocked.No one had ever said that to him before.He is already preparing to reform the Kuomintang. A series of documents such as the "Party Program of the Chinese Kuomintang" have also been drafted.But in the past, Sun Yat-sen relied on his own party's strength to reorganize the party many times, but all had little effect.This time he favored Borodin.He told Borodin that the old party members were no good, but the new ones were all right.Sun Yat-sen made up his mind to "take Russia as a teacher", relying on Borodin, and using the experience of the Soviet Russian proletarian party to reform the Kuomintang. Borodin was running at high speed like a delicate and indefatigable machine.In strict accordance with the organizational model of the Russian Communist Party, relying on the Chinese Communists and the left wing of the Kuomintang, he began a complete transformation of the Kuomintang.The crucial "big manifesto" of the first National Congress of the Kuomintang was drafted by Borodin, a Bolshevik, translated by Qu Qiubai, a member of the Communist Party of China, and polished by Wang Jingwei, a member of the Kuomintang. Nearly 40 years after Borodin's death, Taiwan's Lee Teng-hui became chairman of the Kuomintang.Senior Western critics said that Lee Teng-hui made the Kuomintang completely abandon Lenin's party building model.Many of us were surprised to hear that.They never knew that the Kuomintang, which has been shouting "Down with the Communist Party" every day for decades, actually used Lenin's model to build the party. Everyone who met Borodin was impressed by him.He was sharp-eyed, thoughtful, and deeply personal.He kept his pipe in his hand when he spoke, was extremely sensitive to everything, and no matter what kind of reporters he faced, he could conquer them with his foresight.As long as he appears, he can control the people present and become their center.Soviet adviser Cherepanov recalled that Borodin was able to see the historical significance of partial phenomena, and was able to synthesize the development trend of the situation from a series of extensive and intertwined events, while others could only see the historical significance of these events. Can feel dazzled. This is what makes him most attractive. He also pays great attention to Chinese traditions, customs and etiquette.His room does not hang a portrait of Lenin, only a portrait of Sun Yat-sen.Those who came into contact with him will never forget his extraordinary temperament and ability to conquer the audience.His ability to coordinate different factions is extremely strong.As long as he is here, all the forces in Guangzhou can basically live in peace.People from all factions are willing to discuss with him to solve their problems, and he can always come up with appropriate solutions to make people leave satisfactorily.Over time, his residence naturally formed a center of people coming and going. Li Zongren recalled that people were proud to sit in Bao's mansion at that time. Borodin brought a breath of fresh air to Guangzhou.His style deeply infected the audience around him.His fame spread throughout the Far East.Revolutionaries called him the "Lenin" of Guangzhou.The Shanghai Concession called him a "red beast" of the "red capital".Western critics say that he is repeating the history of the Russian Revolution in Guangdong. Even Song Meiling was overwhelmed by Borodin's personal style. She later recalled that Borodin stood out among the audience and that as soon as he entered the room you could hear his clear, unhurried baritone voice; he spoke English without a Russian accent, very close to American Central dialect. Later, Chiang Kai-shek turned his face, and the whole country wanted Borodin to be arrested. Soong Meiling still said that Borodin was an extraordinary figure. Zhou Enlai also has the demeanor of Borodin.His calmness in situations, his calm composure on difficult issues, his meticulousness in dealing with people, his ability to act quickly and long-term endurance, his ability to work effectively with people from different backgrounds and political opinions, and his meticulous attention to details , The work style that I often handle in person is very similar to what Borodin did back then. Such a shrewd Borodin was dazzled by Chiang Kai-shek after the death of Sun Yat-sen. At that time, if Chiang Kai-shek wanted to become a powerful figure, there were at least three obstacles in front of him: Minister of Military Xu Chongzhi, Minister of Foreign Affairs Hu Hanmin, and Minister of Finance Liao Zhongkai.From the general law, it is impossible for him to cross these obstacles.But the impossible happened within a few months. On August 20, 1925, Liao Zhongkai was assassinated in the Central Party Headquarters of the Kuomintang.On the same day, the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, the National Government Committee and the Military Committee held an emergency meeting, and all eyes were on Borodin. In the months after Sun Yat-sen's death, Borodin became the main figure in power in Canton.On the surface, all resolutions were jointly decided by several Kuomintang leaders, but Borodin actually had the final say.His power and influence in Guangzhou are in full swing.The upstairs of his residence is often filled with ministers of the Guangzhou government, the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang and Chinese Communists; downstairs is the busy world of translators: translating Chinese documents into English or Russian, and then translating English or Russian The instructions are translated into Chinese.The printing presses run around the clock, and all kinds of materials, reports, and instructions come out from here.Borodin has actually become the brain of the Kuomintang Central Committee. At this crucial meeting, he put forward a crucial suggestion: Wang Jingwei, Xu Chongzhi, and Chiang Kai-shek should form a special committee to grant political, military, and police powers. Borodin imagined that this was an organization similar to the Soviet Russian "Cheka", the purpose of which was to use special means to eliminate counter-revolutionaries.He himself serves as an advisor to the Special Committee. His proposals are actually resolutions.The proposal was adopted swiftly. Among the three members of the special committee that "granted political, military and police powers", Wang Jingwei himself was the chairman of the National Government, Xu Chongzhi was the military minister of the government, and only Chiang Kai-shek had never held a position higher than the chief of staff of the Guangdong Army and the principal of the Whampoa Military Academy , the first time he has gained such a great power. The magic bottle was first opened by Borodin. In fact, Borodin had been optimistic about Chiang Kai-shek before, and for this reason he had a big disagreement with General Galen, the chief military adviser. Galen believes that Xu Chongzhi should be used to cultivate a military force parallel to Huangpu, and should not be centered on a certain person or faction, so as to prevent problems before they happen.However, Borodin believed that Xu Chongzhi's Cantonese Army was an old army and was not worthy of great responsibility; while Chiang Kai-shek's Whampoa New Army was based on doctrine and was quite revolutionary in nature and could be a great leader. In July, when the national government was established, Galen proposed to prevent military dictatorship, and advocated the establishment of a military committee system, with Xu Chongzhi as the military leader; Borodin disagreed and supported Chiang Kai-shek.The differences between the two became increasingly serious, and only Moscow came out to adjudicate. Unbeknownst to General Galen, Borodin had met Stalin, five years his senior, in 1905 at the Bolshevik party conference in Tamerfoss, Finland.At that time Stalin was a Georgian youth named Koba Ivanovich Djugashvili, who, like Borodin from Latvia, attended such a meeting for the first time. The result of the ruling is self-evident: General Galen was transferred from Guangdong. A large part of Stalin's trust in Chiang Kai-shek was influenced by Borodin. General Galen, the military adviser, put forward considerations of considerable political significance, but Borodin, the political adviser, was blinded by Chiang Kai-shek's military talents at a critical moment and fell into the blind spot of his personal political vision.He personally handed over great power to Chiang Kai-shek. In response to an old Chinese saying: "A wise man has a thousand worries, and he must make a mistake." But this loss is too big and too critical, so that the "thousands of worries" that led to its success in the past were finally destroyed by this "one loss". Pasteur said that chance favors the prepared mind.Chiang Kai-shek made full preparations for this day.He has no hesitation in exercising the "political, military and police powers" that suddenly fell into his hands.The military machine was activated immediately, first targeting Xu Chongzhi who suppressed him several times. Taking advantage of the assassination of Liao Zhongkai, Chiang Kai-shek commanded the army to surround Xu Chongzhi's house, accusing him of being involved in the Liao case, and Xu Chongzhi fled to Shanghai in a hurry. Then there is Hu Hanmin.Hu Yisheng, Hu Hanmin's younger brother, had something to do with the Liao case. Hu Hanmin was first detained for interrogation, and then forced to go to the Soviet Union. Liao Zhongkai was buried grandly. In dealing with the Liao case, Chiang Kai-shek killed three birds with one stone.Three obstacles to the seizure of power were swept away. It took half a year for Borodin to realize that he had opened the magic bottle.After Xu, Hu, and Liao disappeared, he could no longer contain Chiang Kai-shek as he had thought. He helped Chiang Kai-shek take a decisive step to seize power. Borodin's emphasis on Chiang Kai-shek happened at the same time as his despise of the Chinese Communist Party, and each other was cause and effect.He once said very contemptuously that the Chinese Communist Party "only has 40 people in total" and that "the study of the Communist International theses translated into Chinese is their entire activity"; events such as strikes "temporarily throw it to the surface, otherwise it will Stay in your own little world, the Concession, and issue instructions from there afterwards”; he especially despises the Communist Party Central Committee in Shanghai.After working in China for three years, he not only changed the "KMT-Communist cooperation" into "Guo-Soviet cooperation", but he was also keen to push this kind of cooperation into cooperation with Sun Yat-sen, Wang Jingwei, and Chiang Kai-shek. Bargaining chips for dignitaries.On August 21, 1924, Sun Yat-sen convened the Second Plenary Session of the First Central Committee of the Kuomintang to discuss the "problem of tolerance of the Communist Party." Borodin even suggested to Sun Yat-sen that an "International Liaison Committee" be established to control the Chinese Communist Party.Chen Duxiu was furious when he heard the news, and immediately held an emergency meeting to pass a decision, and unceremoniously called Borodin: 1. Prohibit any debate on the Communist Party at the Kuomintang meeting, and will not recognize this debate; 2. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China refused Recognize the International Liaison Committee established under the Kuomintang to resolve issues between the two parties; 3. Instruct our comrades to take an offensive posture against counter-revolutionaries at the plenary session, and the time has come to shift from defense to offense. However, it was too late for this decision to reach Guangzhou.At the meeting, after Borodin and Qu Qiubai made a symbolic defense of the issue of the Communist Party group, they agreed to establish an international committee to supervise the relationship between the Communist International and the Communist Party.The resolution requires the Communist Party to publicly inform the Kuomintang of all persons related to the Kuomintang in its activities.Chen Duxiu was very angry when he learned of this result, and wrote to the Communist International several times in succession, expressing his resolute rejection of the resolutions of the Kuomintang Plenary Session, strongly condemning and resisting Borodin's compromise policy, especially his discussion of "acting alone" against the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, expressing "very Dissatisfied", asked the Comintern to warn Borodin and told him that he had no right to lead the work of the CCP organization in Guangdong. But Borodin was in full swing with Stalin, and the Communist International could only remain silent. The Soviet advisers in Guangzhou did not fully agree with Borodin's attitude of valuing the Kuomintang over the Communist Party.Ji Shanjia, who served as the general military adviser after Galen, said: "All the political achievements of the National Revolutionary Army should be fully attributed to the Communists. This is obvious even in the case of the Whampoa Military Academy. The Whampoa Military Academy is the one with the most Communists. place, and therefore the most stable part of the National Revolutionary Army." Borodin, who had driven Galen away, turned against Kisanya again.他说：“国民革命运动实际上是一种难以想象的复杂的阴谋勾当”，为此“需要玩弄权术”；鲍罗廷认为1926年初广州的革命形势是他个人以苏联军事援助为钓饵、依靠蒋介石和汪精卫的军政力量、在国民党上层“玩弄权术”的结果，并且以为自己完全控制了广州的局势。 1926年2月，鲍罗廷在北京向将赴广州的以布勃诺夫为团长联共政治局使团得意扬扬地说：“当你们去广州时，你们自己会确信，华南的思想势力范围乃是我们的影响……还有什么问题我们解决不了呢？一旦我们宣传什么，一旦我们提出什么建议，人们就会很认真地听取，并将我们的政策、我们的决定，以极大的成功希望来加以贯彻执行。”他十分有把握地说：“军队领导人已完全处在我们的影响之下”，蒋介石等四个军长“完全可靠”。 在鲍罗廷的主观意识主导下，联共中央政治局也认为，中国革命的任务是“强调作为民族解放思想最彻底最可靠的捍卫者的国民党的作用，并将其提到首要地位”，中共必须向国民党右派和中派让步。 但这位权术大师很快要开始尴尬了：他严重低估了蒋介石的能量。 埋葬了廖仲恺，赶走了胡汉民、许崇智后，蒋介石还剩下最后三个障碍：前台的国民政府主席汪精卫、后台的国民政府政治顾问鲍罗廷和心目中的死敌中国共产党。 下一个将是中山舰事件，又是一石三鸟。 蒋介石将这后一个一石三鸟推了7个月。国民党被鲍罗廷由一个松散的组织造就为一个虎虎有生气的组织，在这个组织的全部力量转到自己门下之前，它还需要鲍罗廷的力量和影响。鲍罗廷的话在汪、蒋、鲍三人之中，仍然起决定作用。西山会议派攻击他将鲍罗廷“禀为师保，凡政府一切重大计议，悉听命于鲍”，“甚至关于党政一切重要会议，概由鲍召集于其私寓，俨然形成一太上政府”；他不但不在意，反而说作为总司令，只有法国福煦元帅的地位可同鲍罗廷相比。他反复引用孙中山曾说过的话：鲍罗廷的意见就是他的意见。因此，追随鲍罗廷就是追随孙中山。 他相当客观地把他的擢升归于鲍罗廷的政治提拔及俄国武器装备和军事顾问。 他在等待时机。 时机来临了。 第二次东征大捷使蒋介石的军功威名如日中天。返归广州途中沿途男女老幼观者如堵，道为之塞；至汕头盛况达到空前：社会各团体整齐列队欢迎，民众簇拥，万头攒动；一路军乐悠扬，鞭炮毕剥，工会前导，次枪队，次步兵，次汽车，卫队为殿，连孙中山当年也没有如此之风光。 广州的汪精卫、谭延闿、伍朝枢、古应棻、宋子文联名电蒋：“我兄建此伟功，承总理未竟之志，成广东统一之局，树国民革命之声威，凡属同志，莫不钦感。东征功成，省中大计诸待商榷，凯旋有日，尚祈示知，是所祷企。” 国民政府要员站成一列，以前所未有的谦恭，向军权在握的新秀蒋介石致敬。 事情并未到此为止。 1926年1月广州举行国民党“二大”，到会代表256人，选举中执委时，有效票总数249张，蒋介石得票248张，以最高票数当选中央执行委员。 这就是蒋介石后来说的，21岁入党到40岁当上中央委员，相距了20年之久。 这一年蒋介石40岁。 会议代表中共产党员占100人左右，基本都投了蒋的票。 差的一票也许是他未投自己？起码给人以这样的印象。反而显得更加谦虚。 248强于249。 得票245张的宋庆龄在“二大”讲话赞扬东征胜利之后的广东形势：“此间一切的政治军事都很有进步，而且比先生在的时候弄得更好。” 一句“比先生在的时候弄得更好”从宋庆龄口中说出来，便是最高的夸赞。 国民党“一大”连张入场券都未弄到的蒋介石，个人声名在“二大”达到顶点。 广州第一公园大门口出现一副对联，上联“精卫填海”；下联“介石补天”。 人们再也不记得还对什么人有过这种夸赞。 声名达到顶点后，他便动手了。 1926年3月发生“中山舰事件”，蒋介石又是一石三鸟。 这回打击的重点变成了中国共产党、苏联顾问团，还有汪精卫。 鲍罗廷恰巧不在。苏联顾问皆被软禁。再用“整理党务案”把鲍罗廷架空。 共产党人也在“整理党务案”后被迫退出国民党中央和第一军。中山舰事件后共产党员退出第一军和苏联总顾问季山嘉被驱逐，长期以来人们一直说是陈独秀对蒋让步的“妥协政策”的恶果，但真相是事件发生后，当时正在广州的联共政治局使团长布勃诺夫在鲍罗廷的协助下亲自处理，妥协让步政策是他们强加给陈独秀的。布勃诺夫事后讲了6条理由，第一条就是怕“吓跑大资产阶级”，否则中共“无论如何不能现在承担直接领导国民革命这种完全力所不及的任务”。事后报告处理“三二〇”中山舰事件的报告中，布勃诺夫甚至认为中共只要做“保证这场革命彻底胜利”的苦力，不要去争领导权，否则“任何过火行为都会吓跑大资产阶级”，“造成广州政府的危机。最终加剧国民革命失败”。 布勃诺夫的高参，当然就是鲍罗廷。 布勃诺夫回国经过上海时，把他的态度告诉了陈独秀。陈独秀对事变情况一无所知，匆忙表态，以中共中央名义发出指令，认为蒋受右派挑拨中，“行动是极其错误的，但是，事情不能用简单的惩罚蒋的办法来解决”；应该“将他从陷入的深渊中拔出来”。 共产党人退出国民党中央和第一军，竟然成了帮助蒋“从深渊中拔出来”。 蒋介石的回报只是赶走吴铁城、孙科、伍朝枢等人，虽然这是蒋追求个人独裁所需要的，鲍罗廷却在1926年5月30日写给加拉罕的信中，十分得意地说这样的交换“使右派蒙受了比共产党人更大的损失……从右派手里夺走了他们用来反对我们的武器”。 蒋介石打击的三方之中，只有汪精卫对“三二〇”中山舰事件保持着明白和清醒。 汪精卫后来回忆：“3月20日之事。事前中央执行委员会政治委员会丝毫没有知道。我那时是政治委员会主席，我的责任应该怎样？3月20日，广州戒严，军事委员会并没有知道。我是军事委员会主席，我的责任应该怎样？” 他斥责蒋介石的行动是“造反”。 但斥责完之后，他也只有闭门谢客，悄然隐藏起来，怎样也不怎样。 4月初，汪精卫以就医为名，由广州而香港，由香港而马赛，远走高飞。 蒋介石就是指汪精卫与中共串通，想用中山舰劫他去海参崴，所以发动“三二〇”事变。汪精卫倒不用蒋介石劫他，自己老老实实就上了远走他乡的外轮。 自此，没有人能够阻挡他攫取国民党的军政大权了。 革命斗争并不排除充分利用矛盾、施展纵横捭阖之术，但这一切必须建立在依靠和壮大自己力量的基础上，鲍罗廷恰恰丢掉了这一点。中山舰事件再次成为鲍罗廷与蒋介石的权力交易。通过这次交易，表面上鲍、蒋二人之间的信任达到了别人无法代替的程度。蒋在北伐前夕谈到后方留守时，提到两个人可以托付，除了张静江，就是鲍罗廷，称鲍罗廷是“自总理去世以来我们还没有这样一个伟大的政治活动家”。 但这位伟大的政治活动家已经开始预感到情况有些不妙了。 1926年8月9日在广州与共产国际远东局委员会会晤时，鲍罗廷说出了他规划的“让蒋自然灭亡”的策略：当时除第一军军官主要是黄埔军校毕业生之外，其他各军的军官主要是保定军校毕业生，而蒋与“保定派”之间的矛盾是不可调和的；在北伐胜利推进的过程中，“保定派”必定压倒蒋介石，“加速他在政治上的灭亡”。 这时共产国际远东局已经不信任这位权谋大师了。主持远东局工作的维经斯基是列宁派到中国的第一个使者，1920年3月就来华与中国革命者发生关系。1926年9月12日，维经斯基在上海向联共驻共产国际执行委员会代表团报告：北伐虽然在客观上起到了革命的作用，但同时也使蒋介石的军事独裁倾向神圣化了；而这种危机是鲍罗廷自“三二〇”中山舰事件后推行牺牲共产党和左派、在国民党上层对蒋无条件退让和投降的机会主义策略的结果。9月22日，维经斯基再次向莫斯科报告，指出“鲍罗廷同志在如何对待我们总的对华政策为自己制定了一整套相当完整的与总的方针相背离的观点”，明确提出“撤换鲍罗廷”。11月6日，维经斯基在继续给莫斯科的报告中感叹道：“中国的解放斗争是多么的与众不同，在这种斗争中保持真正的革命策略又是多么的困难，一方面要冒陷入机会主义的危险，另一方面又要冒过左和破坏必要的民族革命统一战线的危险。”“中国共产党需要在何等令人难以置信的矛盾条件下进行工作。” 维经斯基的这些报告引起斯大林的震怒。 斯大林于11月11日主持联共政治局作出答复：“对远东局在上述问题上所犯的错误提出警告。”同时决定非但不撤换鲍罗廷，反而加强鲍罗廷的权力，“所有派往中国的同志均归鲍罗廷同志领导”，而“鲍罗廷同志直接听命于莫斯科”，并给鲍罗廷颁发红旗勋章，“责成远东局在就对华总的政策问题、国民党问题和军事政治问题作出任何决议和采取任何措施时，都必须同鲍罗廷同志协商。” 戏剧性的场面很快就出现了：被撤职的不是鲍罗廷，而是维经斯基。1927年3月10日联共政治局改组远东局，任命列普谢为书记，鲍罗廷正式进入远东局。维经斯基还在以远东局书记的身份指导中共筹备第五次代表大会，在远东局内部却已经被撤职。 远东局随后也置于鲍罗廷的领导之下。 此时斯大林还不知道：历史给鲍罗廷的时间已经进入倒计时了。 1927年4月12日，蒋介石在上海发动反革命政变。 5月5日，斯大林在联共政治局会议上提出“在广州组建新的可靠部队”；为此还作出了向广州派遣200人的教官团和提供50万卢布的决定。但让谁去“组建可靠的部队”？共产党还是国民党？斯大林语焉不详。5月13日斯大林讲了另一段话：“在目前用新的军队，用红军来代替现在的军队是不可能的，原因很简单，就是暂时没有什么东西可以代替它。”所以5月5日的决定很快不了了之，转而实行大力加强对“国民党将领”提供军事援助的方针，令共产党到国民党军队中去“保持领导”。 5月21日，许克祥在长沙发动“马日事变”。 斯大林得知此讯坐不住了，于5月30日给鲍罗廷等人发出“紧急指示”：（一）动员2万共产党员，加上5万革命工农，编成几个新军，“组建自己可靠的军队”，“消除对不可靠将领的依赖性”；（二）“成立以著名国民党人和非共产党人为首的革命军事法庭”，惩办叛乱的反动军官。 斯大林不会不知道，4年来联共政治局推行的“只武装国民党不武装共产党”的政策，根本无法通过一份“紧急指示”改变。而权谋大师鲍罗廷从一开始就根本不是执行武装工农政策的人。他鼓动陈独秀出面给莫斯科一个模棱两可的回复：“命令收到，一旦可行，立即照办。”本来这个紧急指示是发给鲍罗廷等3个俄国人的，本应由他们回复莫斯科。但是他们都十分清楚向斯大林说“不”会带来怎样的后果，于是推给了书生气十足的陈独秀，让陈一人独自承担了违抗斯大林指示的责任。 局面已经完全无法靠鲍罗廷的权谋来收拾了。7月15日，汪精卫在武汉决议“分共”，大革命完全失败。 近代中国是个大舞台。这个舞台演绎了多少兴衰、美丑、胜败。原先的默默无闻者可以在这个舞台上大放异彩；大放异彩者最终又在这个舞台上黯然失色。发现、提携蒋介石的鲍罗廷就在1926年到1927年一年的跌宕演变中，由蒋介石所谓“自总理去世以来我们还没有这样一个伟大的政治活动家”，变成了一个要立即捉来枪毙的“煽动赤色革命企图颠覆政权的阴谋家”。政治人物往往瞬息之间出现沧海桑田的演变，完成让人瞠目结舌的思维转换。 鲍罗廷不像蒋介石想象的那样复杂，蒋介石也不像鲍罗廷想象的那样简单。这个前日本士官生内心深处还是钦佩那些直面反对他的人，却深恶痛绝那些他以为要利用他的人。 当年反对鲍罗廷独用蒋介石的加伦将军回国后，1938年10月在苏联肃反运动中被捕。蒋介石接到驻苏大使杨杰的报告，还想保加伦一命，要孙科以特使身份赴苏转告斯大林，请派加伦至中国做蒋的私人顾问。但苏联的肃反行动太快了，加伦从被捕到被枪决仅有一个月的时间。斯大林告诉孙科的，已是他的死讯。 想保加伦性命的蒋介石，却一直想要鲍罗廷的性命。 加拉罕当年给孙中山的礼物，是鲍罗廷。 蒋介石最后给鲍罗廷的礼物，是通缉令。 说到枪杆子，人们马上想到以“枪杆子里面出政权”理论著称于世的毛泽东；以为枪杆子理论出自他的天才创造。 袁世凯最先给中国政治带进来了枪杆子。通过对枪杆子的纯熟掌握运用，满清王朝不得不接纳他，辛亥革命也不得不接纳他。 孙中山则最先给中国革命带进来了军事。同盟会的革命活动，基本就是对武装起义苦心竭虑的策划与发动。 于是中国的革命或反革命，一开始便具有了与别国的革命或反革命截然不同的特色。 把枪杆子用到炉火纯青的地步的，还是蒋介石。 他登上中国政治舞台首先利用了鲍罗廷提供的机遇，其次便是手中的枪杆。 首先也来源于其次。鲍罗廷错以为他是一支革命的枪杆。 毛泽东对枪杆子的认识也经历了一个长期过程。 他最初并不赞成暴力革命。倾向于克鲁泡特金的无政府主义，而不是马克思的无产阶级专政。1919年受“五四”运动影响，毛泽东在长沙创办《湘江评论》，第一期《创刊宣言》上，即针对“打倒强权”提出了一番颇为温情的理论：（一）我们承认强权者都是人，都是我们的同类。滥用强权，是他们不自觉的误谬与不幸，是旧社会旧思想传染他们遗害他们。（二）用强权打倒强权，结果仍然得到强权。不但自相矛盾，而且毫无效力。欧洲的“同盟”、“协约”战争，我国的“南”、“北”战争，都是这一类。所以我们的见解，在学术方面，主张彻底研究，不受一切传说和迷信的束缚，要寻着什么是真理。在对人的方面，主张群众联合，向强权者为持续的“忠告运动”，实行“呼声革命”——面包的呼声，自由的呼声，平等的呼声，——“无血革命”。不主张起大扰乱，行那没效果的“炸弹革命”、“有血革命”。 毛泽东当时对一切暴力——包括孙中山的南方政府反对北方北洋军阀政府的暴力——皆表现出极大的忿恨。 他1920年以极大的热心投入湖南自治运动，把各省自决自治看做是拯救中国的唯一方法。他说：“胡适之先生有20年不谈政治的主张，我现在主张20年不谈中央政治，各省人用全力注意到自己的省，采省门罗主义，各省关上各省的大门，大门之外，一概不理。” 7年以后，毛泽东说：“革命不是请客吃饭，不是做文章，不是绘画绣花，不能那样雅致，那样从容不迫，文质彬彬，那样温良恭俭让。革命是暴动，是一个阶级推翻一个阶级的暴烈的行动。”从主张“呼声革命”、“无血革命”的毛泽东到主张暴力革命的毛泽东，其间经历了怎样由实践支撑的思想历程。 真正教会他认识枪杆子的，是蒋介石。一个1926年的“三二〇”中山舰事件，一个1927年的“四一二”反革命事变，蒋介石在共产党人面前把枪杆子的威力表现得淋漓尽致。毛泽东后来描述说，大革命失败前夕“心情苍凉，一时不知如何是好”，“八七”会议“决定武装反抗，从此找到了出路”。 毛泽东通过蒋介石对枪杆子的运用，真正看清了他的真面目。而从枪杆子身上，看到了共产党人的出路。 教会的又何止毛泽东一人。 1926年7月9日，国民革命军誓师北伐。陈独秀已经看出蒋介石利用北伐实现个人军事独裁的危险，当苏联军事顾问加伦将军问是帮助蒋还是削弱蒋时，也只有回答：“是反对蒋介石，也是不反对蒋介石。” 面对刀枪如林的蒋介石，手无寸铁的陈独秀认识到其野心也毫无办法，只有采取这种消极态度。 另一人是张太雷。他是中国共产党中较早认清蒋介石面貌的人。1923年随蒋访苏，他在代表团中就与蒋分歧很大，几乎天天争吵，弄得苏俄方面人人知晓。蒋对他恨之入骨，恨不得立即将其清出代表团了事。这样一个对蒋早有认识的人，在“中山舰事件”和“整理党务案”后，还要发表一篇《关于蒋介石同志对“要不要国民党”误会之解释》的自我辩白，回答蒋的质问。他说：“如果我真是说了'国民党是排斥共产党党员'，我自己亦要骂'这简直不知道是什么话！'非但我没有这样说，并且不会有这样的事。”并说，“介石同志是不会排斥CP的，大家都是知道的。” 今天的人已经很难领悟，张太雷在说这些话的时候，内心有多么的痛苦。没有实力又不得不仰仗实力，即使很早就认清其面孔，但直到屠刀举起之前，还要去赔着