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Chapter 24 The third series of my main experience-4

my life is endless 梁漱溟 6638Words 2018-03-16
The third series of my main experience Chapter 39 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (10) I asked Mr. Zhang Wentian those two questions, and I also asked Mr. Mao.He has an answer to the objective factors that caused the splitting struggle after 1927.They are roughly divided into domestic factors and international factors, but comparing the differences between the present and the past.On the international side, although the imperialists at that time had conflicts with each other, they shared the same fear of China's redification, which enabled them to unite.So they came to divide China and split the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.The split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party is a powerful factor.But today it is the opposite.Today in the world there is an aggressive side of Japan, Germany, and Italy, and there is an anti-aggressive side of Britain, the United States, France and the Soviet Union, but they cannot be united.They cannot work together to deal with China.Invaders like the Japanese are of course conducive to the division of China, and their actions are sufficient to counteract the unity of China.The anti-aggressors do not want China to have another civil war, and they always help us to unite from the front.Last year (referring to the 25th year), Southwest Guangdong and Guangxi took actions to demand resistance to Japan and the "Double Twelve" incident. The psychology and activities of the British and American friends are the best examples.He said: This is the difference between the present and past objective factors.Because of these factors (international rather than domestic), he believes that the future of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party will only be united, not divided. - This is a paragraph.

Regarding the question of whether the CCP wants to gain power, he first turned to me and asked me: Don’t we (he refers to himself) already have part of the power?If the Kuomintang invites us to participate in the central government, we can also participate.If he doesn't invite, I won't force it either.Even if he comes to invite, we have to consider whether the overall situation is suitable.If the international situation is inconvenient, we will not participate.But in the long run, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party must have long-term cooperation; in long-term cooperation, participation in the political power is indispensable. ——The general idea is not to deny the existence of political power, but to say that it will not seize power.This is another paragraph.

I asked him another question: What was the biggest mistake of the Chinese Communist Party in the past?I heard that friends from the Communist Party often conduct self-examination. I wonder if they have also self-examined?Can you also tell us outsiders.He answered me with a smile: "Talk about it."I said that as far as I can see, there are two comparisons: One is that during the Northern Expedition in 15, 6, and 7 years, the revolutionary army did not win by force or tactical strategy, but the success was politically suitable for the general situation at that time.In contrast, the inability of the Communist Party to achieve revolution in the past ten years is its political failure and wrong political line.Because if it is politically suitable for the needs of the current situation, it should be successful if it is coordinated with the military.

One is that from before the War of Resistance to the present (referring to the time of the conversation), the Communist Party has won the sympathy, support and expectations of the majority of the country, and its sound and light are above all parties.There is no other reason for this, but to abandon the internal struggle and advocate unity and resistance against Japan, which is in line with the needs of the people, and the political line is on the right track.In contrast, the efforts of the past ten years have been fruitless, and the party's life has been maintained only by the military. It is obvious that the political line is wrong.

I finally said: We hope that the Chinese Communist Party will continue to strive for political victories in the future, and will no longer rely on the military to maintain a party order.Mr. Mao thanked each other with a smile, saying that your meaning is very touching! exchange of opinions I urgently demand unification, but I absolutely do not recognize the possibility of unifying China by force.I believe that the unity of the country can be achieved only when the will of the people is concentrated and unified.This belief was proved by the facts before and after the Anti-Japanese War.In the War of Resistance, China demonstrated unprecedented unity.However, is this the result of developing from a center of force to all directions and conquering the whole country?Anyone can see that there is no such thing.On the contrary, everyone can see that all parts of the country are willing to support a center (people from all sides come to the center, and all forces contribute to the country), and the center also accepts the result openly.

But this unity is clearly foreign.Just because the violent enemy is getting closer and closer, so that different Chinese people feel the same threat, their eyes cannot be looked aside, and their minds are naturally concentrated, which unexpectedly leads to the unity of will of the whole country.The will is unified externally, and the country is internally unified.This is all given by the violent enemy, and its power cannot be relied on for long.We must take this opportunity to establish a permanent unity within ourselves. To establish a permanent unity from within oneself - how can this be done?This is not difficult to do.Only from the big topic of "how to build a new China", it is of course enough to concentrate the will of the people of the whole country and unify it.

I went to Yan'an to investigate the transformation of the CCP, and at the same time to test the news of the future of reunification.Since I saw that the CCP was undergoing transformation, I further raised this question and asked the head of the CCP, Mao Zedong.The following is an overview of the exchange of views. I asked him: From my point of view, there are two sides to China’s problems. One is to demand national liberation from the outside, and the other is to complete social transformation (that is, to build a new China) from the inside. Do you see it right?He replied: Totally agree.

I asked him: Should these two issues be resolved separately, or should they be resolved together without separation?He replied: These are related matters and should not be discussed separately.But after all, it is not the same thing, and there may be differences between the host and the host when it comes to solving it.For example, everything in front of us should be subordinated to the war of resistance, and the second problem can only be solved in addition to the first problem. I said, there is no doubt about this in me.However, I want to decide the matter of our own social transformation when the nation is going abroad today.I think this decision is necessary for the war of resistance against foreign countries. There are two reasons here:

One must be united to be able to fight the war, and if unity is not strong, the war of resistance will be ineffective.But today's unity is clearly based on a shallow foundation, and it is almost a temporary measure, which is not enough.Completing social transformation is a basic issue of our nation itself, and we must thoroughly understand this issue, and we must be consistent with each other, and unity is true.Otherwise, if we don't talk about it briefly, there will be troubles later. The second is that the war of resistance requires alliances with the country, and our friends have the capitalist Britain and the United States on the one hand, and the communist Soviet Union on the other. If our own national policy is not determined, it may be difficult to make friends.China has to decide the path it wants to take, and show its friendliness openly, without arousing suspicion or coveting.No master in the chest, no diplomacy.We must identify our own future, and only by grasping our own future can we open up the situation in the international environment.

The third series of my main experience Chapter 40 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (11) He was right about what I said. So I put forward my proposition that the country is the national policy. The so-called country is the national policy, that is, the two major issues of national liberation and social transformation, as well as the details of the details, are clearly defined.What matters most is the ideal goal of nation-building and the steps to achieve it.How to be sure?Of course, all parties in the country must discuss it openly and make a joint decision. He said that uniting for the sole purpose of resisting Japan is a temporary measure.However, he also considers that the issue of social transformation is serious and involves far-reaching issues, and the opinions of all parties may not be easy to approach.If the opinions of all parties cannot be unified, won't it affect the immediate anti-Japanese war?It seems better to take a step, say a step.

I said that you should have such concerns, and it is not too much to worry about.But when you encounter this difficulty, you should overcome it with zeal (zealousness for complete unity) and confidence (belief that each other can make sense), and work hard to achieve the final result. He said your opinion is good.This matter is best advocated by the Kuomintang, or promoted by other parties.On the CCP side, it seems inconvenient for the CCP to start agitating the war of resistance, but to stir up some social transformation within six months.If the Kuomintang or others are willing to discuss this fundamentally, then of course the Communist Party welcomes it. He said to me again: At this time (January 1938), they were seeking the consent of the Kuomintang, and the two parties were drafting a common program.Eight people in Wuhan—Chen Lifu, Kang Ze, and others for the Kuomintang, and Chen Shaoyu, Zhou Enlai, and others for the Communist Party—are drafting under the guidance of Mr. Jiang.The common program is also very similar to what you said that the country is the national policy.If it is expanded from the two parties to the whole country, from focusing on the immediate war of resistance to including the construction of a new China, it will be fine.Why don't you rush back to Wuhan and push it? Mr. Mao has repeatedly told me that China is now united, but further unity must be sought.I said, if you want to further unite, what else can you do besides my method?I asked him again, and asked Zhang Wentian, if the state policy is finalized, then the issue of partisanship will undergo a fundamental change, won't it?They all answered yes, then the whole country would be able to become one big united party. Regarding the issue of party factions, I have always believed that the social situation in China is scattered, and the various parties cannot say that they have any completely different social foundations, but from the perspective of China's issues, they just have their common tasks.Therefore, "absolutely incompatibility" is only a mistake of people, not a necessary situation; everyone's coming together is what the problem requires, and the situation is very possible.However, the idea of ​​solving the party issue was not yet concrete in my mind at the time, so I did not discuss it downwards, that is, as far as the above mentioned. The so-called exchange of opinions, apart from the issue of unity and unity mentioned above, there are roughly two types: One is about the current situation at that time.I saw the signs of collapse at that time (January 1938), and of course I was pessimistic.He gave me three analysis from the international side, the enemy side, and our side, which changed my pessimistic views a lot.When it comes to the opinions on various issues at that time, most of them agree with each other, and there is no mutuality.Things have changed, the memory is incomplete, and the memory is tasteless, so I will omit it. Another one is about the future of China.I have always had my views on the future of China.I want to confirm that the country is a national policy, and its intention is to recognize the future of the nation and grasp its own future.As for the Communist Party, on the one hand, they have their ideals for the future of the world, and on the other hand, they have their own unique historical vision. Of course, they have their own opinions and propositions on the future of China.I have one and they have another.So all night long, the endless talk is here. On this issue, each other sees it differently.If they are "syllogisms", then I can say they are "syllogisms".Their three paragraphs, mentioned earlier, are: the realization of democracy during the War of Resistance; the peaceful transition to socialism due to the progress of democracy; and the final progress to communism.what do i see?I think China's political democratization and economic socialization are simultaneous.Its advancement is to advance at the same time, promote each other to advance, and go hand in hand to achieve success.Because they are inseparable, the first two paragraphs of them are one paragraph to me.And because I only believe in socialism, I don't believe much in communism, and I don't have their third paragraph, so I became a "paragraph". ——Actually, I don’t have a so-called “paragraph theory”. The problem is too big, and the words are too long to remember now.There are many books, newspapers and publications, and it is not difficult for readers to verify.I also have some publications, but they are less popular outside (the mainland and Shanghai are still available, but Hong Kong is very difficult).Here are a few sentences from the old excerpt: China's political problems must be solved simultaneously with economic problems, and China's economic production problems must be solved simultaneously with its distribution problems; it is not easy for the saint to come back!To seek the new life of the Chinese country, one must seek it in its rural areas, and there must be new life in the rural areas, and then the Chinese country will have a new life. It is not easy for me to say that the sage will come back!According to popular belief, one may think that political problems are solved, and then industries can be developed, and then the issue of distribution can be discussed calmly;It is either different from the previous examples of European countries, or mistaken for the attempts of the Russian Bolsheviks, but both of them are ignorant of the other's different trends, and those who want to attack each other, how can they know this! This is what was written in the purpose book written for Henan Village Governance College in the eighteenth year of the Republic of China.Later, Article 18 of the "Rural Construction Program" stated: As we have seen, the democratization of Chinese politics will depend on the socialization of its economic life, which is different from the democratization of Western politics that can be achieved by individualists.Economic socialization is conducive to political democratization; political democratization is conducive to economic socialization; in this way, we move forward in a cycle, from small to small, from bottom to top, and economically Socialism and political democracy were successfully built at the same time. These words are to be discussed in detail in another chapter before we can understand them.Where does the difference in views on China's future come from?Of course, due to different understandings of the old Chinese society, we have different understandings of the changes in the past century, and thus have different estimates of the future.So when we talk about the future, we go back to the history and culture of the past.I always stick to two sentences: China's old society has its own special structure, which is different from European medieval or modern society.The Chinese revolution was triggered from the outside, not spontaneous from the inside; its particularity came from the special structure of the old society.He quite acknowledged my words, but he said that Chinese society still has its generalities, and Chinese problems also have their generalities; you pay too much attention to their particularities and ignore their generalities.I replied to him: The reason why China is China lies in its special features; how can it be possible for you to pay too much attention to its generality and ignore its particularity? The debate between me and Mr. Mao ends here. The third series of my main experience Chapter 41 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (12) 6. The National Political Council After my visit to Yan'an, I returned to Xi'an on January 25 and went to Kaifeng on January 29.In Xi'an and Kaifeng, he made a brief investigation in order to return to the council. On February 2, I went to Caozhou, Shandong Province to meet with my former colleagues in Shandong. Arrived in Xuzhou on February 4. On the one hand, he was in response to Mr. Li Delin's (Zong Ren) appointment, and on the other hand, he was trying to restore contact with his colleagues in Luxi and Lunan to encourage resistance to the enemy.Those who stayed in Xuzhou lasted for a month (live in Beiguan Farm). When I returned to Wuhan on March 3, I interviewed and heard that the so-called drafting of a common program by eight people had come to a standstill.Jiang Gong was once enthusiastic about mixing the whole country into one party, but Xuan also gave up.So I want to seek further unity, and it is not convenient to talk about it at that time. He went to Huangchuan and Changsha in April, Nanyang and Zhenping in May, and went to Sichuan and Chengdu, Chongqing in June.Running around is nothing more than for the War of Resistance. The first thing is too annoying to describe, so I will save it.Now just remember the National Political Council in July. In the former Syrian National Defense Council, the National Political Council has been discussed.Because of the three difficulties mentioned above, it is not easy to solve, the number of people increases and changes from time to time, and elections cannot be controlled, and the authority is only for consultation.The first candidates were announced, and the public opinion was still satisfied.At the first meeting, all parties agreed to maintain unity in the meeting, so the spirit of unity was very strong.Since then, this spirit has become worse every time.The first session was extended until the end of the 29th year, and the second session was produced.The number of people in the second term has been increased and changed again (initial announcement increased to 220 people, temporarily increased by 20), but the number of people outside the party (other party membership or non-party membership) has decreased significantly, and the increase is from party insiders.An organ that does not have the right to make decisions does not need to compete on the number of votes. Is such an increase or decrease necessary?However, the spirit that the National Defense Council's affairs were dominated by those outside the party and those in the opposition has not been seen. I don't want to make any evaluation now, but briefly describe my experience in the meeting to preserve objective facts. At my first political participation meeting, I put forward one proposal and three inquiries.The proposal is to ask the government to convene a conference on rural issues during wartime, and to set up a permanent agency in the government. After the original text is recorded: (Reason) Since 1930 and 1931, China's rural areas have collapsed sharply. Except for 1936, when the country's agricultural production was bumper and the market price was not bad, it gave a little respite.At this time, the country's war of resistance requires manpower and material resources, and the villages are all responsible. The burden on the villages has increased several times, and agricultural products are either unable to be exported outside due to trade suspensions, or are slow to sell because of transportation difficulties. .This is one of the biggest problems in rural wartime.In addition, the local system (especially below the provinces and counties) has been changing day by day since the end of the Qing Dynasty and has not yet been established.Self-government cannot be talked about, even government rule is hard to talk about.In addition to being influenced by the West for decades, regardless of politics, education and economy, talents and money have been concentrated in cities.Cities suffer from overcrowding, while the inland countryside is empty, almost like a barren desert; that is to say, it is natural that the lower-level administrative agencies cannot be full and sound.At this time, the country is responsible for everything, and everything in the country belongs to the village.Unable to afford in rural areas is one problem, poor management is the second problem.For example, the issue of military service is also the most authored.At the higher level of government, the quality is considered to be poor; at the middle level (commissioner and county magistrate) it has been exhausted; in the countryside, the disturbance and pain are beyond words.Not only is it painful, but the future is extremely dangerous!This is the second biggest problem in rural areas during the war.The country's war of resistance depends on the countryside, and the serious problems in the countryside are so serious that it cannot be ignored!It is proposed to ask the Executive Yuan to convene a conference on rural issues during wartime, gather people who understand the situation to discuss it in detail, and urgently plan to sort out remedies. After the meeting, there must be more permanent institutions. It is not appropriate to sort it out at one time, and the situation must be continuously understood. This is one of them.Rural issues involve many aspects. Although the government has its own responsibilities, there is insufficient communication between them. It must be promoted so that they can often discuss and design, and then implement them separately. (Measures) The Conference on Rural Issues in Wartime shall be convened by the Executive Yuan or the Military Commission. Its organization and work shall pay attention to the following points: (abbreviated below) The original text of my proposal is recorded here to see that the content is ordinary, and it does not speak for the peasants. It is still an idea for the country and the government. The government does not need to be afraid.If it can be implemented, the relationship between the upper and lower levels will be slightly communicated, but the actual benefits of the village will not be small.At the same time, all departments and agencies can cooperate and communicate with each other, so that all businesses can be carried out, and it has a great relationship with work efficiency.The original bill was amended by the review meeting (increasing the number of participants) and passed, and then sent to the general meeting for approval.The Secretariat consults and sends to the government, which is sent to the Executive Yuan for approval by the National Defense Supreme Council.The Executive Yuan then submitted it to the Ministry of Economic Affairs for review.Wen Hao, Minister of the Ministry of Economic Affairs, and Lian He, Deputy Minister, personally asked me to discuss it for a while, and the Executive Yuan believed that it was feasible.The Executive Yuan is also part of the National Defense Supreme Council.The National Defense Supreme Council also notified the Secretariat of the National Political Council that the approval of the Executive Yuan of the Ministry of Economic Affairs was feasible.But apart from the back and forth of official documents, there is actually no follow-up. ——This meeting has gone through twenty-seven to twenty-eight years, twenty-nine years, and thirty years (1941) today, but it has not yet been convened. Among the other three inquiry cases, the general idea of ​​the first case is as follows: Check out Article 18 of the program for the founding of the country during the Anti-Japanese War, and there is a text about developing the rural economy with all our strength. This is the current top priority.However, there are many aspects related to this, such as the establishment of the rural financial system, the improvement of agricultural technology, the export and distribution of agricultural products, the widespread implementation of cooperative organizations, farmers' education, and rural security.If you want to have a comprehensive plan in the government, you must implement it effectively.Planners should submit to this meeting for resolution, and planners should submit reports to this meeting. Afterwards, the government responded to the case and said that in the work report of the Ministry of Economic Affairs, there will be no further reply. The second question is as follows: Check out Article 25 of the Anti-Japanese War and Nation-Building Program, which means to mobilize the people of the whole country, organize various professional groups in agriculture, business, science and technology, improve and enrich them, and mobilize for the Anti-Japanese War.Among all professional organizations, the peasant association should be the most important, since most of the mobilization of the masses is the mobilization of the peasants.Peasant associations in various places have always existed in name only, or in combination with their names, and were only temporarily established for elections.How to improve and enrich it, I think the government must have a plan, please reply. At that time, the Political Department of the Military Commission of the government replied that the Department was investigating the peasant association while planning to improve it, and there was nothing to report.So I asked again at the second political meeting. After a few months, what is the result of the investigation and whether the improvement plan is true? Please reply.But this time it changed suddenly, and the Ministry of Economic Affairs of the Executive Yuan came out to answer.It is said that the investigation by the headquarters found that there are tens of thousands of peasant associations across the country, and the improvement plan has been determined and implemented.I don't know who should be in charge of this matter? The third question is as follows: Check Article 14 of the Anti-Japanese War and National Construction Program. There is a document on improving political institutions at all levels, simplifying and rationalizing them, and improving administrative efficiency to meet the needs of wartime. I also heard that the Ministry of the Interior has also proposed revisions to the provincial and county systems.In various provinces, such as Hunan and Jiangxi, the provincial governments strive to innovate local administration. In addition to conducting administrative personnel training, it has also involved system changes.Please answer this question as to who is planning it at the central government and who has already implemented it. When the case was answered by the government, a proposal had been submitted to the meeting.During the meeting, government proposals were also received, covering the provincial and county systems, the Baojia system, and the issue of provincial and county councils.This is a matter of internal affairs, and should be reviewed by the third review committee, and I am the convener of the third review committee.There were quite a lot of twists and turns at that time, and there were not many outsiders who knew it, so I won't say it well today.The second meeting was held in Chongqing, and I served as the convener of the third review meeting.When we reviewed the work report of the Ministry of the Interior, Minister He Jian personally attended the review and interviewed each other, and there were surprises, I will not say now.In the winter of the 28th year, the "New County System" was promulgated, and it was said that the 29th year was the "New County System Year". In the second political participation meeting, I raised the case of improving military service, which will be recorded in the future.At that time, in October 27th, Guangzhou and Wuhan successively failed to defend, and the overall situation was serious. I made an impromptu motion to hold a plenary review meeting, and invited the government authorities to attend to review the work of the War of Resistance.The so-called plenary review meeting means that the number of people present is the same as that of the general meeting, and it is not a general meeting, because the general meeting has restrictions on speeches, and the review meeting is more open to speaking.At that time, in half a day of the last day, colleagues who participated in politics and the officials in charge of the government made a self-criticism. ——This is a more important matter. The third meeting was in February 2008, and the fourth meeting was in September 2008. I didn't attend either.Because of those eight months, I was traveling in the six provinces of Anhui, Jiangsu, Shandong, Hebei, Henan, and Shanxi.
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