Chapter 8 The second part is the sound of cannons in Fudan Garden

Now that they understand that it is the highest leadership's intention to expose and criticize "those in power within the party who are taking the capitalist road", and that they have tasted the sweetness in the action of exposing and criticizing the Fudan Party Committee, the rebels will certainly not stop there.Before Yang Xiguang and the Fudan Party Committee fell, the attack on the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee began.The Municipal Party Committee successively threw out Chang Xiping, Minister of Education and Health, Yang Xiguang, Secretary of Culture and Education, and Mayor Cao Diqiu, who stood in the front line, but they still failed to stop the offensive of the rebels. In the end, the first secretary of the Municipal Party Committee, Chen Pixian, was overthrown. .

Of course, the overthrow of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee was not the work of the Fudan rebels alone. The rebels from all schools and systems all participated in it, especially the "Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Organ Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station" and the "Shanghai Workers' Revolutionary Rebel Headquarters" played an important role in it. effect.But at that time, the Red Guard movement in colleges and universities was in full swing, and they were still at the forefront. Among Shanghai colleges and universities, Fudan University was always in a dominant position.

Once the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee fell, there was a power vacuum. The rebels thought they were meritorious officials, and they began to seize power in accordance with the ancient saying that "the one who conquers the world takes control of the world."This city-wide power seizure took place in January 1967, started by Wen Wei Po, and immediately swept across the city, known as the "January Revolution." The "January Revolution" was quickly affirmed by Mao Zedong, and "People's Daily" published an editorial on January 22: "Great alliance of proletarian revolutionaries, take away the power of those in power on the capitalist road!" 》, so, the wind of seizing power from Shanghai immediately swept across the country, followed by "Spring Thunder in the Southwest", "Dawn in the Northeast"...

Why did the People's Daily editorial use such a long title?Because it wants to explain two issues at the same time: on the one hand, it affirms the power-seizure actions of the rebels, and on the other hand, it must emphasize the great alliance of the rebels.This emphasis is not without reason.In fact, the situation at that time had aroused some rebel leaders' desire for power, and the trend of "grabbing power" was very strong.Some organizations, some hilltops, scramble to occupy the office or seize the official seal, so "seizing power" has become "seizing the seal", as if as long as they occupy the office and seize the official seal, they have seized power.The Red Leather Society took the lead in snatching all the official seals of the East China Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, the Municipal Government, and ten district committees and district governments, putting them in a schoolbag and carrying them on the body of a leader. power.

This farce of seizing power was also staged in Fudan. The "Crossing the River" group criticized in the big-character poster "At the Turning Point": "Some comrades are promoting the great coalition to seize power: they found some representatives of the rebels to transfer the office keys, telephones, and seals from the past. It was the comrades of "Old Bao" who took it over, thinking that it was taking the power of a department. Some comrades "dismissed" the student cadres who used to be "Old Bao" in the class, and elected a new class committee , branch committees, think that this will take away the power of a class. Some comrades are contacting various rebel organizations, asking each organization to send representatives to negotiate, to take over the party committee office together, and bring the party committee's big seal, thinking that this will seize the power of the party committee. Fudan University." "There are also a small number of people who use the banner of 'rebellion' to 'take over' the ×× building, use the sofas and motorcycles there for their own enjoyment, and squander the state money. The seizure of power by small groups for self-interest is the seizure of power by anarchism, the seizure of power by 'prodigal sons', and as a result, the country of the proletariat has been corrupted, and the socialist system has been corrupted."

This scene inevitably reminds people of Ah Q's revolution.Of course, there are still some differences between the two: what Ah Q wants are ingots, foreign money, foreign gauze shirts, women, and a Ning-style bed for a scholar lady, and at the same time he wants to execute those he is dissatisfied with; what the rebels want are offices, Great India, but it is also necessary to repel and attack people from other rebel organizations.Moreover, Ah Q was only revolutionizing in fantasy, while the rebels had reached the edge of power in actual actions.However, the Ah Q-style revolution is actually the epitome of all previous peasant revolutions in China.

Mao Zedong is a person who knows China's national conditions as well as Lu Xun.So when the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee collapsed, Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan from the Central Cultural Revolution Group were immediately sent to form a new government in Shanghai.This regime was first named "Shanghai People's Commune" in order to inherit the tradition of the Paris Commune, the first regime of the working class, but because it was not compatible with the current political system of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong personally changed it to "Shanghai Revolutionary Committee".

But just as this new power organization was actively preparing and Zhang Chunqiao was about to win the top spot in Shanghai, the bombardment of Zhang Chunqiao happened, and the base of the bombardment was in Fudan Garden.After the bombardment failed, the "anti-revolutionary" struggle began. The new regime described the "bombarding of Zhang Chunqiao" as a "counter-revolutionary countercurrent" and carried out long-term criticism and struggle against the leaders of the anti-Zhang rebels.However, in this way, a group of people were aroused to stand up and fight against the "anti-reverse current", which developed until the second bombardment of Zhang Chunqiao.Then there was repression and struggle again, until the "Gang of Four" collapsed.In the ten years of the "Cultural Revolution", the Fudan movement can be said to have spent nine and a half years in entanglements with Zhang Chunqiao.

The first bombardment of Zhang Chunqiao The first bombardment of Zhang Chunqiao was launched by the Fudan "Monkey King" combat group. On January 23-24, 1967, the "Sun Wukong" group put up eye-catching slogans on the Fudan campus, in downtown areas such as Nanjing Road, Xizang Road, and Huaihai Road: "Beware of counter-revolutionary double-faced faction" and "Zhang Chunqiao is not equal to the central government." "Cultural Revolution", "resolutely oppose the current establishment of a new municipal party committee headed by Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan".Then, big-character posters were posted: "Ask Zhang Chunqiao", "Why?" ——Twenty Questions to Zhang Chunqiao.They questioned: Why did Zhang Chunqiao play double-faced tactics with regard to mass organizations?Why is the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee rotten, but you alone Zhang Chunqiao is a leftist? ...The eye-catching big slogans have attracted the attention of passers-by, and some of the questions raised in the big-character posters have inspired people's thinking.Suspicion towards Zhang Chunqiao quickly spread.

I once asked Hu Shoujun, the leader of the "Monkey King" group: "How did you suspect Zhang Chunqiao?" Hu Shoujun said: "I started to suspect it from the issue of Zhao Quanguo in the third division." Zhao Quanguo, a student at the Shanghai Theater Academy, is the head of the "Shanghai Red Guards Revolutionary Rebel Third Headquarters".In the early days of the "January Revolution", he proposed a slogan to meet Zhang Chunqiao's needs: "Establish a new municipal party committee headed by Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan!" Served as the second secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and deputy mayor.Of course, this was very popular with Zhang Chunqiao and his gang, who treated him with courtesy.Later, there was a conflict in the arrangement of the position, and Zhao Quanguo's attitude towards Zhang Chunqiao changed, so he was discriminated against by Zhang Chunqiao, and the General Department of Industry and Commerce came forward to arrest him.Xu Jingxian and Wang Hongwen were entrusted with important tasks because they followed Zhang Chunqiao closely.This kind of double-faced style of drawing a line with "I" very disgusted the rebels.It was from this point that Hu Shoujun began to doubt Zhang Chunqiao.At that time, his thinking was very simple. He thought that the proletarian revolutionaries would never have such a politician style, but Zhang Chunqiao played double-dealing tricks. So, what kind of person is he?

Once the doubts started, I felt that there were more and more problems.In addition to the actual performance, others also provided some historical materials about Zhang Chunqiao: Huo Shilian, Secretary of the Shaanxi Provincial Party Committee, said that he guaranteed with his party membership that Zhang Chunqiao had rebelled in the Suzhou Reflection Academy and was a shameful traitor; It was found out that Zhang Chunqiao was the Dick who was criticized by Lu Xun back then... In this way, the aura of "proletarian revolutionaries" caused by Zhang Chunqiao's position as the deputy head of the Central Cultural Revolution Group disappeared, and was replaced by an increasingly strong Suspect. — but somehow none of these historical sources were used in the first shelling. On January 22, Zhang Chunqiao convened a secret meeting of some rebel leaders to discuss the establishment of a new authority.Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan themselves proposed to establish a new municipal party committee headed by them. Xu Jingxian took the lead in applauding, everyone echoed, and it was considered that the mass organizations passed it.Only Hu Shoujun and his partner Xiao Changxiong held their sleeves and refused to applaud. Of course, this scene caught Zhang Chunqiao's attention, and the conflict between the two sides deepened.When they walked out of the venue, large slogans such as "quickly establish a new municipal party committee headed by Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan" had been posted all over the streets, which of course aroused Hu Shoujun's dissatisfaction.The situation is urgent and immediate action is required.So the next day, they began to print big slogans and put up big-character posters. Later, when Zhang Chunqiao suppressed the students who participated in the "bombardment", he issued instructions several times to arrest the backstage.He believes that the "cannonade" of the students must have been instigated by the bearded capitalist roaders behind the scenes.Actually otherwise, it was his own behavior that aroused the suspicion of the rebels, which led to the shelling incident.Later, Zhang Chunqiao and others criticized the trend of "doubting everything".In fact, the ideological trend of "doubting everything" was instigated by the Central Cultural Revolution Group itself.The purpose of instigating the trend of "doubting everything" is to make students doubt the senior cadres with high positions and bring them down, but they don't realize that this thing is a double-edged sword, it can cut down others, and it can also hurt themselves . The credo of "doubt everything" comes from Marx.When he answered his family's question "What is the maxim you believe in most", he said: "Doubt everything." Lafargue wrote it into a memoir article, and its translation is included in the book "Reminiscences of Marx" published by People's Publishing House .This article was originally not widely known, but it was copied by rebel students on big-character posters in the early days of the "Cultural Revolution" for publicity. The creed of "doubting everything" is actually not bad. It is a manifestation of rationalism in the European Enlightenment. It intends to break the superstitious thought, put everything on the rational judgment stand, and re-evaluate its meaning of existence and social value.It is in this sense that Marx appreciates the maxim. The tenet of "doubting everything" also influenced the pioneers of China's New Culture Movement during the May Fourth Movement.Hu Shi said: He learned to doubt from Huxley, learned to "distrust everything without sufficient evidence", so he proposed the method of "believe after doubt, believe after examination, and believe after sufficient evidence".Lu Xun questioned through the mouth of a madman: "It has always been like this, right?" He also said: "Everything must be studied before you can understand it." A rational criticism was made. However, the trend of "doubting everything" during the "Cultural Revolution" was somewhat different from the situation mentioned above.Although it also broke some superstitions about high-ranking officials and dogmas, it was shrouded in a larger trend of personal superstition and lacked independent ideological judgment, so doubts were often swayed by a certain will to power.Moreover, because of the lack of guarantees of democracy and the legal system, doubts can be used as a basis for overthrowing without proof, which is easy for conspirators to use. Since Zhang Chunqiao and the others can use the trend of "doubting everything" to overthrow many high-ranking veteran cadres, why can't others shoot at you because of doubts?It was not without reason that the monkeys launched the war rashly based on a few unverified suspicious materials, but it was a product of the specific environment at that time. But the intensification of the conflict is also related to Zhang Chunqiao's eagerness to seize power and his style of revenge. In the early morning of the next day when "Monkey King" posted the big slogan, Hu Shoujun and others were called to the city for a meeting.Xu Jingxian, who presided over the meeting, declared that this was a counter-revolutionary incident and ordered Hu Shoujun to take back the big slogan. Of course, this was not acceptable to Hu Shoujun. He immediately responded: "Bombing Zhang Chunqiao is not shooting Chairman Mao, and it is not counter-revolutionary at all!" Xu Jingxian sneered : "If you continue like this, you won't have good results!" But the Red Guards were in the limelight at the time, so they didn't care about this threat, and such words aroused their anger even more. This suspicion, this anger, infected other rebel organizations. Although the "Monkey King" faction is very sensitive and powerful, its numbers are not many.In Fudan, and in Shanghai, the largest student rebel organization was the "Red Guard Shanghai University Revolutionary Committee", or "Red Leather Society" for short.After they were infected, they also started to move immediately. On January 26, the Red Revolutionary Society's "carrying out the revolution to the end" combat team posted a big-character poster "Shanghai Must Have a Second Great Chaos", asking 10 "why" questions, and pointed the finger at Zhang Chunqiao and his cronies.For example, Article 8 says: "Why did some royalist institutions of the black market committee announce a 'collective rebellion' when the general trend is over? But the 'rebellion' has not revealed anything decent for a month? Why do these royalist institutions that remain intact Became the decision-making department of the left-right movement?" This was issued against the "Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station of the Municipal Party Committee Organs" headed by Xu Jingxian.Xu Jingxian was originally a cadre of the Propaganda Department of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, and later served as the branch secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee's writing class and the leader of the literary group. In the early days of the "Cultural Revolution", he was also a member of the Shanghai Cultural Revolution Group and attended the meetings of the Standing Committee of the Municipal Party Committee. His position at that time was of course On the side of the municipal party committee.Later, due to changes in the situation, Xu Jingxian announced his rebellion at the Criticizing the Bourgeois Reactionary Line Conference held in the Cultural Square on December 18, 1966, and organized the "Revolutionary Rebellion Liaison Station of Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Organs" with the writing class as the core.Since Xu Jingxian was an old subordinate of Zhang Chunqiao and an old colleague of Yao Wenyuan, and rebelled with their support, this contact station became the office of Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan in Shanghai at that time. Its status and role lasted for quite a while. Xu Jingxian became the third person after Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan. The students nicknamed him "Xu Lao San".Here doubts are raised about their "collective rebellion".Another example is Article 9 and Article 10: "Why did unprecedented frictions, divisions, and even armed struggles occur among the internal organizations of the Shanghai rebels when Chairman Mao and the Party Central Committee called for a great alliance of the revolutionary rebels?" ? Who instigated this new form of mass fighting against the masses? Where is the root cause?" "Why did Wen Wei Po report on January 23 that the Shanghai Third Division participated in the 'Shanghai Revolution' as one of the revolutionary rebel organizations?" Rebel Liaison Station', and it became an illegal organization overnight, and was forcibly disbanded?" This is a direct point to Zhang Chunqiao, who is considered to be the black hand who provoked the civil war among the Shanghai rebels, and is a capricious politician. It was the Shangsansi incident.It can be seen that the Shangsansi incident not only aroused Hu Shoujun's suspicion, but also disgusted the Red Leather Society. While using big-character posters to create public opinion, the Red Leather Society also directly took action.From late night on January 27th to early morning on January 28th, they went to the Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station of the Municipal Party Committee to arrest Xu Jingxian and take him to Fudan.During the arrest, Xu Jingxian and the people at the contact station protested, but of course it was ineffective. Wang Zhichang from the writing class hugged Xu Jingxian's waist and tried to drag him, but the Red Leather Society was so numerous that even Wang Zhichang was dragged along. After the car was pulled to Fudan, Wang Zhichang was driven away, and Xu Jingxian was detained alone.This was the famous "kidnapping of Xu Jingxian" incident at that time.The next day, Guo Renjie, another leader of the Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station of the Municipal Party Committee, rushed to Fudan and voluntarily accompanied Xu Jingxian to be imprisoned.Because it was he who led the members of the Red Leather Society to Xu Jingxian's room. He came to express his apology and hoped to help Xu Jingxian.Therefore, the "Seven Questions" big-character poster posted on January 30 was signed by both Xu and Guo.Guo Renjie used to be the deputy secretary of the General Branch of the Philosophy Department of Fudan. Although he was transferred from Fudan, he returned to Fudan to rebel in the early days of the "Cultural Revolution" movement. He had a close relationship with some leaders of the Red Leather Society. He hoped that through This relationship can persuade the head of the Red Leather Society to change their attitude.But in the face of political struggle, there is no personal friendship to speak of. What's more, at this time, the war against Zhang has already started, and no one can stop it. The head of the Red Leather Society believed that Xu Jingxian was Zhang Chunqiao's material bag. If Xu Jingxian was caught, Zhang Chunqiao must feel threatened and had to jump out.Sure enough, after learning the news that Xu Jingxian had been detained, Zhang Chunqiao immediately took measures.First, Yao Wenyuan came forward and called the head of the Red Leather Society many times to ask for his release, but the results were invalid; then Xu Haitao, the political commissar of the Shanghai Guard Division, was sent to Fudan to lead his troops to the dignitaries. This aroused the anger of the Red Leather Society and accused Zhang Chunqiao of sending troops. Attack the school and suppress the student movement.Zhang Chunqiao was forced to appear in person. He and Yao Wenyuan came to the headquarters of the Red Leather Society in the Shanghai Exhibition Hall to try to persuade the leader of the Red Leather Society.But these leaders didn't buy his account at all. They jumped onto the stage and shouted slogans: "Zhang Chunqiao is a verbal revolutionary, we don't believe you!" "Zhang Chunqiao is a double-faced!" ?” “You, Zhang Chunqiao, cannot represent the Central Cultural Revolution!” As for Yao Wenyuan, they want to adopt a policy of division and tell him to “don’t be slave-oriented.”This is really naive, and of course it can't achieve any effect.People from the Red Leather Society proposed to call the central government, and asked one of Zhou Enlai, Chen Boda, and Jiang Qing to answer the phone by name. Zhang Chunqiao disagreed and asked them to answer the phone by name, saying that they could only call Wang Li. He conveyed.This even aroused the suspicion of the Red Leather Society, and asked: "What is your relationship with Wang Li?"It was already past one o'clock in the morning on the 29th. That night, the Red Leather Society recalled the fighters who went to the factory and to the society, and held the "Holding High the Great Red Banner of Mao Zedong Thought, Bombarding Zhang Chunqiao's Swearing-in Meeting" in Denghui Hall, Fudan.Several other rebel organizations: the "Third Command of the Red Guards" (referred to as "Red Third Division"), the "Dongfanghong Commune" with "Monkey King" as its core, and the rebel faction of the Brigade Department also joined together.Originally, after the "Battle against Yang", the contradictions between the several factions of the rebel faction became more and more serious, and gradually developed into a civil war. Not only did you come and go, blaming each other on the big-character posters, but they also held an all-night debate in the Denghui Hall, causing a lot of trouble .Now, on the issue of bombarding Zhang Chunqiao, they have automatically joined forces.Hu Shoujun, An Wenjiang, Lao Yuanyi and other leaders competed to speak, raised various questions, and expressed their determination to fight. As a result, the atmosphere in the venue became more and more heated. Everyone decided to immediately set up a joint command headquarters and hold a 100,000-person war in People's Square tomorrow. The National People's Congress criticizes Zhang Chunqiao.They want to create a fait accompli and force the central government to admit it.Because there are many such precedents in the "Cultural Revolution". But the Red Guards lack experience in political struggle after all, and they don't know the importance of keeping secrets before the battle begins.While they were gearing up to show their determination, a person from the audience quietly slipped out, boarded a bicycle, and headed straight for the Municipal Party Committee's Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station.His name was Zou Daoxi, and he was originally a worker in Fudan University. Before the "Cultural Revolution", he was expelled into a factory. Back in Fudan, he was rehabilitated with the support of Guo Renjie.So he was grateful to Guo Renjie, loyal to him, and served him.At this time, although Guo Renjie was still imprisoned in Fudan with Xu Jingxian, he already knew the people in the writing class, so he ran to report the letter immediately. At the same time, Xu Jingxian and Guo Renjie also heard the live broadcast of the Denghui Hall meeting on the cable broadcast.They were as anxious as ants on a hot pot, and they were also trying to inform Zhang Chunqiao.Coincidentally, the Red Guard guarding the isolation room that night happened to be a student of the philosophy department. Guo Renjie persuaded the student to let Xu Jingxian go out to make a phone call based on his relationship as the deputy secretary of the general branch of the philosophy department. The students of the philosophy department believed that the former The leader gave them a convenience.With the help of a public phone, Xu Jingxian dialed the guest house on Xingguo Road and reported directly to Zhang Chunqiao himself.Zhang Chunqiao told him to go back to the isolation room to wait for the change, in fact it was to confuse the Red Leather Society. In this way, before the Red Guards went to the People's Square to gather, early in the morning on January 30, the publicity vehicle of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce went to Fudan to broadcast the "1.29 Central Cultural Revolution Express Telegram".The content of this urgent telegram is: Comrades from the Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee and students transferred to the Shanghai Red Leather Society: (1) Some leaders of the Red Revolutionary Society have recently pointed the spearhead of the struggle at Comrades Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan, at the Central Cultural Revolution Group, instead of at the bourgeois reactionary line represented by Chen Pixian and Cao Diqiu and those in power within the party who are taking the capitalist road Pie, this is totally wrong. (2) Certain leaders of the Red Revolutionary Society who unreasonably kidnapped revolutionary comrades from the Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee must be released immediately and an apology must be made to them. (3) The actions taken by the People's Liberation Army to protect revolutionary mass organizations are absolutely correct.Certain leaders of the Red Revolutionary Society detained the division political commissars and staff officers of the People's Liberation Army, which was very wrong and absolutely unacceptable. (4) Disputes among mass organizations should be resolved through consultation and negotiation, and illegal means such as kidnapping and detention should not be used. (5) I hope that the students of the Shanghai Red Leather Society will help some leaders of the Red Leather Society to correct their mistakes immediately. If they persist in their mistakes, you must draw a clear line with them.We will take necessary measures, and all the consequences should be held accountable by certain leaders of the Red Leather Society and the manipulators behind the scenes who created this incident. (Please print it as a leaflet immediately, dispatch broadcast vehicles, and publicize it widely.) Central Cultural Revolution Group January 29, 1967 After the "January 29 Central Cultural Revolution Express Telegram" was broadcast, the Fudan Garden was full of chills, and the first battle of bombarding Zhang Chunqiao failed. However, the leaders of the Red Guards who organized the "bombardment" were not convinced. They first doubted the authenticity of this urgent telegram.Since the Central Cultural Revolution Group was established, no such urgent telegram had been sent, and the telegram was conveyed through Zhang Chunqiao's office in Shanghai, the Revolutionary Rebel Liaison Station of the Municipal Party Committee, so they suspected that it was Zhang Chunqiao himself.So the Red Leather Society, Red Third Division, Dongfanghong Commune, and the leaders of the rebel faction in the brigade: Zhao Jihui, Lao Yuanyi, An Wenjiang, Hu Shoujun, Jin Yingzhong, etc., went to Beijing to inquire about the news and prepared to sue.Fearing that Shanghai North Railway Station would be blocked, they sneaked out of Shanghai first, and then got on the train at a small station. After arriving in Beijing, they first went to Peking University to find Nie Yuanzi.However, this "Lafayette" who was warmly received and assisted by the leaders of the Shanghai rebel Red Guards when he went to Shanghai to fight Cao Diqiu not long ago (saying that he betrayed the Peking University Social Education Movement), avoided seeing him.After all, she was a political cadre and had a lot of political experience.The leaders of Shanghai had no choice but to go to Tsinghua University to look for Kuai Dafu, but Kuai Dafu told him frankly: This urgent telegram was indeed sent by the Central Cultural Revolution Group. So they returned home in defeat. Anti-"countercurrent" and anti-"anti-countercurrent" Regarding this "January 29 Central Cultural Revolution Group's urgent telegram", there are still different opinions: some say that it was written by Zhang Chunqiao himself, without going through the Central Cultural Revolution Group at all. It is said that after Zhang Chunqiao wrote it, he sent it to Wang Li, who handed it over to Jiang Qing and Chen Boda for the final draft, and then sent it back to Shanghai immediately.However, these statements only depict Zhang Chunqiao's self-preservation and panic, and it has not yet been determined that they are forged.Because no matter how this urgent telegram came out, once it has been approved by the Central Cultural Revolution Group, it can be regarded as being sent directly by them, and it will definitely produce corresponding effects.In fact, this telegram did play a role in turning the situation around at the time, suppressing the wave of "bombardment" at once. The "cannonball" failed, and the world changed drastically. It turned out that Fudan was called a "liberated area" because the rebels were powerful and the party committee collapsed early.Before Xu Jingxian made up his mind to rebel, he went to Fudan to learn scriptures. At the meeting on December 18 when he announced his rebellion, Guo Renjie publicly called on everyone to come to Fudan to study, which indeed attracted crowds from many units.The rebels in Fudan also regarded themselves as forerunners. They went to factories and society to instigate rebellion. People called them "revolutionary young generals" in a respectful tone.After the urgent telegram from the Central Cultural Revolution Group was sent, they were regarded as sinners, besieged and expelled, and returned to school one by one in despair.And on campus, they are also full of discriminatory eyes, and the contrast is so great that they feel that the world is cold. At this time, Zhang Chunqiao issued three instructions on the issue of "bombardment": first, the Red Leather Society fighters are welcome to rebel; It is not the vast number of fighters who should be blamed, but a small number of leaders. The responsibility lies with some responsible persons of the Red Revolutionary Society; 3. This struggle is not a small problem, nor is it a personal problem, but is related to whether the Central Cultural Revolution can lead correctly. The issue of implementation is related to the general direction of the Shanghai Movement.If the soldiers of the Red Leather Society want to rebel, they must completely eliminate the bad influence caused by the few leaders in this incident. Zhang Chunqiao's instructions set the tone for the anti-"reverse current" movement: first, it explained the seriousness of this incident, and its "bad influence" should be completely eliminated, that is to say, it should be purged with great fanfare; second, it should focus on the targets To a small number of leaders, encouraging the Red Leather Society fighters to rebel from within is an important strategic idea. At that time, the center of the Red Guard movement in Shanghai was Fudan, and the leaders of the "bombard Zhang Chunqiao" were also concentrated in Fudan, so the Fudan movement entered the stage of countering the "countercurrent". In the beginning, the masses of various rebel organizations were mobilized to rebel from within.The Red Leather Society established a "New Fudan Red Leather Society Temporary Takeover Committee" to take over the former Red Leather Society's service team, and held a meeting to "hold high the great red banner of Mao Zedong Thought and resolutely repel some of the Red Leather Society's head-on attacks against the Central Cultural Revolution and counter-revolutionary counter-currents." , Defending the Proletarian Headquarters Pledge".The Third Division of the Red Army held a rectification meeting for several days to unify their thinking and issued consecutive statements, expressing their support for the Central Cultural Revolution Express Telegram and criticizing the cannon.Even the Dongfanghong Commune, which was very popular, issued a "Statement on the Resolute Implementation of the Five-Point Directive."As a result, there were one after another criticism meetings against the leaders of the "Cannonball", and it was quite overwhelming, just like they criticized the "capitalist roaders" not long ago, and some people were also branded.It's true: Feng Shui turns around, come to my house today.But in the past there was a saying that "30 years in the east of the river, 30 years in the west of the river", it can be seen that the cycle of feng shui still takes some time, and the current cycle is only one or two months apart, which is really confusing. But after all, the rebels rushed here together. They called themselves "comrades in the same trench", and since these leaders had established prestige, it was not easy to defeat them from within.Many of the masses do not approve of the new bosses because they are more speculative.The masses think that they have not taken any risks, but just took the opportunity to make a fortune, so they call it "grabbing straw", and often use big-character posters or cartoons to ridicule them.Even Chen Ganfeng, the commander of the Dongfang Red Corps of Tongji University, who was regarded as the representative of the correct line of the Red Guards in the city, was not valued by the old Red Guards.In Zhang Chunqiao's view, the only leader of the Red Guards in Shanghai, Chen Ganfeng, who did not participate in the shelling, was commendable, so he was appointed as the only representative of the Red Guards, a member of the Municipal Revolutionary Committee, and later promoted to an alternate member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.However, it was purely accidental that Chen Ganfeng was not involved in the shelling incident.Before the bombardment swearing-in meeting, he asked An Wenjiang about his attitude towards the bombardment, and expressed that he would take the same step as An Wenjiang. However, Chen Ganfeng, nicknamed Chen Kanfeng, had always been speculators. An Wenjiang was afraid that he would betray him, so he didn't tell him. The truth is, it saved him.Therefore, Chen Ganfeng's failure to participate in the bombardment was not because he had any "firm stand", but because he was not valued by others. Since the rebels always had an inseparable feeling for the old man, sometimes the criticism on the stage was fierce, but the audience still took good care of them, but the new leader could not establish his prestige.Of course, Zhang Chunqiao and the others were very dissatisfied with this situation. They thought that this would not be able to defeat the old man, and they would not be able to carry out their work, so they had to send people down to rectify it.Therefore, at the "Hold High the Great Red Banner of Mao Zedong Thought, and Resolutely Repel the Counter-revolutionary Countercurrents of the Central Cultural Revolution" held by the Red Revolutionary Society on March 4, Xu Jingxian, on behalf of the Shanghai Municipal Revolutionary Committee, announced that he would send Guo Renjie back to Fudan to preside over the work. The work that Guo Renjie presided over is of course the work against the "countercurrent". But this is a very difficult thing to do.Although the Red Guards in Shanghai suffered setbacks because of "cannoning Zhang Chunqiao", the Red Guard movement is still flourishing throughout the country. The swords are not old, and the sharpness is still strong. Mao Zedong has not yet said that it is the young generals who make mistakes now. it's time.Therefore, although the Red Guards movement complained, the "People's Daily" still published an editorial titled "Correctly Treating the Revolutionary Young Generals" on April 2. While pointing out the shortcomings and mistakes of the "Revolutionary Young Generals", they especially affirmed them He also said to those who denied the Red Guard movement: "How to treat the young revolutionary generals is how to treat the struggle between the two lines for several months, and how to treat the mass movement of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Chairman Mao's proletarian revolutionary line or the bourgeois reactionary line's class standpoint is a major issue of whether to train and create successors to the proletarian revolutionary cause. If you deny the revolutionary young generals, you are denying the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. If you attack the young revolutionary generals, you are attacking the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.” Under such circumstances, asking Guo Renjie to preside over the anti-countercurrent work against the “young revolutionary generals” is undoubtedly putting him on the stove. But Guo Renjie came excitedly.Because he came to Fudan this time as an imperial envoy, he spoke his word and was majestic. As soon as Guo Renjie arrived in Fudan, as usual, there were many cheers.Not only those who wanted to be an official surrounded him, even those irrelevant family members would say a few flattering words when they met him on the road, which made Guo Renjie very happy.The "August 1st Iron Army" combat team of the Department of Philosophy posted a flattering big-character poster: "Comrade Guo Renjie is a staunch revolutionary leftist", touting Guo Renjie as a model of "studying Mao Zedong Thought hard and resisting Zhou Yang's black line of education" Yang Xiguang, Chen Chuangang, Liu Zhenfeng, and Hu Quyuan are all fighting "heroes.Since then, this kind of big-character posters continued one after another, which made Guo Renjie a little dizzy, and could not listen to different opinions at all. In Fudan, however, the forces against "anti-reverse flow" are very strong.What started as a covert resistance quickly turned into an open confrontation. "Crossing the River" took the lead in posting big-character posters: "At the Turning Point" and "Re-discussion on the Turning Point." The spirit of editorials such as "The Revolutionary Three Combinations" believes that the current general direction is the great alliance of proletarian revolutionaries, pay close attention to the issue of cadres, and prepare for the revolutionary three combinations to seize power, and the "anti-reverse current" struggle should follow this general direction; Criticized the "theory of the special situation in Fudan", pointing out that it is completely wrong to use "anti-reverse current" to attack the young revolutionary.Then, the "Golden Monkey" and "Yingchunhua" and other battle groups posted corresponding big-character posters. "Golden Monkey" put forward "estimation of the previous stage of our school's movement" in "Our Views", which completely denied Guo Renjie did what he did, and asked Guo Renjie to report his position in big characters on "Crossing the River"; "Yingchunhua" posted big-character posters such as "We must treat young revolutionary generals correctly" and "We old rebels must speak".For a while, speeches and big-character posters against the "anti-reverse current" struggle filled Fudan Garden. After the first "bombard Zhang Chunqiao" failed, Zhang Chunqiao sent Guo Renjie to Fudan to preside over the "anti-reverse current" work, that is, to suppress the Red Guards who participated in the "bombardment". This move was firmly resisted by Fudan teachers and students. Combat groups such as "Crossing the River", "Golden Monkey", and "Yellow Spring Flowers" jointly organized the "August 25th Series Meeting", which was dedicated to opposing the "anti-reverse current".The picture shows a group photo of some members of the "August 25th Series Meeting".Front row from right: Wang Zhiping, Qiu Liou, Xing Wei, Wang Wenying; second row, first from right: Qian Nairong, middle: Wu Zhongjie, second from left: An Wenjiang; back row, first from right: Xiao Changxiong, second from right: Zhou Gusheng, first from left : Wang Zhihui, second from left: Fang Nong. But Guo Renjie didn't take these opinions seriously at all. He publicly declared to the teachers, students and staff of the school in Denghui Hall: "The sound of apes on both sides of the strait can't be heard, and a light boat has to cross ten thousand mountains." The backstage of River Pawns.In this way, there is no room for turning things around.在权势的影响下，当然会有人出来呼应郭仁杰，比如，化学系就出了个“轻舟”战斗组，写出《“轻舟”要过万重山》的大字报，从标题上就可看出，是照着郭仁杰的调子唱歌的；但被讥为“猿声”的人们却被激怒了，由胡守钧挑头，包括“过河卒”、“金猴”、“迎春花”在内，组织起一个“八?二五串连会”，八?二五者，纪念1966年8月25日戏剧学院大串连也。 阵势已经拉开，双方处于公开顶牛阶段。 开始还只是在大字报上表态、呼吁，后来发展到在会场上抢话筒辩论。在“史红”战斗组1967年5月编印的《复旦大学无产阶级文化大革命大字报选》里，还保存着一份《郭仁杰“五?三”在复旦大学大礼堂的报告》记录稿，从中还可以看出一些实况。现摘录一段如下： ……今天下午，晚上，星期五一天，安排时间对四月份工作作一总结，用大鸣大放、大字报、大辩论方法对四月份作总结，在这个基础上来安排考虑。 （戳一枪：总结不出来怎么办？）为什么总结不出来？当然做得出来，做了工作就总结得出来，不做工作就做不出总结来。 （戳一枪：那么只能少数几个人总结，因为大部分人都没有事情做。）大家一起来总结，从小班开始，（吵……大会主席：请大家不要打断，有什么意见，老郭讲好再提。）全体同志都可以参加这个总结，希望总结不要发展无原则的纠纷。 （胡守钧插话：请讲清楚一些，什么是无原则纠纷？）有人要搞无原则纠纷也没有什么了不起！无原则纠纷就是无原则纠纷，其实大家心中有数。 （王志惠：据说有人问老郭，什么是老保翻天，老保翻天就是老保翻天。吵……）大家自己心中有数，可以自己考虑，为什么一定要讲？ （哄笑）你以为我是搞无原则纠纷，你也可以指出来。大家摆事实讲道理！ （戳一枪：那么辩论！）有一定时间给大家辩论嘛！现在让我讲完好不好？ （戳一枪：吃饭的时间也没有了。）四月份的工作估计就是这样的。 ... 我记得现场上还有更激烈的辩论场面，胡守钧辩论得性起，把外套也脱了下来，冲上去抢话筒。但这份记录稿上没有写出，不知是记录者的疏漏，或者是发生在另一次大会上。但从这里多少可以看出一点当时的顶牛状态。 不过要说郭仁杰根本不抓三结合问题，那也不然，只是步子走得很乱，他一会儿成立“共产党员造反联络站”，一会儿又成立“反逆流指挥部”，总之是想撇开原来那些造反派头头，要建立一个以他自己为核心，能听他指挥的权力机构，但是处处遇到阻力。他也知道，三结合的一方必须是原来的干部，即所谓“革命干部”，但他不是在普遍解放干部的基础上进行群众性的选择，而是由他自己选定一两位进行结合。可惜他选得并不理想。 他的首选对象是原党委副书记葛林槐。平心而论，郭仁杰作此选择是有他的理由的，并非如对立派所指责的，纯属私人交谊，主要原因还是因为葛林槐并非杨西光的亲信，认为可以分化出来。但葛林槐一向很左，左得非常固执，而且办事很小家子气，这样就非常不得人心，在党委里是群众意见较大的一个。比如，1955年章培恒被打成胡风影响分子，照当时的政策，是可以不开除党籍的，但葛林槐坚持要开除，别人想保都不行。此类事情一多，民愤自然就大了，郭仁杰提出首先解放他，要结合进新的权力机构，群众当然不会支持。反对派马上组织了一个“打葛纵队”，谐音为“打狗纵队”，专门对着干，要批判葛林槐。而葛林槐也实在不争气，弄得洋相百出。比如，4月26日党委常委开思想交锋会，打了两次电话通知葛林槐，他都不到会，红卫兵上门去催，发现他躺在床上，以手遮面，说是生病了，问他是什么病，说是发高烧，问看了医生没有，说昨天去看了，药瓶还在台上。红卫兵要陪他到保健科去看病，帮他穿衣，拖了半天不肯起来，红卫兵就请医生来出诊，这医生也是被他整过的，当然不肯帮他的忙。先是查看病历卡，证明他从3月22日以后就没有看过病，说昨天看了病，显然是撒谎；再量体温，只有36.6度，说发高烧，也没有根据；听了心肺，也都正常，根本就没有什么病。于是红卫兵就指责他装病，要他去开会。但葛林槐就是不肯去，帮他套上衣服的袖子，他就拉掉，抱他起来，他再躺下，并且大哭大叫：“我准备被打倒！”“你们把我丢到河里去好了！”还威胁那位医生说：“你这样对我，是没有好处的！”这一场景被“打葛纵队”在大会上报告出来，并用大字报公布，葛林槐就成为态度恶劣的典型，解放、结合云云，也都无从谈起了。 这样闹了几个月，郭仁杰渐渐转为劣势，被当作新的“资产阶级反动路线”来批判了。这一形势的转化，使复旦的老造反们非常高兴，觉得自己的斗争是有成效的。其实，郭仁杰的失势，并非因为反“逆流”遇到了阻力。而是因为得罪了张春桥的缘故。 张春桥最恼火的，是郭仁杰把他内部讲话公开出去了。张春桥在一个内部小会上曾传达过毛泽东的话：“红革会炮打张春桥、姚文元，还不是反革命吗？红革会这笔账是要算的。”然后叮嘱道，此事不得外传。但郭仁杰为了说明自己主持的反“逆流”斗争来头很大，就把毛的话说出去了。反对派指责郭仁杰伪造毛主席指示，郭就说是张春桥说的，弄得张春桥非常被动。 其次，郭仁杰到市革会教卫组之后，想把红革会的队伍重新拉起来，说是别的红卫兵组织都有全市的总部，红革会也应该恢复总部。在他，是要拉一支队伍，壮大自己的势力，但对张春桥说来，红革会无疑是一种异己力量，这支队伍好不容易才打散的，怎可让他复活，此举实乃大忌。 再则，在工人的队伍中，上海柴油机厂的联合司令部（简称“上柴联司”）是一支与工总司对立的力量，王洪文制造了上海规模最大的一次武斗，带领工总司的大批人马将它砸烂、踏平，但郭仁杰却表态支持上柴联司，这当然也为张春桥所不满。 有此数事，张春桥就不再见他。郭仁杰本是靠着张春桥的力量办事的，一旦失去张春桥的信任，命运就要逆转了。 但张春桥的态度，学生们还并不清楚。最先起来批判郭仁杰的，是他们内部人物，市委机关革命造反联络站的另一个头头王承龙。王承龙是市委一份内部刊物《支部生活》的造反派头头，在联络站内有相当的势力，并没有把郭仁杰放在眼里，而且正在与徐景贤争权。所以一摸到张春桥的态度之后，就组织会议批判郭仁杰，绕过徐景贤，直接向张春桥汇报，说郭仁杰是上柴联司的黑后台，并设立了“郭仁杰专案组”。徐景贤和联络站的另一个头头程绮华还想保郭仁杰一下，把他送进上海公费医院治病，因为他有肾结石。但这消息却被上海工学院的造反派知道了，就冲到医院把郭仁杰抓走，隔离起来，加以批斗。后来查出他有婚外的男女关系，这在当时被认作是流氓行为，就被当作流氓来鞭打，打得郭仁杰难以忍受，就跳楼自杀了。 郭仁杰一死，反“逆流”斗争也就破产了。 据说，在郭仁杰被抓时，徐景贤曾要求张春桥出面将他保出来，但张春桥不表态，他其实是要假手红卫兵除掉郭仁杰。除掉郭仁杰，对张春桥有两个好处：一是清除了一个能够再拉队伍与他对抗的隐患；二是可以消解因反“逆流”而引起的怨愤。 郭仁杰实际上是政治斗争的牺牲品。 第二次炮打张春桥 但红卫兵与张春桥的矛盾并没有缓和。有压迫，必有反抗；压得愈紧，反弹的力量也愈大。反“逆流”反得太厉害了，积压的怨愤也就更多，并不是牺牲一个郭仁杰所能消解得了的。 本来，群众的反张情绪是被中央文革特急电报硬压下去的，如果张春桥聪明一点，适可而止，局面也许还可以稳定得住，无奈他是个心胸狭隘，睚眦必报的人，对于反对派必欲置之死地而后快，于是一整再整，整个没完没了。表面上张春桥的威信愈来愈高，人人谈“炮打”而变色，但实际上危机四伏，人们背地里对他恨得咬牙切齿，反张情绪有增无减。所以，无论后来的触发剂是什么，第二次炮打张春桥事件是迟早要爆发的，这其实是张春桥自己造成的恶果。 还在第一次“炮打”刚被镇压下去的时候，复旦就有人在大字报中借用鲁迅的话说：“沉默呵，沉默呵！不在沉默中爆发，就在沉默中灭亡。”一年之后，这句话应验了。1968年4月12日，上海又发生了一次炮打张春桥事件，主战场仍在复旦大学。 不过第二次炮打，远比第一次炮打的情况来得复杂。第一次炮打失败之后，张春桥们扬言要抓黑后台，其实那时倒并无什么人在幕后指使或煽动，完全是在新的权力分配的背景下，怀疑一切的思潮在作怪。而第二次炮打则不同了，明显有上层的线通下来，而详情细节一直没有披露，至今还是个谜。 但风源来自北京是肯定的。据我所知，有三条线路通下来： 一条是经过《文汇报》北京办事处，通到《文汇报》革命委员会主任朱锡琪那里。《文汇报》北办主任艾玲是个通天人物，在批判《海瑞罢官》时，曾为江青、张春桥搜集过许多情报，后来又直接为中央文革小组服务，深得陈伯达的赏识，她的丈夫又是部队里的高级军官。当时就听说，艾玲用保密电话给朱锡琪通了消息，朱锡琪召集《文汇报》核心组成员开秘密会议，大家宣誓决定炮打张春桥。于是他们以“文汇报星火燎原革命造反总部为什么战斗队”的名义，写出《十个为什么》传单，用大字印出，广为散发和张贴。其内容大致是说：上海召开活学活用毛主席著作积极分子代表大会，新华社为什么不发报道？《人民日报》为什么几个月不转载上海的社论？北京3月27日十万人大会，为什么张春桥没有去参加？江苏、浙江省革命委员会成立会的报道中，张春桥为什么没有中央文革副组长和南京军区第一政委的头衔？为什么上海没有人参加北京“三?二四”、“三?二七”大会？……虽然没有点名，但矛头直指张春桥。最后提的口号是：“誓死保卫上海市革命委员会”，区别于过去所提的“誓死保卫以张春桥、姚文元为首的上海市革命委员会”。 另一条线是由解放军总后勤部，通到第二军医大学“红旗战斗队”。二军大当时分为“红旗”、“红纵”两派，“红纵”在北京要打倒总后勤部长邱会作，在上海则支持打倒陈丕显、曹荻秋的造反派，支持上海夺权，因而参加上海市革会的活动，而“红旗”则是保邱会作的，在上海却受到张春桥的排挤。到得4月初，“红旗”却忽然活跃起来了，以“三军无产阶级革命派”（简称“三军无革派”）的名义，到处刷大标语，如“揪出杨、余、傅的黑后台”，等等。杨、余、傅是指解放军代总参谋长杨成武、空军政委余立金、北京卫戍区司令傅崇碧，3月份刚刚被打倒，北京提出要揪他们的黑后台，上海一些敏感人士认为这个黑后台就是指张春桥。 还有一条线，是由《人民日报》记者通到复旦红卫兵组织。4月初，《人民日报》派了两个记者到上海，都是复旦大学提前毕业的学生，一个原属红革会，一个原属红三司。原属红三司的记者是“过河卒”小组成员，与我关系很好，他到上海后先来找我，告以陈伯达到《人民日报》指示工作时，说了一些不利于张春桥的话，这些话当然是暗示性的，但大家都听得出来，矛头是指向张春桥的。这种表达方式，是当时领导人的一种说话艺术。既豁出了翎子，又不落言筌，万一事情不成，别人也无法追究他的责任，他可以说根本不是这个意思。当时的“革命群众”也锻炼得很善于察颜观色，领会言外之音、字外之义。上面翎子一出，下面闻风而动，北京反张的空气已经很浓了。 我问他此次到上海有什么具体任务，他说没有明确指示，只是要他们了解基层情况，组点稿子。我立即意识到，这实际上是派他们来向上海两大红卫兵组织传递信息的，只是领导上不肯明说罢了。北京这股反张热流，必然要南下上海，而且指日可待，不会太久。我们必须赶快拿定主意，作好准备。 我们在“文革”开始以来将近两年的经历中，已经积累了一些经验，深感自己不过是供大人物驱使的喽啰。大人物在云端里指挥，小人物在地面上大战，打得汗流浃背，头破血流，自以为英雄，其实不过是傀儡。斗赢了，无非是为上面大人物的高升清除障碍，开辟道路，小人物除了受几句夸赞之外，得不到什么实惠；斗败了，却就是反革命的罪名，身败名裂，而大人物则依然无恙，双方仍皮笑肉不笑地握手言欢。 既然已经悟到这一点，当然就没有劲头再来做傀儡了。我们决定这回要做个看客，只看看热闹不再卷入即将掀起的第二次炮打张春桥热潮。次日，约“过河卒”成员在共青苗圃碰头，我将这层意思说了，大家都很赞成。我们还特别叮嘱安文江，要他稳住阵脚，切不可轻举妄动。安文江是红三司司令，在当时是个风云人物，这么大的事体，别人肯定要找他，他又好激动，一激动起来就冲到前面去了。所以要想不卷入，先得把他稳住。 果然，第二次炮打张春桥的热潮很快就形成了。4月10日，二军大红旗造反队的大标语就刷到复旦校园里来了。但他们始终只刷些暗示性的标语，既不明确说出自己的意见，也不肯透露消息来源，表现得神秘兮兮的。但愈表现得神秘，愈能刺激人们的想像力。关心“文革”动态的人都知道二军大“红旗”与邱会作的关系，也知道邱会作是林彪的亲信。那么，二军大“红旗”出来反张，是不是反映了林彪的态度呢？如果林彪、陈伯达都在反张，那么，张春桥不是倒定了吗？ 于是，复旦红卫兵也贴出了大字报。虽然由于第一次炮打失败的教训，使得他们表现得相当谨慎，但是愤火积压已久，有了适当的机会，还是要爆发出来的。这些大字报和大标语虽然都没有点张春桥的名，但是明眼人一看便知，是针对张春桥的。这时火上浇油的是，《文汇报》“为什么战斗队”的传单《十个为什么》的出现。红卫兵消息灵通，知道他们有通天人物。在分析各种动态之后，得出了一个结论：这次反张之风，是从中央刮下来的，打倒张春桥的时机已到，还有什么可以犹豫的呢？ 4月12日早晨，当人们从宿舍区走向复旦校门时，就看见围墙上有醒目的大字报：《揪出大叛徒张春桥》。红墨水画得鲜血淋漓，甚是吓人。校园里更是炮打张春桥的大字报满世界了，而且还不断地在增加。复旦的红卫兵们怀着深仇大恨，全面出动，在市里通衢要道，在各路公共汽车上，都刷了反张标语，整个上海都轰动起来了。主战场当然仍在复旦，市民们纷纷涌向复旦园。到得10点钟左右，复旦园的几条要道便挤得难以行走了，比任何节日都要热闹。 不过，胡守钧一派这次倒没有参加炮打。因为这时军宣队（即中国人民解放军毛泽东思想宣传队）已经进驻复旦，在这之前就借清理阶级队伍之名，将胡守钧、周谷声等人隔离起来了。“炮司”（炮打司令部联合兵团）突击队乘乱冲进隔离室将他们的司令周谷声抢走，胡守钧也走出隔离室，宣布自己解放自己。这个消息，更给节日的人群增加了欢乐气氛。 “过河卒”和安文江因为没有明确表态，成为人们追踪对象。有些人向我们探听消息，有些人要我们参加炮打。我们还是抱着老主意：做个看客。但是树大招风，安司令是上海滩上的名人，“过河卒”是有名的战斗小组，在这样大事件面前，要回避也不容易。这时，二军大《红旗》已经派人来找安文江了，名曰访问，实则煽动。我们怕安文江头脑发热，就带着他出去躲避。先是全组集中到我家，那时我家住在淞庄，离校本部很近，马上就有人找到我家来了，我们赶快转移到和平公园，在那边一直呆到傍晚。等我们回校时，第二次炮打事件已经结束。军宣队原来一直旁观不表态，他们的负责人方耀华以微笑来回答别人的询问，弄得别人更加怀疑，这时却出来传达了海军第一政委李作鹏的电话指示：一、上海有人炮打中央文革副组长张春桥同志，我们军队不要介入； 二、已经贴出的大字报，要予以覆盖；三、不要搞反击。于是，校园里又出现了一片萧条景象，与我们上午离开时那番热烈气氛，形成鲜明的对比。 但人们心中的疑团并未消散。李作鹏只是个海军政委，并非文革小组成员，当时也还不是中央大员，为什么要他出来表态呢？而且与上一次中央文革小组的特急电报相比，态度也并不强硬，有些话还说得非常含糊。这里面有什么奥妙？李作鹏是林彪的亲信，林彪为什么那么快就转变态度？但这一切都无法深究。反正大家都明确一点：第二次炮打又失败了，等着挨整吧！ 不过这一次倒没有再搞“反逆流”。当然不是李作鹏说了“不要搞反击”就能起作用的，想来另有原因。近来看了一本“文革”回忆录，才知道还是毛泽东特地把张春桥找到北京，下的指示：“你可以对那些炮打你的人讲'无事'。北京不是有个谢富治嘛，学生炮打他，他对学生讲'无事'。那些学生就炮打不下去了。” 但张春桥并不是一个宽容的人，他表面上虽然也只好说“炮打”的账不要算了，其实，在内心里对这些炮打的人慨得咬牙切齿，只是需要等待时机。 这个时机不久就来了，那就是1970年初的“一打三反”运动。