Chapter 21 The third series of my main experience-1

The third series of my main experience Section 29 Brief Review of Rural Work A Brief Review of My Rural Work Before the Anti-Japanese War, my rural movement had a great development, and there were objective reasons for this development.In the annual report of the Bank of China in the 21st or 22nd year of the Republic of China, it was pointed out that the domestic social economy had undergone major changes at that time, and there was neither export nor entry.It turned out that China's exports depended on the countryside (agricultural products), and its imports were also for the countryside (kerosene needed by the countryside, etc.). At this time, the banking industry was the first to feel this phenomenon.This is one of the reasons why the rural movement is widespread in the country - rural bankruptcy.It was because of the bankruptcy of the countryside that there was a call for relief to the countryside. The Nanjing government also established a rural revival committee.Here I want to talk about the origin of my involvement in rural sports.

We did not start this movement with the stimulus of rural bankruptcies.I originally grew up in the big city of Beijing, including my previous generation and the previous two generations.Why does a person who grew up in the city want to engage in rural sports?In the early years, under the influence of Mr. Peng Yizhong, I was instilled with patriotic thoughts, so I was enthusiastic about state affairs very early, and thus enthusiastic about constitutionalism.I think that the emperor's autocracy is the root of China's corruption. To save the country, we must start with politics. Constitutionalism first appeared in Britain, and we should use Britain as a blueprint to implement constitutionalism.At the end of the Qing Dynasty, everyone demanded constitutional government, so the Qing government proclaimed the nineteen articles of constitutional government.Sun Yat-sen became the provisional president and announced the provisional constitution, which also imitated the British constitution.Later, Yuan Shikai betrayed the Republic of China and established the monarchy.But it turns out that the people of the society did not implement the requirements of constitutional government.If the public does not participate in state affairs and strive for individual freedom and civil rights, constitutionalism is useless if it is only talked about at the top.Driven by this problem, I thought that we must start with local self-government, that is, from the grassroots rural areas, so I abandoned urban life and went to the countryside. At first I wanted to try it out in Guangdong, because Li Jishen, who I knew, was in power in Guangdong at that time. , methods, etc. Unfortunately, the workshop was not completed, and the lecture notes no longer exist.Later, the political situation changed and Li Jishen was detained by Chiang Kai-shek, so I returned to the north.Just when I returned to the north, I met my friends Wang Chaojun (Hongyi), Liang Zhonghua and others.Wang is from Shandong and was the deputy speaker of the Shandong Provincial Council at the time.Feng Yuxiang and Yan Xishan treated Wang very politely, so Wang was the guest of Feng and Yan.Wang Chaojun is enthusiastic about rural self-government.While publishing the "Village Governance Monthly" in Beiping, he and his friends set up the Henan Village Governance College in Hui County, Henan. "Village Governance Monthly" received financial support from Yan, and the Village Governance Institute received Feng's approval.The deans of the School of Village Governance are Peng Yuting and Liang Zhonghua, and I am the provost. I drafted the purpose statement of the School of Village Governance.It didn't take me more than a year before and after this, because the college was forced to end in a hurry because of Jiang Yanfeng's Central Plains War in the 19th year of the Republic of China.At that time, the nominal chairman of Henan Province was Han Fuju, but in fact he could not preside over the provincial government.Han Yuan was Feng's subordinate.After the end of the Central Plains War, Jiang pulled Han and entrusted him with the post of chairman of Shandong Province, so Han separated from Feng.After the college ended, Liang Zhonghua, the deputy dean, went to Shandong to report to Han. Han said that Henan could not do it, so please come to Shandong, so the whole class of the college went to Shandong to consider how to do it.At that time, all walks of life talked about "construction". Under this influence, we proposed "rural construction" and founded the Shandong Rural Construction Research Institute. for the experimental area.In addition to the experimental area under the hospital, the other two parts are the training department and the research department. The task of the former is to train cadres for rural work, and the latter is responsible for the research and planning of rural construction.Liang Zhonghua is the dean, and I am the director of the research department. In carrying out rural construction work, I have two main points in my mind, because from my point of view, China has two major shortcomings.Chinese peasants are so undisciplined that they fend for themselves.Farmers don't care about the country, and the country doesn't care about farmers.Farmers are undisciplined and lack group organization, which is a flaw.Another aspect that Chinese society lacks is science and technology.The new constitutional China I think must start with local self-government, and local self-government must start with group self-government, and farmers can be organized to realize it.The group self-government I dream of is a cooperative; this kind of cooperative is mainly production cooperation, but also includes consumption cooperation and credit cooperation.The progress of the West started from the cities, and developed through aggression and trade at the expense of rural development.We can't go this way.In short, China lacks the words "group organization" and "science and technology".If these two aspects are supplemented, China will develop and progress and become a very good country.This is good, and it is better than the West, because its prosperity is built on the vast countryside.The approach in my mind is to introduce group organizations and science and technology to the countryside: every point introduced by group organizations can introduce one point of science and technology, and similarly, one point of introduction of science and technology can also promote one point of group organization.For this reason, we established a rural financial circulation office in Zouping, which also serves as a county treasury. The circulation office does not lend to individual farmers, but only to cooperatives formed by farmers, in order to promote the development of cooperatives, promote farmers' organizations, and promote scientific and technological development. .For example, Sunjia Town in Zouping is a distribution center for cotton. Farmers sell the cotton they produce, pack it, and ship it to Qingdao Cotton Mill.We are doing cotton seed improvement work, promoting the long-staple cotton (American cotton) needed by the spinning mills, and the spinning mills buy it at a high price, and farmers welcome it.We also planned to set up our own spinning mills in the local area, so as to combine agriculture and industry and increase rural wealth. However, due to the July 7th Incident, this was not realized in time.

In starting the rural movement, I started from my subjective understanding, but under the impetus of the objective situation of rural bankruptcy, the movement had a relatively large and extensive development. Therefore, we held a national rural work seminar for three consecutive years. The first time was in Zouping, Shandong, The next two times were in Ding County, Hebei Province and Wuxi, Jiangsu Province.The minutes of these three meetings were edited by Zhang Yuanshan and Xu Shilian, and submitted to the Commercial Press for publication under the title "Rural Construction Experiment".Doing rural work with the spirit of becoming a monk. A real monk who becomes a monk is touched by a major event of life and death, which touches his heart and affects his life. Life and death, then abandon everything, regardless of everything.Now I come to do rural sports, in the current world, in the current China, it is the same as a monk becoming a monk.I was also moved and motivated by big problems; leaving friends, leaving relatives, coming here like a monk going to a temple.Because this matter is too big, it completely occupies my life, and I have nothing but this matter.At this time, it is like a monk who feels that the world is dreaming and he is very lonely when he becomes a monk, but most people still occupy his heart.In Buddhism, it is originally for all living beings, compassion for all living beings, and solving life and death for all living beings; this kind of mentality of not forgetting and thinking about all living beings should be imitated by people who do rural sports.Ordinary monks are rarely so excited, so determined, and voluntarily vowed to become a monk. If such a monk is equal to not becoming a monk, although he has become a monk, he just recites scriptures casually, and his life is as boring as the world.Such a life is a tasteless life.If the rural activists don't become monks on their own initiative, they don't get excited in their hearts, and they still live as fools. This is the most wronged and most tasteless life.If we really come here with aspirations, we should really feel lonely like a monk, always thinking about sentient beings, always thinking about one thing, often as if we want to solve a very urgent problem. (I wanted to become a monk when I was 20 years old, but I didn’t; but I still feel like becoming a monk until now.) It’s easy for a person to understand for a while and be confused for a while; when he understands, it is easy to understand his responsibility, and when he is confused, he forgets .This can only be done by reminding myself often, to ask a very sincere heart.If you don’t really want to do it, it’s better not to do it; if you really want to do it, then you should have a deep inner determination, even if you are sometimes confused, you can still be awakened.

The third series of my main experience Chapter 30 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (1) What am I trying to do——Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War After the establishment of the China Democratic League at the end of 1940, the author was pushed to Hong Kong in 1941 to organize the "Guangming Daily" in order to establish the Democratic League's speech organization overseas. The newspaper was founded on September 18, 1941, and the author was appointed as the president of the newspaper to preside over the work of the newspaper. "What am I trying to do? "The article was written at this time, and it was serialized in "Guangming Daily" for a month and a half.The article briefly describes the various important activities the author participated in during the four years from around the July 7th Incident in 1937 to 1941 before leaving Chongqing for Hong Kong.These past events fifty years ago, due to the change of time, some details are not very meaningful, so they are slightly abridged when republished.As for the many "skylights" in the article, they were seized by the news organizations of the Hong Kong authorities that year, and the author had no choice but to leave them blank because he could not fill them in.

editor introduction What am I trying to do?This was originally for readers to recognize from the facts of the past four or five years after reading this self-report.But now you might as well point out: 1. Domestic unity; Second, it is the mobilization of the people. Mobilizing the people is necessary for the war of resistance, and domestic unity is necessary for the war of resistance. This is something that everyone knows that we must work hard.There are many people who work hard, and I am only one of the people who follow the country.Nothing new, not enough to describe.But I tossed and turned and worked hard for four or five years, either this or that, from beginning to end, consistent.Those who tell the people to care about these two major issues can also get a glimpse of their news.

My first thought was to mobilize the people, because I thought that national unity would not be a problem to the outside world. Later, I realized that things are not that simple, and unity must be sought first. The more conflicts there are, the greater the conflicts, the state affairs cannot be done.But if someone asks me: We must unite and then mobilize the people, can the facts allow it?I can't answer.I always emphasize "unity first". I am a cautious person. I, like the Communist Party, can mobilize the people.Of course, I want to start with unity and seek a planned and reasonable mass mobilization across the country (I have opinions and plans on this matter, see below).However, my strength is weak, and things are not easy to succeed. To this day, I am still hovering over the issue of unity and have made no progress. Therefore, what I have worked hard in the past four or five years has been verified to be only a matter of unity.After a try, the text is self-explanatory.Today, I was entrusted by my colleagues to run this newspaper, and it is still for the solidarity movement.Now I describe my hard work in the past four or five years, so as to seek advice from the world's sages, which is also a kind of work that expresses the purpose of this newspaper. If readers from all walks of life can sympathize and advise, so that the unity movement can benefit somewhat, it will not be the overall situation.Best wishes!

In the narration of this article, I plan to narrate the passage of some of our friends in Chongqing recently who ran for unity as the first chapter of the book, and then turn around and narrate it from before the Anti-Japanese War to the latest, so that The beginning of the narration is linked together, and the order is roughly as follows:(1) A passage between February and March 1941 (2) Speeches before July 7th (3) Articles after "August 13" (4) National Defense Council (5) Visit Yan'an (6) National Political Council (7) Campaign to improve military service (8) My Views on Solving Partisan Issues

(9) Touring various battlefields in North China and East China (10) Unified National Founding Comrades Association (11) A Proposal in April 1940 (12) Summary of the full text The third series of my main experience Chapter 31 Self-narration since the Anti-Japanese War (2) 1. A passage between February and March 1941 I saw this passage mentioned in two publications.One is the "Central Weekly" edited by Mr. Tao Baichuan, which seems to use "Persuading Driving" as the title, and the other is "The Eve of the Second National Political Council" in the 75th section of "Since the Anti-Japanese War" written by Mr. Zou Taofen.However, they are all vague.I am now describing the current facts more accurately (of which many are still omitted), readers may wish to corroborate them with the previous two articles.

This passage, from February 22 to March 27, 1941, is as follows.At that time, Mao Zedong, a member of the Communist Party of China, and other seven people protested against the New Fourth Army incident in January, and notified the secretariat of the National Political Council in writing that they would not attend the Political Council until the 12 measures they proposed to deal with the aftermath were not approved by the government.The political participation committee has already scheduled a meeting on March 1, so it is inconvenient for colleagues who participate in politics to sit and watch as a third party, so they will gather and discuss on February 22.Those present on that day include Zhang Junmai, Luo Longji, etc., Zuo Shunsheng, Li Huang, etc., Shen Junru, Zou Taofen, etc., Huang Yanpei, Leng, etc., and the former councilors Zhang Bojun and Zhang Shenfu also participated, including myself There are fifteen people in total.As a result of our discussion, it is presumed that Zuo, Luo and I are three people who are responsible for drafting a few opinions as the basis for speaking to both parties.That night, Zuo, Luo and I exchanged views again, and entrusted me to write. After I finish writing on the evening of the 23rd, I will inform all my friends to gather on the 24th.Everyone has read, what I have written has not been modified much, that is, the signatures are signed in order of age.The first is Mr. Zhang Biaofang (Lan), and the second is Mr. Chu Fucheng. I don’t need to count them in detail.Except for Zhang Bojun and Zhang Shenfu who did not sign, there are still sixteen people.Mr. Chu is an old-timer of the Kuomintang and has no partisan prejudices. He also voluntarily listed this time.

I wrote a total of four articles, the articles are as follows: 1) In order to demonstrate the unity of the whole country, the attendance of the Chinese Communist Party members and politicians at this conference is essential. (2) For the Yongdu dispute, all armies in the country should be insulated from any party and united in the country. The implementation of the above principles shall be supervised and handled impartially by the joint committee of all parties. (3) How many years have passed since the promulgation of the Anti-Japanese War and Nation-Building Program?But now in fact, how many people violate the various regulations?It should be thoroughly reviewed by a joint committee of various parties.Those who fail to implement it should be urged to implement it; those that violate the provisions of each article should be corrected.And use this committee as a permanent supervisory authority.

(4) According to Articles 2 and 3, a joint committee shall be established, with the supreme leader as the chairman. In case of failure to attend, a responsible representative chairman shall be appointed.There are eight committee members, who will be recruited from all walks of life.Items resolved by the committee will take effect immediately and will no longer be approved by any agency. In the spring of 1939, the author set off from the rear of Chongqing to inspect guerrilla areas behind enemy lines in Shandong.Returned to Luoyang eight months later. (The third from the right in the front row is the author, the left is the accompanying secretary, and the right is the accompanying military staff officer Wang Jingbo). Chiang Kai-shek's signature was signed by sixteen people, and the beginning and the end were added before and after the four articles to make a letter, which was ready to be presented to Chiang Kai-shek.On the CCP side, Zhou Enlai and Dong Biwu were invited for an interview.There were a lot of conversations in Zhou, but the main points were just two levels: the first level expressed that the third party was very welcome to come out to speak out, they were willing to work with the third party to promote democracy, and they could make more concessions in their own affairs; the second level expressed , the four propositions are very good, and if they are accepted by the authorities, their attendance will not be a problem.This is for the 25th. On the morning of the 27th, Jiang Gongwen went to meet, and in addition to presenting the four items in person, he also explained verbally.The main point is to focus on two points: one is that the army must separate from the party and unite with the country, so as to completely eliminate disputes; the other is that state decrees are often announced but not implemented. , only ask for cashing, and we ask for the right to supervise the cashing.Jiang Gong expressed his opinion about these two points.In summary, accept our suggestion and form that committee.As for the attendance of the CCP senators, we asked us to persuade him and make an appointment to meet again the next day.We should convey this intention to Zhou and Dong immediately.In addition to the conversation at noon, in the evening at No. 4 Youshi Street (Secretariat of the National Political Council), the colleagues discussed with Zhou and Dong earnestly, and asked them to withdraw the notice that they refused to attend.Mr. Zhou and Dong Erjun did not agree, but only agreed to call Yan'an to ask for instructions.On the 28th of the next day, the colleagues met Jiang Gong again, and told Zhou Jun that he had called Yan'an, and continued to discuss the organization committee, which went smoothly.At the end of the day, Jiang Gong asked if the CCP's attendance was not a problem?No one dared to answer.So Jiang Gong strictly stated that they will attend tomorrow (March 1), that is, according to the principle of one party participating in the presidium and one chairman, they should elect Zhou Enlai as one of the presidium; be responsible.There is nothing to talk about in the future.Please go and tell him! At that time there was only half a day left, and it was very urgent, so Huang (Yanpei), Shen (Junru) and Zuo (Shunsheng) and I rushed to visit Zhou and Dong without eating.It not only conveys the leader's words, but also expresses the demands of colleagues, please decide to attend, and don't disappoint all parties.Zhou Jun and the others seemed not to be stubborn, they only said that they had to wait for a reply from Yan'an.They have their own radio station on the mountain near Hualong Bridge, and they connect to Yan'an three times a day at four o'clock in the afternoon, ten o'clock in the evening, and five or six o'clock in the morning.So Mr. Zhou told us that there will be a reply by night at the latest.If you receive a reply, let us know immediately.People in the government who are concerned about this matter have asked us for news.We all give optimistic answers.Because the air did not seem to be a problem at that time.Unexpectedly, Mr. Huang and I sat and waited all night and asked Zhou Jun on the phone many times;Two relatives, Zhou and Dong, came to see us in Tianming, saying that there was a problem with the radio station and they could not receive the telegram from Yan'an, so it was inconvenient to attend.After repeated earnest talks, they were unable to become stronger.It was time for the meeting, and suddenly on the phone, Mr. Jiang personally said to Mr. Huang, asking us to represent him, and urged Dong and Deng to attend immediately (because only Dong Biwu and Deng Yingchao were in Chongqing among the seven senators).We had no choice but to run to persuade the driver.They naturally refused to come, and wrote a letter of apology, stating that there was no order from the Party Central Committee, and they could not be independent.We rushed to the meeting place and replied to Jiang Gong with this letter. The meeting had already opened. We presented the letter to Jiang Gong face to face, and explained on his behalf, saying that they were not able to attend because of the telegram, and there was no other intention.Jiang Gongdang said that he could wait for them for a day.So Huang Yanpei, Zhang Junmai and other forty-two people made an impromptu motion to suspend the afternoon meeting and reschedule the election of all bureaus to the next day.The reason is that after they attend, Zhou Enlai can be selected to join the presidium. Yan'an Proposed Twelve Articles On the next day, at dawn on March 2, Mr. Huang and I asked Zhou Jun again by phone.We said that the telegram from Yan'an had arrived, and we were stern and overjoyed. Unexpectedly, there were twelve more proposals, requiring the authorities to accept them before attending. The twelve conditions are as follows: (checked) This is the so-called new twelve clauses, which are much lower than the previous twelve clauses (), but no matter how high or low the conditions are, we have never heard of bargaining.We intervene in state affairs from the standpoint of citizens, and work hard based on our propositions and beliefs (see the preceding four items).We are not peacemakers, mediators.What's more, this method of dividing the family is inconsistent with our spirit of demanding national reunification. Everyone feels disappointed and cannot praise it, let alone the mood of the Kuomintang. a committee question The CCP did not attend, and the five members of the presidium were elected on the same day (Zuo Shunsheng, Zhang Junmai), and Zhou Enlai was not included.At 12:00 noon, we gathered at the Yixin Hotel to discuss what we should do in the future.I put forward my opinion: We really don't want to discuss the 12 articles of the CCP. Moreover, negotiating each article one by one will inevitably delay the period of participating in the political session; there is no reason for the authorities to agree to it.Can you discuss with them the following: 1. The twelfth article originally mentioned is now a thing of the past, so there is no need to discuss it again; 2. The eleventh article originally mentioned seems to be equivalent to the committee we advocated. Please continue to discuss according to our four articles; 3. , Articles 1 to 10 are not discussed for the time being, and will be handed over to the committee for adjudication when the committee is established. This brings together a committee issue.As for how to organize the committee, Mr. Zhou Enlai and Mr. Zhang Yuejun (group) should be invited to meet directly, which is easier to solve, and Junmai and Shunsheng, a total of four people, negotiated and drafted it.Once the draft is drawn, the leader is immediately asked to approve it. Once approved, a committee can be established while the CCP attends the Political Council.If you can successfully attend this conference, it will be enough to comfort the hearts of the people in China and the hopes of international friends.