Chapter 22 The third series of my main experience-2

The third series of my main experience Chapter 32 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (3) personal contact Fans are very negative, my opinion was not adopted.The conclusion is: I can do it alone, and it is not related to everyone.Mr. Huang said to me: If you want to proceed, I advise you to ask Zhang Yuejun to agree first, and then see Zhou Enlai again.Mr. Junmai said to me: You want to meet Zhang Yuejun, I can make an appointment with him for you.Mr. Zhang Biaofang also encouraged me.I accepted the kindness of several gentlemen and volunteered to try it out. On March 4th, Mr. Zhang Yuejun paid a visit, and we talked very well.He also mentioned that in the autumn of 28 (1939), when I returned from North China, I advocated that the army should belong to the country. At that time, it was just a fantasy, but now it is recognized by both parties. How gratifying.He also said: The nationalization of the military, the democratization of politics, and the way to build a country are even more meaningless!But when I proposed to ask them to discuss the committee matters directly with Zhou Junen, he said that we would wait to consult the highest authority.So I reminded him again and again, asking him to let me know after asking for instructions.

In the early morning of the next day (5th), I visited Mr. Junmai and met Mr. Yue Jun again.He said: Jiang Gong entertained all the councilors at the Jialing Hotel tonight, and he was also invited to sit with him. He will definitely answer me then.After he left, Junmai strongly advised me not to wait for him, but to visit Zhou Enlai first.I thought it would be fine, so I went to visit Zhou. I didn't talk about the specific things at hand, but discussed the fundamentals, such as the unification of the army in the country and other issues.Its details are recorded separately.In the evening, after the banquet at the Jialing Hotel, Yue Jun called me to the side and asked me if I had done it, if not, we can talk about it tomorrow.I turned to ask why.He replied: Chiang Kai-shek will personally represent the National Government tomorrow (6th) and announce the Communist Party incident to the Political Council, and hopes that the Political Council will express this issue.So we look at the situation tomorrow before proceeding.After all, we broke up in a hurry.

Zhou Enlai's opinion When I heard this, I urgently consulted with Junmai.I said: I don't know what Jiang Gong will announce, and I don't know what to say when he wants to participate in the political council?If the two sides have negotiated well, it would be the best to use the leader's announcement and the performance of the political council to make a turnaround.Otherwise, one more announcement will add a layer of traces and make it more difficult to turn around. I am willing to do my best tonight. Please ask Yue Jun to wait for me tomorrow morning on behalf of you.It is hoped that before Jiang Gong attends the Political Council tomorrow afternoon, a result can be negotiated.Junmai agreed to do so.I immediately visited Zhou to talk, and stayed at Zhou's house that night.

I sincerely and frankly stated the following two important meanings to Mr. Zhou: 1. The authorities have decided to make an announcement tomorrow.But I asked Zhang Yuejun to wait for my news.We all care about the overall situation and must not make the overall situation more rigid.That's why I'm here to ask you to negotiate a result tonight and tomorrow morning so that the overall situation can be turned around. Second, it is best to focus on a committee issue for discussion.When discussing, it is best to ask you to talk directly with Zhang Yuejun, and a third party participates in the discussion.The affairs of the committee have been settled, and all major and minor matters are entrusted to the committee for resolution. Please attend the political meeting first to comfort the hopes of all parties.Mr. Zhou’s answer to me can be summed up in the following layers:

1. As Secretary-General Wang (Shijie) and Minister He (Ying Qin) announced at the conference twice in the past few days, the issue of our participation in the Political Council can be said to be a thing of the past and there is no need to talk about it.We really don't know how Mr. Jiang will announce it tomorrow, but if we think it will affect the overall situation, it will be neither good nor bad. ——Naturally, it would be best if there was no further announcement. 2. Leaving aside the issue of attendance at the Political Council, we do not refuse any negotiations.For issues such as the joint committee of all parties, I would like to talk about it.If a committee is established, it must participate.

3. Talk directly with Mr. Zhang Yuejun, everything is possible. Mr. Liang asked Mr. Zhang to agree, and I will go to see him immediately. 4. On March 2, there was a signed document in the name of Zhou Enlai. As a subordinate officer (not as a party affiliation), he listed a few small things, but they were very painful things, such as a certain place impounding a car, a certain place impounding Those who do not issue passports for several months and ask the chairman to approve and hand over to the relevant agencies to stop or correct, please refer Mr. Zhang Yuejun to the chairman to urge the chairman to approve it as soon as possible. ——It would be nice to be able to approve the words "find out and handle it".

I had no choice but to follow what he said and tell Mr. Zhang the truth the next day. Zhang said that we would discuss it later in the afternoon. On the afternoon of the 6th, Chiang Kai-shek announced the Communist Party incident to the Political Council on behalf of the Nationalist Government. The meaning of the words was serious and the words were very long.Newspapers have disclosed it, so I won't mention it here.Then the colleagues who participated in politics made an impromptu motion, expressing their hope that the CCP political suffragers would attend.Its resolutions and the replies of the CCP political members were published in the newspapers, and this is not the case. The more articles are exchanged with each other, the farther the distance between them will be.I had my own affairs to do, so I left Yu and returned to my hometown (I live in the countryside of Bishan County, Sichuan).

Political colleagues continue to work hard I heard that when I was away from Chongqing, a certain member of the political council (Shaanxi nationality, I forgot his name) proposed another case at the meeting, which involved the Northern Shaanxi Border Region and the 18th Group Army. On the 10th, I rushed back to Chongqing from my hometown. The closing ceremony of the conference had already been held. Since I heard that Mr. Zhang Yuejun would return to Chengdu the next day, I specially visited Mr. Zhang Biaofang in the rainy night.I told him that the committee is the best way. All problems can be resolved clearly and clearly in the committee, and they will be resolved immediately without delay; when a third party discusses the resolution, there must be justice; If a certain party breaks its promise and acts freely, public opinion will inevitably support the government's sanctions.So I hope the authorities don't think that the committee is only beneficial to the Communist Party and third parties.Mr. Jiang is very anxious about the CCP issue, and few people can distract him from planning. We all hope that you can help him.Mr. Yue Jun seems to think so.He said that he will come to Chongqing again in ten days, and he hopes that I will continue to work hard.

After the political participation meeting is over, there is no time-limited supervision on the issue of the CCP, but colleagues are still trying their best. On the afternoon of the 13th, Huang Yanpei, Shen Junru, Zhang Junmai, and Zuo Shunsheng invited guests to Yixin Hotel.Those who were invited were all colleagues who participated in politics, and with the CCP political participants as the main target, Chu (Fucheng), Huang, Zhang, Zuo and I should be jointly responsible for continuing the process. Chiang Kai-shek's meeting with Zhou Enlai Hearing the news on the afternoon of the 14th, Jiang Gong ordered Zhang Chong to transfer to Zhou Enlai, and met on the afternoon of the 15th.It is said that since the winter of last year, Zhou Jun has repeatedly asked to see him but failed.All negotiations can only be contacted by Ye Jianying and Deputy Chief Liu of the Military Command.Because the government determined that it was a matter of military order and discipline, Ye was the chief of staff of the 18th Army, and he had to obey among the military order systems without much discussion.Zhou Jun, on the other hand, represents the Communist Party, and even if he doesn't see Zhou, he doesn't want to fall on party-to-party issues.Suddenly heard that there must be something to discuss.

On the evening of the 17th, when Zhou and Dong returned to invite us to dinner, Mr. Zhou will tell us about the meeting on the 15th.According to the cloud, he didn't talk about the important things. Mrs. Jiang met first, and she was very friendly. Jiang Gong came out later, and she was not unhappy.Mr. Zhou did not raise any major issues, but only mentioned the signature on March 2. Please give me an early instruction. Jiang Gong said that this is very easy.It is also said that you can write again, Zhou Jun Ziyun complied today (17) and signed again and handed over eight pieces.Previously, many things were listed in one petition, but now it is changed to one case, and the chairman can approve whichever one he likes.

The third series of my main experience Chapter 33 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (4) draft committee organization In our opinion, the resolution of the overall problem still needs to be resolved by that committee.Secretary-General Wang (Shijie) of the National People's Political Council also told colleagues that the committee's affairs can still be discussed.Then, based on our four opinions in the past, with his assistance, we drafted an organizational charter for a committee.I haven't saved the original text of the draft, so I can't remember all of it today.Roughly like this: 1. The name shall be the Special Committee of the National Political Council. 2. The number of committee members shall be fifteen, and the Standing Committee shall consist of three members.Candidates for committee members are not limited to members of the political arena, but are intended to be attended by those in charge of the actual military affairs. 3. Chairman Chiang as chairman.In case of absence due to business, a Standing Committee member will be designated as a temporary agent. 4. With regard to promoting democracy, strengthening unity, supervising the nationalization of the military, and supervising the implementation of the Anti-Japanese War and nation-building program, it has the right to investigate proposals, make resolutions, and promote their implementation. 5. The resolution is implemented by the chairman. Secretary-General Wang served as the Director of the Legal Affairs Bureau for many years and has expertise in drafting regulations.The words one by one have been painstakingly considered, and they are not as clumsy as I wrote, but the general idea is true. On the 19th, the five of us first negotiated with Wang Jun at the secretariat, and made an appointment to submit it to Jiang Gong for approval on the 20th. At noon on the 20th, Chiang Kai-shek hosted a banquet for 25 members of the National Political Council.After dinner, leave the five of us to discuss in detail.The draft is considered feasible, only the Standing Committee will be changed to three to five members, and the committee members will be changed to fifteen to nineteen members, and the rest will not be changed.Ask us if we have never discussed with the CCP, we can go to discuss it immediately. Difficulties of the Committee On the 22nd, we made an appointment with Zhou and Dong for a conversation at Junmai's home.That is to show them the committee draft and solicit their opinions.Although Zhou Jun talked a lot, there seemed to be few important points of contention.The most important thing is only one thing: they are opposed to making this committee subordinate to the Political Council.We said: This committee must have affiliation, and it is better to belong to the Political Council than to the government.And the conference has closed, and we are going to be produced by the resident members (and ready to be a proposal of the bureau).Because according to the new chapter of the Standing Committee, the right to make suggestions has been added.Zhou Jun also thought it was wrong.He pointed out that the announcements and resolutions (especially the proposal of a certain senator from Shaanxi) at this session of the General Assembly put them at an absolute disadvantage. committee.He also pointed out that the proposals of the Standing Committee are limited to not contradicting the resolution of the General Assembly according to the statute. possibility of being overthrown.Therefore, he resolutely said: Even if Yan'an agreed, and when he was ordered to attend the committee, he would firmly resign. We think his words are quite reasonable and not aggressive.I am even more afraid that there are other problems besides this point; I am afraid that Yan'an has other opinions besides Zhou Jun's opinion; therefore, I ask him to send the full text of the draft to Yan'an for consultation, and then discuss it.Zhou Jun said that there must be a reply in one or two days, so we will meet again on the 24th. We visited Mr. Zhang Yuejun before noon on the 23rd. ——He has come to Chongqing from Chengdu for the plenum of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang.We told him all about the situation, and said that we had no longer considered the issue of the committee being affiliated with the Political Council, and that we had to find another way.He finds it difficult to think of other ways, but it may not be impossible.However, if it does not belong to the Political Council, the name of the committee will become a problem.Because of course it is no longer called the Special Committee of the National Political Council, and it cannot be a special committee with a bald head, so it takes a lot of thinking.Finally, I personally declare that I will go to Guilin on a regular basis on the 25th, and I cannot wait to complete this matter.Zhang Jun advised me to wait for the results before going. During this period, Jiang Gong and his wife invited Zhou Enlai and his wife to dinner (for the second meeting).Its exact date cannot be pointed out today.It is reported that there are still no important talks. On the afternoon of the 24th, I met Zhou Jun and others again as scheduled, but a certain gentleman suddenly came to attend, which hindered the conversation.And because Mr. Zhou also said that there was no detailed reply to Yan'an, the discussion was rescheduled on the 27th.But I was supposed to go to Guangxi with Mr. Lin Yinqing (Hu) on the 25th, but my colleagues forcibly detained me because of this, and I couldn't go.Another thing is different. On the 25th, our International Propaganda Office recorded the enemy's broadcast, and this committee was announced by Tokyo. On the 27th, colleagues met Zhou Jun and others again.Zhou Jun reported as many as seven points of opinion in Yan'an.Among them, there are two major problems: 1. Oppose that this committee is affiliated with the Political Council, and think that it does not need to be affiliated; 2. Advocate that this committee be named "Joint Committee of All Parties".In addition, there are five points for each party committee member on average.Colleagues are distressed when they hear the news.But Zhou Jun said that it was very difficult for him to persuade him to make concessions in the party.Because I asked for approval to find out who handled the extremely painful small matters before, but it has still not been approved.The party blamed him, and he couldn't handle even a small matter, so He Yantu persuaded himself to make concessions.Discussing with each other, I think that the sincerity of both parties is insufficient, and there is little hope of success in this matter, so I have to end it and stop it.In addition to making a statement to Zhou Jun in person, he also declared to Mr. Wang Shijie that he was entrusted to replace Chen in Jianggong's place, so the running for nearly 40 days came to a halt. On the morning of the 29th, I left Chongqing and went to Guilin. I try to unite for unity The narrative of this passage ends here.Finally, I would like to conclude with a few conclusions. I have a lot of things to say about this conclusion, but there are only two points that can be written and published in my pen, as follows. The point is: nothing has been done, but progress has been made in the national unity (or unity) movement.To be honest, I am asking for unity (see the later description for self-evident).But I believe that unity must come from unity.So I try to unite, for the sake of unity.Where is the decision on whether the country is unified or not?That is undoubtedly determined by the unity of the army.If one side and the other have their own armies, it will be a lie to say that the country is united, and the civil war will never end.This is why I proposed early on that the army should be separated from the party and unified in the country.Many friends laughed at me for being too scholarly when they heard my proposition. ,, absolutely impossible.A said so, B said so, C said so... almost no one agreed with me.I myself can't help but feel confused, I'm afraid it's too far away from the truth, and there's no hope of realizing it.However, the unification of force and the forcible collection of the army in one place have long been confirmed to be useless. ——It's not that it can't be done, it's that it will fail immediately after it's done.If peaceful reunification is utopian, and reunification by force is futile, then there is no day for reunification in China.Without unity, there will be no construction and progress; without construction and progress, there will be no China.Without China?This is unimaginable.So I must demand the unity of the army, and I believe it will be possible. This belief, after all, did not disappoint me.I saw our army from the guerrilla zone in North China in 28 years, and when I returned to the rear, I advocated that the army must be unified in the country. Although very few people agreed with it, but when I discussed with my colleagues who participated in politics and put forward our ideas to the two parties, they did not. It was listed as one of the most important ones, and it was signed by several friends and sixteen gentlemen.This encouraged me a lot.Adding to my hopes, both parties agreed and didn't hit a snag.Mr. Zhang Yuejun, who taught me practically for 28 years and said that I was a fantasy, also turned to be optimistic for me.I also indirectly heard Zhang Junmai and Li Youchun (Huang) report that Minister He Yingqin and Minister Chen Lifu talked to different friends in different places, or they believed that it was a great fortune for the army to separate from the party, or that the army directly belonged to the country.Regardless of whether everyone has the same intentions or intentions, I think it is progress. . Although today's matter has not been accomplished, this sentence has been sung.If it doesn't work, I've seen it earlier.Don't say that the committee was not successful, even if the committee is established, it will inevitably break up after a quarrel.Even if there is no quarrel or breakup (the special committee established in 29 years has never had a quarrel, after seeing the matter), the unification of the army is not easy to achieve, but I think that even if it is impossible, the principle has been made known to the world. ,. , will one day be handed over to the state.Therefore, the acknowledgment of this principle is really a big step forward for the unification movement. Since I have made progress, my efforts are not in vain; of course, I will continue to work hard. --This is the first point. Another point is: see clearly that the reason why things fail is because the third party is too powerless.In the course of forty days,,;,. ,. ,, we have no power in between.This is the reason why things cannot be successful. ,,. ,? ,,. ,. ,,,. , but there is also a force of peace and justice.The overall situation will not be difficult to improve.This is the policy and method for future efforts. ——This is the second point. With the above two points, this paragraph of narrative ends. The third series of my main experience Chapter 34 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (5) 2. Lectures before 1977 After narrating a passage between February and March 1941, we turn it around and start the narration from before the War of Resistance. Before the Anti-Japanese War, I was doing rural work in Shandong, the details of which will not be described in this article.Now I will only describe a lecture I gave in Chengdu on the eve of the Anti-Japanese War.From this speech, I explained the relationship between my hard work in the countryside and the Anti-Japanese War, so that readers can understand the background before I worked hard for four or five years. Before the sound of the guns on the Marco Polo Bridge on July 7th, our anti-enemy mood was already tense. On June 13, I gave a speech on "How We Fight the Enemy" at the Chengdu Provincial Party Headquarters Conference.It happened that Chairman Liu (Xiang) of the Sichuan Provincial Government invited me to Sichuan by letter and telegram many times. At the end of May, I flew to Chongqing and Chengdu via Nanjing and Wuhan. two or three times a day), this is one of them.At that time, Mr. Jiang Zhicheng, the director of the Education Department, accompanied him. The venue was borrowed from the provincial party headquarters.Today's summary is as follows: At the beginning: The topic of "how do we fight the enemy" is because some friends don't understand the relationship between our rural work and dealing with current international issues, and think that we are not in a hurry; so we specifically point out that we are preparing to fight the enemy before we engage Principles of Rural Work. Second paragraph: To resist the enemy today, China should adopt two principles: First, it must rely on unlimited military strength, and the limited military strength in front of it is not enough.Although China has a large standing army, there is no other way of recruiting troops except the standing army.This limited force can only be used for a while at most, and it is definitely not enough.It is impossible to turn the people into soldiers, and seek for the infinite.The other is not to seek to destroy the enemy at one time, but to be able to fight a protracted war with it and win the final victory.Because our national defense and armaments are not enough to win a decisive victory with the enemy as the main force, we can only wait for a long time for him to collapse. Three paragraphs: Assuming that the above words are correct, you must make sure of two points and work hard: 1. Enhancing the national anti-enemy sentiment and ability; Second, strengthen the government's ruling power. From the first point, it is the way to obtain infinite force; from the second point, there is the basis of how to command and use this infinite force. Four paragraphs: The strength of the government depends on the support of the majority of the people; the ability of the government to implement its control depends on the soundness and flexibility of the lower institutions.However, according to the current situation, the feelings of the upper and lower levels have not been communicated, and it seems difficult to hope that the people will support the government; the people lack organization and training, and it is impossible to make the lower-level institutions sound and flexible. Paragraph 5: Therefore, we must inspire the sentiments of the common people to support the government, and train and organize them.However, this effort has been achieved, and it is precisely to strengthen the people's anti-enemy sentiment and ability.Therefore, those who previously identified two points or did kung fu only verified one thing. What is this matter?It is to start with agriculture and farmers. Six paragraphs: There are two so-called techniques for starting with agriculture and farmers: 1. First remove all kinds of obstacles to agriculture (disasters, banditry, exorbitant taxes, etc.), and then actively promote agriculture (technology, finance, cooperation, etc.); 2. Organize training close to the daily life of farmers (self-defense, autonomy, cooperation, etc etc.), and further organized training for temporary foreign resistance against the enemy. Seventh paragraph: Why must such efforts be made?There are four reasons for this: 1. The majority of the nationals are peasants; 2. If the non-government cares about the life problems of the peasants and tries to help them, the peasants will not be patriotic and will not support the government; 3. If there is no emotional connection, the organization and training will not be successful; 4. Unless there is organizational training in daily life, there is no basis for organizational training in temporary resistance against the enemy. Paragraph 8: Our rural construction work is to educate and organize the daily life of farmers, improve local grassroots organizations, and prepare for the use of government rule; it is to relieve a little bit of agricultural pain, cultivate farmers' patriotism, and increase their resistance to the enemy. capable.Therefore, we are engaged in the work of resisting the enemy. Even if it is not urgent, there seems to be no more urgent and effective method. We advocate the expansion of rural construction work to meet the enemy.It's over. On the eve of the Anti-Japanese War, my efforts and my proposition were this.Of course, when the War of Resistance broke out, the people will be mobilized based on this policy.After seeing the facts of his running. 3. Articles before "August 13" When I was in Sichuan, Mr. Lu Zuofu and Chen Zhushan returned to Sichuan from Mount Lu.They told me that the government authorities will gather people from the opposition to go to Mount Lu to discuss the overall situation.An invitation was sent to me, forwarded by Zuofu, and I ordered to go to Mount Lushan in early July. I left Sichuan on June 29, went north via Wuhan, and arrived in Peiping on July 2.At that time, there were many rumors in Peking, and the situation was tense, and the storm was about to come. Going south on July 4th, I met Mr. Hu Shizhi and Mr. Lin Zaiping in the car in Jinpu. They should all be invited to the Lushan talk meeting.I told them that I would come later. Get off at Jinan on the 5th and return to Zouping Yishi.Immediately returned to Jinan, ready to go south, but the sound of gunfire at Lugou Bridge broke out. Since then, I have been running for the war of resistance, east, west, north, south, without rest.Trivia is not enough to remember, remember my opinion at the time.This proposition was published on the eve of the outbreak of the "August 13" Shanghai Anti-Japanese War, and was published in Shanghai's "Ta Kung Pao" from August 10 to 12.The topic is: How to deal with the current great war.Its content is recorded as follows: Opening: put forward three major principles—— First, the actions of the military and civilians throughout the country, and even their lives, must be conducted and lived under the highest unified military and government orders. Second, politics must be democratized, and the government and society must be integrated. Third, the rich contribute money, the powerful contribute effort, and the knowledgeable contribute knowledge. The three principles are interrelated and inseparable.Modern wars are all contested by the strength of the entire country, and the key to victory or defeat lies in the rear.What's more, if we want to make a lasting solution, we must accumulate our strength in the wider society.The third article is to combine the human and material resources of the whole country into one country's power to deal with the enemy.How legal?Not only should there be "temperance teachers", but also temperance people.After everything is unified and controlled, the whole country's manpower can be turned into an anti-Japanese tool. ——This is the meaning of the first article.But if we want to instrumentalize the whole country, we must also make the whole country subjectivized.That is to enable people in the whole country to express their feelings and will, and realize that fighting for themselves is not a tool for others.Article 2 The reason for the democratization of politics and the integration of the government and society is here. To put it all together, we must use the systematization of the first article and the democratization of the second article to complete all the nationalization of the third article. Subparagraph: Point out that these three points are ideals, far from the actual status quo.For example, China's affairs have always been unsystematic and unorganized, the country has only recently been unified, and political democratization has not been achieved in thirty years, etc. (abbreviated below) Three paragraphs: Put forward fourteen more specific propositions. (omitted in the middle) This actually includes: 1. The major reform of national administration and local administration; 2. Reform of the education system; Three, political transformation. Regarding the first item, it is to systematize and rationalize all central and local military and political organs in order to meet the needs of wartime mobilization. (abbreviated below) Regarding the transformation of the second education system, it has been my proposition for many years.That is the "Society-Based Education System Draft" written at the request of the Ministry of Education in 22 years. Regarding the third political transformation, which is the requirement of political democratization, I also stated at the time that I would discuss it in a separate article, but I did not write it later. (abbreviated below) To sum up, I am adopting two major policies: one is towards rule, and the other is towards democracy. The third series of my main experience Chapter 35 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (6) 4. National Defense Council A few days before "August 13th", I was in Shanghai and met with Mr. Jiang Baili every day to discuss the current situation. On the 11th, after listening to Mr. Jiang's words, I went to Nanjing on urgent matters.Before the night train left, Cai Jinjun, director of the Shanghai Municipal Public Security Bureau, came to have a meeting.He informed me of the tense situation between the enemy and us, and said that it might not be possible to open fire immediately.I was apprehensive and excited. Not long after the night train left, when the passengers were soundly asleep, they suddenly heard the noise of people and horses.The car is parked at Wuxi Station.The platform was full of troops, and the station master told all the passengers to get off the train, and was ordered to transport the troops to Shanghai quickly.At that time, everyone got out of the car one after another, and I also helped each other with my British friend Mr. Dai Leren, unloading the luggage, and then making plans.Naturally there are many legends, but in my heart I think the fire has already started. On the same day, I was lucky enough to attach another car and continued to drive.However, I had determined that the fire was the cause, so I did not get out of the car after passing Nanjing, and went back to Shandong to prepare for my duties. On the 12th, I went to Jining via Yanzhou. Just after getting out of the car, our colleagues called the central government to call me to go to Beijing, and they were transferring calls to Shanghai to find me.I didn't take a break, but I still took the original car back to Yanzhou, and got off the car in the south to go to Beijing. Arrived in Beijing early on the 14th, met Zhang Yuejun, Xiong Tianyi and other gentlemen, learned about the "August 13th" fire, and learned that the Central Committee will establish a national defense council, and asked me to participate. Regarding the National Defense Council, Mr. Zou Taofen once described it in the fourth section of "Since the War of Resistance Against Japan", "The Embryo of the Political Council".But what is said in it is not without mistakes.That is to say, as the original book said, the national government gathered the leaders of all parties across the country to organize the national defense council at the end of August. In fact, the first meeting was held on "August 17".There was a night meeting that day, and those who attended were Mr. Zhang Boling, Hu Shizhi, Zhou Enlai, Jiang Baili, Li Huang, and Fu Sinian.Shen Junru, Huang Yanpei and others in Shanghai have not yet arrived.Because the letter of appointment was sent out on the 15th, the secretary-general is Peng Xuepei (who concurrently serves as the deputy secretary of communications), not Gan Naiguang.Mr. Gan only came to serve for a few days at the end of the day, when the council was about to end. I want to tell the narrative in several layers: 1. This meeting is undoubtedly the germination of democracy during the Anti-Japanese War (Mr. Zou's words).Judging from the content of the characters, almost all of them are in the opposition and outside the party.Even those of the Kuomintang are not close to the center, such as Mr. Ma Junwu.This kind of spirit really shows that the government wants to unite the power of the whole country and concentrate the thoughts and insights of the whole country.After this meeting, there will be the Lushan Talks Meeting.It can be traced back to the "January 28th" Luoyang National Crisis Conference, and its purpose and nature are roughly the same. From the National Crisis Conference at the beginning of the national crisis to today's National Political Council, it is really the same line. There is no such assembly in normal times, let alone established as an organization.However, when the national disaster forced them to call them immediately, it fully proved that they were necessary at this time. On the other hand, the government does not necessarily invite these people to come to the central government in normal times, and these people are not necessarily willing to come in normal times.Today the government is willing for everyone to come, and everyone is also willing to come. On the one hand, the government welcomes it openly, and on the other hand, everyone wholeheartedly supports it.Here is unity, here is democracy, here is unity, here is progress.The weather is bright and prosperous, which has never been seen in thirty years: who said that the enemy is not good enough for me! 2. For any matter, don't look at the appearance, but whether there is a true meaning in it.Although the National Defense Council is small and lacks many forms, I feel that it is not bad. It seems to be better than today's National Participation Congress.This is the beginning, the idea is more real.Although the number of discussants later increased to twenty-five or six, there were always no more than ten people at the meeting, which can be described as very small.So few people came. For example, Mr. Jiang Baili and Mr. Hu Shizhi were ordered to go abroad. Mr. Mao Zedong did not come in Yan'an, nor did he come after Zhou Enlai. Huang Yanpei and Shen Junru often traveled to Shanghai. My husband and I are also in constant contact.But because of the small number of people, the spirit is cohesive, the conversation is friendly, and it is also calm and casual.In this way, there is less estrangement between each other and it is easier to communicate.There are also many meetings, sometimes up to four times a week (when the nine-nation convention is held in Beijing, it is to listen to international news).There are many more confidential matters in military, diplomatic, financial and financial matters that can be known a little, and it is also because of the small number of people.Later, at the Political Participation Conference, hundreds of people were present, and the government refused to produce a report.The Political Participation Conference was first held every three months, and then changed to every six months.The government reports are first prepared as articles and printed into volumes with detailed figures, which are read aloud by ministers.The form is neat, but the meaning is reduced.The general meeting has a speaker, rules for discussion, procedures for proposals, and number of people for voting. Of course, the various forms are better than before.During the meeting, cars and horses gathered, and it was very lively, but in reality, there was nothing to press. In Mr. Zou's book, he said that the organization and powers of the National Defense Council are extremely simple, and there are no written regulations at all, and he has not even seen the list of all senators.This is roughly true.The employment letter we received was originally a confidential document (the beginning of which is called the secret sealer), so the list was not released to the outside world.During meetings, the exchange of opinions is often done verbally, not in writing.However, it is precisely for this reason that some words have inspired the government, or repeated questions have helped us understand.Mr. Zou also said that "acting chairman Wang Jingwei orally conveyed everyone's opinions to the government authorities, and sometimes also conveyed the opinions of the authorities to the members of the association orally, that's all."This is also true.However, compared to the later papers and printed documents at the political participation meeting, it is not necessarily useless to look like a serious person.I think that everything in China's political affairs falls into the "waiting for the cause" and should be corrected.However, the famous British constitutionalism relies entirely on habit and spirit, not on the provisions; it seems that we should not focus on the provisions, but cultivate the spirit and habits of constitutionalism, so that we can have hope! 3. There may be provisions on the organization and powers of the National Defense Council, but I have not seen them.I only remember that on the first day of the meeting, Mr. Zhang Boling asked what was the standard principle for the election of senators.Mr. Hu Shizhi once asked how the Senate should implement consultation.The then chairman Wang Jingwei roughly answered the first question by saying that he focused on the opposition parties, social popularity, and people with expertise.As for the second question, it is divided into three levels: the first level is that the government believes that the current situation is extremely serious, and invites everyone to discuss state affairs, and is eager to listen to the opinions of all parties—that is, to see what suggestions you have; the second level is that the government should deal with The current situation may bring some plans and plans to the meeting for everyone to consider; the three-level government will keep everyone informed of the international situation ahead and how to deal with it, so that everyone can understand and support the government. Thinking about it now, among the three floors, the real weight is on the third floor.Not only is the government's subjective requirements on the third floor, but also the third floor receives a little utility in the end. When it comes to the first level, there are many opinions that everyone embraces, suggestions to the government, military diplomacy, and so on.There are about three or four points that have been concentrated by the public discussion.The first point is to adjust government agencies to rationalize and simplify them.Because the various departments of the Fifth Academy are too large to meet the needs of wartime.In addition, during the war, new agencies emerged one after another, and the administrative efficiency could not be increased, but decreased.Mr. Zeng Muhan created the idea of ​​"pocket government", which advocates reducing the size of the organization, whichever is light and easy to move.This request is actually agreed upon by all.In general, it is easy to cut down personnel, but it is more difficult to cut down organizations; it is easy to cut down small organizations, but it is more difficult to cut down large organizations.In the reorganization after the government moved to Wuhan, ministries were cut and merged, but the Fifth Academy was not. Another point is to mobilize the people.The third point is to set up a public opinion organ and think that the Senate is not enough.Four o'clock, eradicate corruption.Until our army withdrew from Shanghai and the government was about to move westward, Zhang Junmai, Zuo Shunsheng, Huang Yanpei, Shen Junru, Luo Wengan, Ma Junwu, Li Huang, Yang Gengtao, and myself jointly raised these points and sincerely submitted them to the authorities.