Chapter 25 The third series of my main experience-5

The third series of my main experience Chapter 42 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (13) 7. Campaign to Improve Military Service The anti-Japanese work is nothing more than a front and a rear.For the work ahead, my friends and students (especially those in northern Henan and Shandong) originally planned their efforts, and I helped them do it indirectly, and the details will be noted separately.After the first meeting of the National Political Council, I strongly resigned as a member of the committee, because I was afraid of entering Sichuan and it would be difficult to communicate with my colleagues in the front.Since I arrived in Wuhan in December 26, I have told people that if you go south, I will go north, and if you go west, I will go east.Because of this, I really feel uneasy about retreating to the back.But after I finally entered Sichuan, it was too far away from Shandong in northern Henan, and the news was blocked. I could not do my best for the front, so I decided to choose an urgent problem in the southwest rear area and do my best.

Speaking in the Southwest rear area, of course the number one priority is to recruit more troops and train them well.As for the issue of military service, it happened that it was not handled well, and all the talkers frowned.The country is already miserable, and the country can't get good men.Those of us who have always worked in the countryside cannot sit idly by and dodge the greatest pain in the countryside, and we must find good soldiers for the country in order to resist the war.So I paid attention to the research on the improvement of military service, and thought about the way to do my best.

This research is not a matter of books. On the one hand, it needs to investigate in the villages and collect facts, and on the other hand, it needs to seek information from the supervisor to understand the facts of the merger and handling.I have the opportunity to do both of these things, and I have the help of friends and the general public.There is a friend, Mr. Wang Yinsheng, who is a member of the "China Rural Society". He once hosted a symposium of the "Institute of Wartime Rural Issues" in Wuhan, so he became acquainted.This time I met in Chongqing.Talk to each other and make an appointment to work together.In addition to the two of us, I also made appointments with two gentlemen, Kong Geng and Lu Chao, and took advantage of their senior status (Lv is a senior in the Sichuan Army, and is currently the commander of the Nationalist Government's army) to handle affairs.The four famously initiated a symposium on military service issues in Chongqing.At that time, all aspects of the society were feeling the stimulation of the issue of military service, and there was a need for this, so they all participated enthusiastically, and the military service responsible agencies (including superiors and subordinates) often sent personnel to attend and explain.This symposium has been held continuously, from September 27th to more than one year, it is really a rare event.In October 2008, the Military Service Implementation Association was formally reorganized and established.It is a pity that in the 29th year (1940), someone came to slander the highest authority, and Mr. Jiang called Mr. Lu to disband it (I had a trip to the north five months after it was launched, and everything was done by Shi Wang and Lu Zhigong).

First, in June 2007, I went to Chengdu to catch up with the provincial government and convene a meeting of 18 administrative commissioners and deputy commanders of security to discuss the issue of military service; Chairman Wang Zuanxu asked me to attend and guide.At that time, I hadn't investigated the actual problems clearly, and I had no way to give any advice. I only explained the reasons why it couldn't be done with a few major conditions for conscription.I’m talking about four superficial conditions: A, unity of government orders, and unity of powers; B, long-term order; C, sound local systems and abundant lower-level institutions; D, clear population and household registration.Speaking of the whole country today, it is the first time to see unity; as far as Sichuan province is concerned, it is also the first time of unity.The unification of its government orders and the unification of powers have not been completed in fact, so it is impossible to talk about it.If the order is fixed for a long time, it is difficult to say in many places in the whole country, and it is also difficult to say in Sichuan.As for the local system, it has been changed continuously for more than 30 years from the end of the Qing Dynasty to the present, and has not been established; the lower-level institutions are lacking in both talent and money, and they are thousands of miles away from being sound and fulfilling.Population and household registration have always been falsified and reported without basis.Without the four basic conditions, it is natural that we cannot do it well.

After I carefully studied the issue of military service, I realized that there was no lawful conscription.It is said that conscription will be carried out according to the law on November 1, but it has not yet been seen in fact, so the national conscription regulations are false.There are other orders and instructions issued by the government, but the actual handling of the situation at the lower levels is mostly inconsistent with what the orders of the superiors have instructed.So the national legal system is one thing, the government decree is another thing, and the actual handler is another thing.The so-called military service can be divided into three parts.In this state, we can only require that government orders conform to the legal system, and those who actually handle them conform to government orders, and the three become one.In other words, conscription is conscientious and lawful.

Based on this idea, I drew up a specific plan and made suggestions to the mobilization agencies of the province, the military service monitoring system, the assistance committee for the families of the soldiers who went to the expedition, and the Federation of the families of the soldiers who went to the expedition.On the one hand, these proposals must be understood and adopted by the administrative authorities, and on the other hand, local leaders at all levels (provinces, counties, and townships) with reputation and credibility must be enthusiastic and sponsor.As far as Sichuan was concerned at that time, Chairman Wang Zuanxu, the provincial government and commander of the military-administered area, was the person in charge, and Zhang Qun, the director of the Chongqing Camp of the First Military Commission, was directly in charge of him on behalf of the central government.Regarding the matter of military service, the Chongqing camp is actually the mastermind, and it is not the Ministry of Military Affairs that directly commands the military area.As far as Chairman Wang is concerned, I have discussed this matter with him in June (see above), and I decided to continue interviewing him.However, the most important thing is not in the government, but in the localities.It just so happens that Mr. Zhang Biaofang (Lan), who is second to none among local people in Sichuan, is also on good terms with me.As for Sichuan, there are many acquaintances in the education circle, and the education circle has always been well-informed.Both the government and the local government are willing to actively do it, and everyone in the education sector will help, so it will not be a problem.

From the end of September to the beginning of October, Mr. Zhang Biaofang was persuaded by me and was willing to work hard on this major issue.We discussed with Mr. Yue Jun, the director of the camp in Chongqing, Mr. Zhang.Director Zhang was worried about the failure of military service, and he was very happy to hear that.The principle of cooperation in the three aspects is very recognized, and Mr. Biao Fang's willingness to help is like a treasure.Immediately, from the aspect of personnel and cost, we will plan and have it separately.Catch up with Chairman Wang and come to Chongqing from Rong, and we have a very good discussion together. On October 7, Zhang (for supervision) and Wang (for appointment) flew to Chengdu together, and invited Mr. Biao Fang to go with me.After the Double Tenth Provincial Government took the oath of office, the first step was to reorganize the provincial mobilization agency in accordance with the predetermined steps.Apart from Mr. Fang, Shao (Congen), Yin (Changling), and Lu (Tingdong) all participated.On the day when the reorganization was established, Mr. Yue Jun also attended the guidance in person.The weather was excellent.

The weather was very good at that time, but it was unexpected that the operation was blocked later. (A section was seized) Old Mr. Zhang Shaozhu was passive, and as a provincial, I was powerless, so I automatically withdrew from the battle—withdraw from the political struggle. The matter in Sichuan has since stopped.But I will still contribute my ideas and methods to improve the military service to the Political Council.At that time, many members of the Political Council were paying attention to this problem. They used Mr. Jiang Yiyun's (Yong) family gathering to exchange opinions and handed it over to me to draft a proposal for improving the implementation of military service at the Second Political Council.After it was proposed, it was handed over for review, and the result was my own review report (because of the late-night review, there were not many appointed committee members).The case was approved by the General Assembly and sent to the Supreme Council of National Defense for consultation and handed over to the Military Commission of the Executive Yuan for handling.At the back of the appendix of the original case, it is for readers' reference.

The work in the southwestern rear area is mainly about military service; if I can't do anything about military service, I decided to go to the front again.In February 28th, I left Sichuan and traveled north. When I arrived in Xi'an, the Political Council held its third meeting.Although I did not attend, there was still a proposal (asking a friend to propose) that "it is urgent to improve each point in handling military service and put forward suggestions separately".Its content is to visit many factual issues from various places, pointing out suggestions for improvement respectively.So much for my campaign to improve military service. (Appendix proposal omitted)

The third series of my main experience Chapter 43 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (14) 8. My Views on Solving Partisan Issues Before I start my tour of North China and East China, there is one more thing I want to describe here.This is the proposal to solve the partisan problem.This happened in December of the 27th year (1938).Around November, Mr. Zhang Junmai published an article in the magazine "Rebirth", entitled "A Letter to Mr. Mao Zedong".The content is Mr. Mao's report at six plenary sessions.When it comes to the long-term cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, Mr. Zhang further calls for the unification of the country.As if Mr. Mao had said "from the Central Army to the Eighth Route Army, from the Nationalist Government to the Border Region Government", Mr. Zhang wondered why there must be such an alignment and confrontation. It has happily become a military system and a government system. Isn't it a blessing for the country.After this article was issued, all parties paid great attention to it, and the issue of partisanship was heatedly discussed for a while.When I put forward my proposition, I feel that the current theories are divergent, and I don't feel it arouses my long-cherished feelings.

At that time, it was titled "Partisan Issues in the Anti-Japanese War and Founding of the Nation". After it was written, it was sent to "Ta Kung Pao" for publication. "Ta Kung Pao" was happy to publish it, but it was detained in terms of news censorship.At that time, Mr. Liu Bomin presided over the inspection, so he came to see me in vain and explained the matter.I also asked Mr. Liu to introduce me, and I had an interview with Mr. Ye Chulan (the then Minister of Propaganda).According to Mr. Liu and Mr. Ye, they are quite sympathetic to my proposition. They could have published it. The reason why I was prevented from publishing it was that after discussion among all parties, more and more articles would be written, which would not promote the solution of the problem and increase the unpleasantness. mood.They said that the status quo of the party is certainly not satisfactory, but if there is no certainty of improvement, and when there is a possibility of deterioration, it is still better to talk less.So it was not published, only two manuscripts were distributed to the leaders of various parties to have a look. The main idea of ​​the original text at that time is now summarized in paragraphs as follows: At the beginning, this is one of the biggest problems in the founding of the nation during the War of Resistance, or one of the most difficult problems.But we should not seek solutions in a tense mood, but should calm down and do some research; because the way to solve the problem can only be discovered after the problem has been sorted out from the beginning.For example, from the China Revolutionary League, Zhengwenshe, and Zizhengyuan in the late Qing Dynasty to the evolution of many parties in the early Republic of China, they destroyed the party and built the party in the middle. Discussions need to be cleaned up.What's more, the Chinese Kuomintang has undergone repeated reorganizations and repeated separations and mergers with the Communist Party over the past decades, so we must carefully examine it.After doing this, we will surely discover some of these truths, which are valuable lessons for us today. In addition to historical research, theoretical research is also required.We have to ask: Where did these parties come from?On what basis does it exist?What is the mission of the Chinese political party?Suppose we say no to it, okay?and so on. The second paragraph talks about: What kind of society is Chinese society? ——This is to discuss the social basis (or background) of the party. I have always believed that Chinese society has its own special structure, and all the concepts of feudal society and capital society are not applicable.Generally speaking, the internal situation of its society is loose and fluid, and class differentiation is not obvious; even occupational connections, or economic connections with status, are often concealed by family and local relations.Although after nearly a hundred years of great traffic, it has gradually changed due to the influence of the world, and it is no longer the original society; and like Japan, which has followed the West, developed industry and commerce, and has new class formations, the order has not been stable in me for 30 years, and it has not been successful.Therefore, class power is not a factor in the formation of Chinese parties, and Chinese parties lack a definite class foundation.However, can family and local relations form a political party?Of course not.There are no "local parties" in China either. When it comes to religion, although there are several major religions in China, such as Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam, they have not condensed into several major forces based on different religions, and manifested themselves in the political field.When it comes to caste and tribe, although there are five clans of Han, Man, Mongolia, Hui and Tibet, they have not been divided into several politically. In general, all these social divisions—class, occupation, locality, religion, caste, tribe, etc.—formed by foreign parties in China are either not clearly distinguished, or are not firmly connected, or are clearly distinguished. , can be connected, but it does not constitute a problem of political struggle, forming a political competition force. Three paragraphs: What is China's problem? ——This will discuss what kind of movement there should be in China, that is, the tasks that Chinese parties should undertake. I have always believed that China's problems are caused by the outside, rather than spontaneously within the society. This is the first; The so-called Chinese problems are not spontaneous. It is precisely because of the special structure of Chinese society that there has been only a cycle of governance and chaos in history without revolution. If there is no communication in the world and China is still China, we cannot imagine a Chinese revolution led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen.The Manchu emperor can also fall, but the one who falls will be the Taizu of the Ming Dynasty again.That's why I often say that China's problems are full of externalities. Although China's problems have an external nature, when it comes to how to solve the problems, we must focus on the inside, actively seek our own progress, supplement and transform the culture (including political transformation and economic transformation), so that the construction of a new China can be successful. problem solved.Judgment is not just to solve the problem by excluding external persecution.The elimination of external persecution is sometimes a prerequisite for building a new China; but there is no way to eliminate external persecution if there is no progress in rectification.The two aspects are related and cannot be forced into priority. Four paragraphs: If the above analysis is correct, I am afraid that the Chinese political parties from the past to the present have made some mistakes. Because according to the Chinese national conditions mentioned above, the two methods of foreign political parties are not suitable; while the Chinese political parties from the past to the present always want to take a path in this.The so-called two ways: One is a way in which two parties or even multiple parties split up, recognize each other and compete with each other for power.This is generally the case for political parties in so-called constitutional countries.China has imitated this in the past, and even now there are still people who want to follow this path. One is a method in which one party exercises state power alone and does not allow other parties to stand side by side.Countries such as the Soviet Union and Germany and Italy are all examples of this.This is also a road that the Chinese people have seen and want to take very much.As far as the Soviet Union is concerned, the Communist Party was originally a political party of the proletariat, and its foundation in their society is very clear and definite.In order to achieve class elimination and implement its class dictatorship, it has to exclude others.Although Germany and Italy flaunt their national standpoint and do not speak from class, they are centered on one class force and subdue the rest, which is exactly the same. The third series of my main experience Chapter 44 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (15) China, with its scattered social situation, can only be united as one, but cannot stand alone.Combined into one, we can fight against the outside world; combined into one, we can build a new China.If you exclude others, you will not be able to fight the war, and if you exclude others, you will not be able to build a country. Generally speaking, under China's national conditions, especially under the current major task of the War of Resistance and the founding of the nation, it is wrong for multiple parties to compete with each other and one party to exclude others. Five paragraphs: The road that Chinese political parties should take. It is wrong to say that multiple parties compete with each other and one party excludes others. It seems to make people feel at a loss, but it is not.There is a way to go in the middle, that is, to seek unity from unity.Seeking unity through unity, on the one hand, avoids the disadvantages of multi-party wills that cannot be concentrated, and on the other hand, has no masters and excludes others.This is called "dual organization", that is, the individual parties are the first organization; the coalition of many parties across the country is the second organization. Generally speaking, this method is neither a multi-party system nor a one-party system, but "the integration of one and many".There are many in one, and there is one in many.This kind of method is neither to divide but not to unite, nor to unite but not to divide;In order to adapt to China's social situation and meet the needs of China's problems, this must be done. It is a simple and rough statement to say that the parties are united here.Strictly speaking, I am advocating a "comprehensive system".Its specific plan is detailed separately. Six paragraphs: In terms of the dual organization and the current facts, I think the Chinese Kuomintang is the second organization, that is, the party within the party, and the parties outside the Kuomintang and the factions within the Kuomintang are the first organization. , that is, each small unit. There are three things to say about this: First, logically speaking, the Three People's Principles of the Kuomintang could have been the highest guiding principle for solving China's problems. Second, in fact, the Three People's Principles of the Kuomintang may be accepted and supported by other parties, or other parties may agree with them, and there is basically no dissent in the country. Third, the Kuomintang has always been very comprehensive, and there have long been many different (left-leaning and right-leaning) theories and sectarian factions within it. Mr. Ye Chulan read my article, on the one hand advised me not to publish it, and on the other hand said he agreed with it, which seems to be referring to this paragraph.This is very similar to the Chinese Communist Party's proposal to use the Kuomintang as a national alliance, which all parties will join while still maintaining their independence.But the Communist Party neither copied me, nor did I copy him.There are still discrepancies with each other in the branches, and each has its own origin. Seven paragraphs: There are two necessary conditions for the implementation of this method. In order to implement this new method of dual organization, there is a major condition in the first place, that is, the determination of the state policy; and a major condition in the second, that is, the separation of political power and power. If we want to determine that the country is a national policy, we have already said it before.If you don’t make sure that the country is the national policy, then reorganize the successful dual organization, it’s only on the surface, and you don’t have the concentration of will in your bones. , is a prerequisite for a national party reshuffle.Serving the country is the national policy in the country, and it is the common program of all parties.Programs are guidelines for action.Since there is a common program, the actions will be in the same direction. This is the reason for the reorganization of the dual organization.All the previously exclusive and antagonistic parties have now been transformed into groups that serve under the same national policy and work together. The so-called separation of political power and power refers to the national Kuomintang, which exercises political power on behalf of the people, while the national government exercises power on behalf of the country.The two sides cannot be mixed.For example, what I said above is all about political parties, not the government.The business of the political party is just these things, don't meddle in the government.The government must not be colored by parties, but should be colorless and transparent.Anyone who is a member of a political party and serves the government must declare his separation from his original party affiliation.Both the army and the police are owned by the state, and the tools for the government to exercise power have nothing to do with party affiliation. ——This is the most necessary point. Eight paragraphs: The correctness of this special method can be proved from the past. This method is indeed a special method, which he has never seen before.But it is true for the Chinese political party issue.The correctness of this naturally needs to be proved by future facts.But from the past, some evidence can also be obtained.In the past, there was no big difference between Chinese parties in space, but there was a big difference in time.Or to put it more clearly, the factions in China are called two parties in space, and the difference is not as great as that in one party in time. — This is a special case to be noted.I would like to ask: Is the separation of the Kuomintang before and after the Northern Expedition greater than the difference between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party at the beginning of the Northern Expedition?Is the difference between another Communist Party before and after the War of Resistance greater than the difference between the KMT and the Communist Party at the beginning of the War of Resistance?Not only the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, but many others are like this.The Revolution of 1911 was not the result of a single party, nor was it the result of a few revolutionaries, but the joint efforts of different parties.The restoration of the republic also came together from all parties. In normal times, China's problems are only limited to stimulating the Chinese people to save the country; as for how to save the country, their views and opinions vary according to their social backgrounds, and their will tend to be inconsistent.This kind of non-contradictory (same desire to save the country) and inconsistent ambitions is the most sloppy and subtle.This kind of ambition, which is a method (how to save the country) under the broad and far-reaching purpose, most expresses the fluidity and uncertainty.It seems that the trend emanating from class issues is simple and clear, and it is consistent.Historically, the tendencies of will have not been unified, and this is often the case.Only when the problem is tight, it can show a consistent trend; when the problem is relaxed, it will immediately disperse.We must now seize the opportunity of this unanimous war of resistance, organize and prevent it from being dispersed.But synthesize them because of their differences; don't obliterate their differences and mix them up. This is the so-called correctness of this method can be proved from the past. The third series of my main experience Chapter 45 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (16) In the spring of 1939, the author visited the guerrilla area behind enemy lines in Shandong (the third from the right in the front row is the author). 9. Touring various battlefields in North China and East China When I couldn't do my best to improve my military service, and couldn't express my views on solving partisan issues, I felt that it was meaningless to stay in the southwestern rear, so I decided to go to the North China battlefield.At that time, I was still elected as a resident member of the Political Council for the second time, and I was able to resign after hard work.He also specially asked Jiang Gong for instructions, and received his encouragement and sponsorship (as a special commissioner of the Military Commission, 10,000 yuan in travel expenses, sending a special car to send his entourage to Guang'an, sending an order to inform the chiefs of each theater to take care of them in case of trouble, etc.).The trip took place on February 1, 1939.After eight months, I returned to Chongqing on October 23.There is a lot of knowledge in it, some of which are inconvenient to publish, and the diary and handbook were all lost due to the pursuit of the enemy, and the memory alone is very limited.The following is divided into several layers, and the description is only approximate. purpose of this trip I went to North China because I had a relationship with North China for many years.The rural work I did with ordinary friends first focused on Henan, and the training institution was located in Hui County in northern Henan.Later moved to Shandong, there are three centers, one is Zouping, the other is Heze, and the third is Jining.A total of three to four thousand grassroots cadres have been trained or trained by us.Past successes and failures are not discussed here.Simply speaking, after the national army withdrew from Yulu, we had no choice but to retreat gradually to the southwest.But most of them are not easy to leave their hometown, and have lost contact.Among them, only a group of about 700 or 800 people from Jining (including faculty, students and villagers) withdrew as a whole team.First retreat to Huaiyang in the east of Henan, and then retreat to Zhenping in Nanyang.Therefore, in the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, Xuzhou was used as the front liaison station, Zhenping was used as the rear reception center, and the representative was stationed in Wuhan to get in touch with the government and all parties.At that time, it was planned to house them in Zhenping, and at the same time train them to return to their hometowns to fight the war.Therefore, with the approval of Minister Chen (Cheng) of the Political Department of the Military Commission, part of Zhenping was brought under the direct control of the Ministry, and it was called the Wartime Cadre Training Group directly under the First Training Brigade.Even when Xuzhou was not defended and Wuhan was fought, it was approved by the Political Department to form the third political brigade of the Ministry and go to the Henan-Shandong battlefield to work.In September 27th, the whole detachment set out (fully armed and with more guns than men, and more than 100,000 yuan in cash, all of which were originally brought out and brought back now), crossed the Yellow River, left the fifth detachment to work in northern Henan, and the rest passed through southern Hebei People Lu.At first, I thought that I had a wireless station, so I could communicate with him; but later, there was no news for a long time.This is one of the reasons that prompted me to go to North China. When it comes to work behind enemy lines, I have always been very interested.Before the war, I imagined that once China and Japan fought, there would be many places where our army would retreat, but the enemy had not arrived, because the enemy's strength could not be universal in space; there would also be many places where our administrative agencies had already withdrawn. , and the enemy's imperial agency has not been established, because it is too late in time.In many places, country folk need intellectual leadership or help at the very least.At this time, rural work must be easy to do.Because when we usually work, although we always plan for the peasants, we tend to be new, they are old-fashioned, we are more active, they are too lazy to move, we can't help standing on the side of the government, they seem to be the people under the rule, causing mutual mutual support The appearance of opposition is really a great depression in the work.Today, when the enemy (or those who disturb the locality) oppresses us, we and the country people have to deal with the environment together, so we have changed from being relative to being in harmony with the outside world.At the same time, non-solidarity organizations cannot cope with the environment, and rural people will naturally embark on the road of group life.All of these are gifts from the enemy, and we must make use of them as soon as possible. This is a kind of mentality in our desire to go to North China. Also, I knew the importance of working behind enemy lines long before the War of Resistance.I once said: "I think that China should not think about how to destroy the enemy, but how to make it difficult for the enemy to destroy us, and even how easy it is to recover after we have been destroyed."—But how will all these efforts What to do? That is the rural construction we are talking about now. Rural construction is our best preparation before the international war.” (See p. 441 of "Rural Construction Theory") After our army retreated from North and East China, many people felt as if they had given up on North and East China. In fact, the anti-Japanese work in North and East China started here.Even today, the enemy is no longer able to move westward; can he use the vast territory and resources that the enemy and we are fighting for?Or are we making him useless?It is even more necessary that a large number of people go to North China and East China to compete with the enemy. But when I went to the enemy's rear, it was not for any major work.My intention is first to see if the real situation in the enemy's rear is consistent with what I conjectured in the "Guide to the War of Resistance" I wrote in Xuzhou; second, to encourage many fellow students in the enemy's rear; third, to describe our progress in the War of Resistance, The enemy's difficulties in the war, as well as the international situation, etc., are announced to the compatriots behind the enemy to strengthen their will; the fourth is to engage in research work-to study the changes in the countryside behind the enemy, and their influence on the future overall politics; the fifth is Willing to try our best to coordinate with all parties and promote unity. round trip route On February 1, the entourage of Huang Secretary Gen Yong, Wang Staff Officer Jing Bo, Wang Medical Officer Fu Yi, etc. set off first in the truck of the Military Commission and met in Xi'an. On February 2, I flew to Chengdu and stopped for three days to fly to Xi'an. When enemy planes attacked Xi'an, I diverted to Lanzhou to land.So I accidentally visited Lanzhou and saw some friends in Lanzhou. After arriving in Xi'an, I met Mr. Cheng Songyun (Qian), the director of the camp, to discuss the route to take, but I couldn't decide.On the one hand, I also asked the office of the Eighth Route Army, and asked him to call the general in front, and please take care of me when I pass by.I also met Dai Jun, Sun Jun, etc. who were stationed in Xi'an by the Shandong Provincial Government, and told them that the original Wuyangwu Road that they used to walk was now blocked by the enemy, and many people and equipment were blocked and unable to go.So I first visited Mr. Yan Baichuan in Qiulin Township in Yichuan, and the matter will be recorded separately.After visiting Yan, he went to Luoyang to meet Mr. Wei Junru (Li Huang).The Duke of Wei was very diligent in raising funds, and insisted not to be busy, and wait for the opportunity to go east.Finally, it was decided to take advantage of the convenience of Commander-in-Chief Xiaohou (Xuezhong) to enter Lu and go with him.So he rushed to Fuyang (Yingzhou) in northern Anhui to meet him.Along the way, it passes through Luohe Zhoujiakou and the flooded area of ​​the Yellow River, and enters Anhui by small boat.But when I arrived in Fuyang, Yu Gong had already gone ahead.Fortunately, Jingxuan, the king's chief of staff, first came from Baihe, Shaanxi, because it was another appointment for the same trip.Unexpectedly, when they arrived in Mengcheng, the advancing army had been intercepted by the enemy, and half of the three regiments lost, and they retreated from the east of the Jinpu Railway to the west of the railway.All our plans to cross Jinpu Road at the south of Suzhou Station must be reconsidered. Chief of Staff Wang changed his plan and went north instead of east.I also changed my plan and did not go with the army.Walking with the army, of course, can be protected, but it also becomes the target of the enemy, so it may not be safe.Seven of my accompanying friends and I traveled from Mengcheng to Guoyang, and sent someone to inform Yongcheng (belonging to the east of Henan) Shuandian (a township) Commander Peng Xuefeng of the New Fourth Army, asking him to arrange the route and find a guide for us to move forward lightly. .So it entered Xiaoxian County (belonging to northern Jiangsu) through Yongcheng, crossed the Longhai Railway in the Dangshan Mountains, turned to Peixian County in Fengxian County, and arrived in Shanxian County in Shandong Province.All these local counties are at the enemy's disposal, and we are all day and night.One day after crossing the railway, Dawn was resting, and the enemy detected the attack.Fortunately, the Peng Mingzhi Department of the Eighth Route Army sent a team of more than a thousand people to pick him up and escaped from danger. Shan County is located in the southwestern corner of Shandong, and we crossed the Yellow River through the counties in southwestern Shandong (formerly Caozhou) and went north to the Chaocheng area of ​​Fan County, Pu County (this is the area where Commissioner Fan Zhuxian led the War of Resistance).Turning to the east, passing through Shouzhang Dongping Ningyang, etc., rushing across the railway south of Jinpu Road Nanyi Station, heading towards Lunan.This time when I crossed the railway, I was escorted by Chief of Staff Wang Bingzhang of the 115th Division of the Eighth Route Army. At that time, Chairman Shen of the Shandong Provincial Government was in Donglidian, Yishui County, southern Shandong, Commander Yu was in Shanggaohu, and the headquarters of the Eighth Route Column was in Wangzhuang, Mengyin.The Third Political Brigade of the Political Department, composed of some of our colleagues, is also stationed nearby.We went to Lunan, intending to meet with all parties.Unexpectedly, during the few days of the meeting, the enemy carried out what he called a large-scale sweep of Lunan, attacking from all directions (the so-called combined attack in military), and the military division commander Shu Hong (Fan) was killed in battle.Since then, we have been tossing and turning among the valleys, living a life of swimming without fighting for about a month.Finally, we went to Fei County, and after a short rest, we returned from Lunan to Luxi. This time, we crossed the railway near Tai'an.When we arrived in Luxi, it was after what the enemy called Luxi's sweep, and the situation was not at all what we had seen in the beginning.After a total of four months in Shandong, on August 23, he left Pu County in western Shandong and entered Puyang in Hebei Province.This place is the base where Commissioner Ding Shuben led the Anti-Japanese War, and all the situations are different, which will be briefly mentioned later.Cheng Dingjun sent us to pass through Jun County in Hua County, cross the Ping-Han Railway in Tangyin, and transfer to Lin County—these are all places in Henan. In this area of ​​northern Henan, our friends and classmates used to be engaged in anti-Japanese work, and most of them met in Lin County.From Lin County, we enter the Taihang Mountains and go to Huguan, Lingchuan, Jincheng and other counties in Shanxi Province.At that time, he had to spend several days in the two armies of Commander Zhu Huaibing and Commander Pang Bingxun.Then it turned out of Taihang Mountain and went to Mengxian County, Jiyuan, Henan Province and other places.It was the day before September 18th when we crossed the river from Meng County and arrived in Luoyang. In total, this trip has passed through six provinces: Anhui, Jiangsu, Shandong, Hebei, Henan, and Shanxi.Half belongs to East China and half belongs to North China.Wherever we pass, there are battlefields, and those who have our military and political officers will definitely meet.Only when passing through Lingchuan, did he not see Commander-in-Chief Zhu De, because he did not know where he was until afterwards. There are two ways to walk along the way: one is escorted by the army.This kind can wear military uniform or gown, and can ride on horseback.The other is that a small number of people travel lightly.It is necessary to change to the short jacket of the country, only to ride a donkey, not a horse (horse riding has a big goal), it is best to walk.Either way, a good guide is needed.Correct information is necessary before departure; however, it is still inevitable to change the route halfway.The food and lodging are all at the homes of ordinary people (ninety-eight times out of a hundred times), because most of the roads are not on the main road, there are no hotels, or the original hotels have been destroyed by war disasters.