Chapter 26 The second quarter is also the commander-in-chief of the five-provincial coalition forces

Chiang Kai-shek successively defeated Li Zongren, Feng Yuxiang, Tang Shengzhi, Zhang Fakui, Yan Xishan and other Kuomintang military leaders, thinking that the world is unified and can be ruled by one person.However, his tactics are nothing more than inheriting from Sun Yat-sen's "League the First and Falling the Second", and he just excels in the "Division and Buying".As a result, Zhang San was killed and Li Si came, and the world was not unified.Since Zhang Xueliang entered the customs to decide the Central Plains War and deal with Yan and Feng, both North China and Northeast China were under the influence of the Northeast Army.Chiang Kai-shek used Chen Jitang and Chen Mingshu to get Li Jishen away, and Guangdong became the world of the two Chens.Old and new warlords in other places, as well as the local Red Army, also won more living space in the civil war.Therefore, Chiang Kai-shek spent a lot of effort, the Chinese people suffered a lot of loss of life and property, and the country's vitality was greatly damaged. In fact, his unified world is still only the five provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, Anhui, and Jiangxi. .He is called the Chairman of the National Government, but in fact he is no different from Sun Chuanfang's Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Forces of the Five Provinces.Coincidentally, Chiang Kai-shek's National Government in Nanjing was expanded on the former site of Sun Chuanfang's governor's yamen.

Shen Yunlong, a historian of the Youth Party, said that after Chiang Kai-shek won the Central Plains War and failed to expand the meeting, he accepted the "Taiyuan Constitution" with "magnanimity and tolerance" and advocated the convening of a national meeting to formulate a law, "but it was strongly opposed by Hu Hanmin. It was the Tangshan incident that occurred on March 1 (1931), which caused another major political tide within the party." (The book "Historical Events and Characters of the Republic of China", pp. 282-283) But Chiang wanted to convene the National Assembly, not for the sake of democracy, and it had nothing to do with "magnanimity".Hu Hanmin's objection was not anti-democracy, but he had insight into Chiang Kai-shek's mind and knew that he wanted to use the contract to convene the National Assembly, become the president of the Republic of China, and monopolize the power of the military and political parties.The Hu family has always ruled the party and led the army with the party. Back then, he tried his best to support Chiang Kai-shek to organize and send conferences for this purpose. Now Chiang advocates "fascist political theory". Once a military strongman becomes a dictatorial president, the party will undoubtedly be reduced It is not willing to be a tool of a dictator.

"Memoirs of Chen Bulei" recorded in 1931: On February 28, Mr. Hu Zhantang resigned from the presidency of the Legislative Yuan due to his political views (opposition to the law on the period of political training and the National Assembly), and he moved to Huanglong Lane in the city for a temporary residence. You Zi, an outsider, made a sarcasm, and Yu Zi, who witnessed it in Beijing, was deeply worried about the future of the party. (Page 83) Hu Hanmin (zi Zhantang) resigned because of his political views. Why did he cause a political tide and be ridiculed by outsiders?Made Chen Bulei even more worried about the future of the Kuomintang?Si Nai Chen Bui's secretive and unobtrusive brushwork actually has a lot to say.

In fact, Hu is not opposed to convening the National Assembly, but resolutely opposes the convening of the National Assembly during the political training period. The contract law uses the election of a president who takes over the power of the party, government and military. , So it touched Jiang's anger.Hu's prestige in the party was so high that he was also tabooed by Jiang.Before the victory in the Central Plains War, Jiang still needed Hu's cooperation and support;On the night of February 28, 1931, Chiang Kai-shek invited Hu Hanmin to a banquet at the headquarters. It turned out to be another Hongmen banquet, but Liu Bang was not lucky enough to slip away and was detained.Shao Yuanchong, one of the eyewitnesses, left a diary of that day, which is quite detailed:

At 7 o'clock, Jieshi invited all the members of the Central Committee to dinner and went to the headquarters.At eight o'clock, the scene of colleagues gathered, and the exhibition hall arrived. Jie Shidu ordered Secretary Gao Ling Bai and Wu Police Chief Siyu to entertain them in the other hall.Xuan Jieshi issued a letter from the Unanimous Exhibition Hall to inform colleagues that Zhongli Chen Zhan manipulated party power, controlled the Legislative Yuan, and protested that the National Assembly should not discuss crimes such as the law. It was nineteen pages long, signed by Jieshi, and had personal annotations After passing the circulation, all the seats were silent.Jieshi also said that this letter has been read with Zhantang, and he wants to go to Zhantang for the rest.Zhan said that "the list in the book is all without reason. For the past two years, I have maintained the center and always encouraged and supported it. If there are still dissatisfied and slandered people among the same people, I will have to retire on my own. However, it is true and cannot be falsely accused" and other words , Yu Naichu.Xuanyou Jieshi had a dinner with his colleagues, and urged that the National Assembly should discuss the law. Wu, Li, Cai, Ye, and Dai all agreed with him, and they dispersed at ten o'clock.On the evening of the same day, the exhibition hall stayed in Jieshi's house in the headquarters of the general headquarters. (See "Shao Yuanchong's Diary", pages 710 to 711)

The so-called staying at the headquarters is actually being detained at the headquarters and not allowed to go home.Shao's record and Hu's self-report (see "Hu Hanmin's Autobiographical Sequel", published in "Modern History Materials" No. 1983) seem to be in line.The next day, Chiang Kai-shek announced at the government office that Hu Hanmin, who had lost his freedom, resigned from his post and other posts, and ordered Shao Yuanchong and Wang Shihe, the chief guard, to escort Hu to Tangshan Club for a secluded residence.Although Shao was Jiang's confidant, he didn't take the matter of imprisoning Hu seriously at the beginning. He didn't necessarily tell Jieshi explicitly, at least he revealed it in his private diary, and "went to Tangshan to visit the exhibition hall" from time to time.On March 8, Shao Yuanchong went to Tangshan to bring Hu Hanmin back to Shuanglong Lane in the city, together with Wu Siyu and Dai Jitao, directors of the Metropolitan Police Department, and placed him under house arrest for a second time.On March 20, the head of the Metropolitan Police Department stopped the traffic in Shuanglong Lane again, and cars were not allowed to pass through, and the police went to check on the Hu family once a day.At 5:00 p.m. on March 24, Shao Yuanchong and Zhang Mojun went to Shuanglong Lane to visit the Hu family. The guards did not allow Zhang Mojun to go up the building, but only Shao Yuanchong was allowed to enter.By April 25th, even Shao Yuanchong was blocked, which made him "extremely annoyed", but there was nothing he could do.The next day, Chiang Kai-shek also specifically told Shao not to associate with Hu, so Shao couldn't help but read the "New Preface to Liu Zizheng" and complained in his diary, saying: "The wise man who insults his ministers for the sake of a king, does not do it for schemes. Don't do it for envoys, the brave don't do it for a fight, knowing the king, don't insult his ministers." ("Shao Yuanchong Diary", pages 711, 714, 717, 718, 726 to 727, 7 29) Hu Hanmin is actually Chiang Kai-shek's teacher and elder. The ancient emperors never insulted his ministers, but Jiang insulted Hu so far, not to mention that Hu carried Jiang's sedan chair for two years. No wonder even Shao Yuanchong "declined the morals of the world" Sigh! However, Shao Yuanchong continued to serve as Jiang's state council member and vice president of the Legislative Yuan.

Hu Hanmin's sudden resignation did not fulfill Chiang's presidential dream, but "caused rumors". The KMT Central Executive Committee controlled by Chiang Kai-shek sent a telegram on March 8 to "refute the rumors". The fact of being in captivity.Wang Jingwei issued a manifesto on March 14, denouncing Chiang Kai-shek for "serving guests with wine, drawing guns and arresting people at the same time. The act of kidnapping people by robbers as the chairman of the National Government is far worse than the dog officials in the Qingshuang Sword." And nothing less than that" (Cai Dejin's "Wang Jingwei's Commentary", page 190) On April 30, Gu Yingfen, civil servant of the national government, and supervisory committee members Deng Zeru, Xiao Focheng, and Lin Sen jointly published the "Impeachment of Jiang Zhongzheng". Jiang's suspicion is heartfelt and sinister. The prime minister used his long army to train troops. Before the deadline, the prime minister passed away. Taking advantage of time and change, he stole the military power and became entrenched in the center. He controlled the country and planted his wings. , Threatening the old. Comrades respect the will of the Prime Minister, anxious for the country's crisis, celebrate their talents and courage, and surrender to each other. Since the past few years, they have not known how to restrain themselves, and the ravages have deepened, causing disaster." Then listed four major crimes. First, Chiang claimed to be Sun Yat-sen's successor, and took the Kuomintang as his private property, so that he "falsified the Prime Minister and despised the party members"; "; third, Jiang's disobedience to party discipline, encouraging villains such as Chen Guofu, etc., to act everywhere, "violent and unrestrained, oppressing the people"; fourth, Jiang's relative Song Ziwen changed from a "poor man" to a rich man. "Equal to a prince", in charge of finance "has been in charge of finance for more than six years, and has issued more than 40,000,000 public debts", and "Jiang's indulgence in doing evil, anyone who has something to say to him, turns a deaf ear to it."Therefore, "Jiang Zhongzheng violated the law and rebelled against the party, and he has a clear record of rebellion. I would like to list the crimes and submit to the Guild for strict punishment. Zhang Zhengyi will punish the Ji Gang." ("Why Chiang Kai-shek was impeached" edited by the Propaganda Section of the Guangdong Provincial Party Headquarters of the Kuomintang) Afterwards, Chen Jitang, the commander-in-chief of the Eighth Route Army stationed in Guangdong, led his troops on May 3 to support the impeachment case of the Fourth Supervisory Committee.The Nanjing side knew that Guangdong was in trouble. Because of Hu Hanmin's freedom issue, Jiang Chu wanted to restore Hu Hanmin's freedom under pressure, but he found another plan. (See "Shao Yuanchong's Diary", page 729) On May 11, Li and Bai in Guangxi led their troops to respond by telegram.On the Nanjing side, He Yingqin, He Chengcao and other 30 generals sent telegrams to attack the Guangdong side, and another eloquent "telegraph war" broke out!

Cantonese arrows aim at Chiang Kai-shek's dictatorship, and they will not stop until Chiang Kai-shek is overthrown.On May 25, 22 people including Wang Jingwei, Sun Ke, and Chen Jitang jointly called Chiang Kai-shek and ordered him to retire within 48 hours.Two days later, various factions in Guangzhou passed a declaration drafted by Wang Jingwei, announcing the establishment of an extraordinary meeting of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang, pending the convening of the Fourth National Congress.On May 28, the extraordinary meeting formed the "National Government" in Guangzhou, with Wang as its chairman.On the same day, Chiang Kai-shek replied to Sun Ke, saying that he was "entrusted by the Prime Minister" and refused to retire. He also said that "it was neither Zhao Meng's value, nor Zhao Meng's cheapness"! So Ning and Guangdong split up, and the government had another double-package case.Only about half a year after the enlarged meeting in Peking ended, another extraordinary meeting in Guangzhou took place, all under the banner of opposing Chiang Kai-shek's personal dictatorship.In fact, Chiang was not only authoritarian, but also tyrannical, as evidenced by the imprisonment of Hu Hanmin.His doing so, of course, caused the Kuomintang to split again and again, not to mention the disintegration of the whole country, which was also very detrimental to himself. He exposed his shortcomings and became the target of public criticism.

The most interesting thing is that after the Cantonese Kuomintang sang against Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek actually wanted to invite Hu Hanmin to preside over party affairs, so "the defense was relaxed". (See "Shao Yuanchong's Diary", p. 739) Jiang's "responsibility" is like this! If Hu promised, Jiang would just "take a salary from the bottom of the pot." Immediately forget Jiang's dominance and arrogance. On July 21, the Guangzhou Nationalist Government formally issued a crusade order, calling for the suppression of the Communist Party and Chiang Kai-shek.At the beginning of September, the troops from Guangdong and Guangxi swore to the Northern Expedition, attacking Hunan and Jiangxi separately. On September 6, they occupied Chenzhou, Hunan.But in less than five days, the September 18th Incident broke out. The Japanese invaded and occupied the Northeast.When Chiang Kai-shek returned to Nanjing on September 21, he invited Chen Mingshu, who had returned from Japan, to go to Guangdong to seek peace.The next day, Shao Yuanchong was ordered to see Hu Hanmin and urge him to leave the main center. He, the sage Hu Hanmin, came out of the mountain, and you, Chiang Kai-shek, have to step down if you are unworthy! Swear not to coexist, quite ambitious.

Under Jiang's instruction, Chen Mingshu, accompanied by Cai Yuanpei and Zhang Ji, arrived in Hong Kong on September 28 and held talks with representatives from the Cantonese side Wang Jingwei, Sun Ke and Li Wenfan.The Guangdong side proposed three points: 1. Ren Chen Mingshu was in charge of the garrison affairs in Beijing and Shanghai; 2. Chiang Kai-shek sent a telegram to take the blame for the political measures over the past few years, and declared that after the unified government was decided, he would step down immediately; 3. The Cantonese side would cancel the telegram The Guangdong-China government came to Beijing for a meeting to discuss the unification of the government. (Quoted from "Shao Yuanchong's Diary", p. 778) On the 30th, after Ning Fang held the Central Political Conference to discuss the three conditions of Guangdong, Jiang decided to announce Chen Mingshu as the commander of the Beijing-Shanghai Garrison, and then telegraphed to Guangdong on October 5. , saying that "this is a diplomatic emergency" and "anarchy cannot be allowed for a day", and I hope that the Cantonese comrades will come to Shanghai as soon as possible, and then talk about the other two points.The Guangdong side thinks it is reasonable, but insists that Hu Hanmin should be released first.Chen Mingshu and others brought this opinion back to Nanjing on the 12th, and Hu Hanmin boarded a train from Xiaguan to Shanghai on the 14th (see "Shao Yuanchong's Diary", page 784). After seven and a half months of confinement, he was finally freed However, the hatred was endless, and he never forgave Jiang, which can be seen in what Hu said to Wu Dingchang: "I worked for him (referring to Jiang) in Nanjing for several years. Hooligan methods!" (Rong Zhai, "Chiang Kai-shek Tangshan Household Hu Hanmin", pages 400-401)

On October 22, 1931, Chiang Kai-shek met Hu Hanmin and Wang Jingwei in Shanghai. The three happy enemies under Sun Yat-sen wanted to join hands again. Shaking hands, talking and laughing, it's very pleasant", which paved the way for Jiang and Wang to cooperate, but whether Jiang and Hu can cooperate again, and whether Hu and Wang can have a harmonious relationship is another matter. Chiang Kai-shek had no choice but to resign on December 15 under the double pressure of Guangdong's insistence and the anti-Japanese fury.On the 22nd, the Ning and Guangdong parties formally merged and held the First Plenary Session of the Fourth Central Committee in Nanjing to organize the government. Lin Sen was elected as the chairman of the government and Sun Ke as the executive president.Although Jiang was out of the field, he was still serving as a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee with Wang and Hutong. A centipede is dead but not stiff. What's more, it has been properly arranged in advance, the strength of the party, government and army is still there, and the spy organization is still under control.At the same time, Jiang tried his best to win over the Wang faction, such as asking Chen Gongbo to convey that "the rejuvenation of the party must belong to Wang" ("Guowen Weekly", Volume 9, Issue 1) and so on.A year ago, Jiang was still talking about denouncing Wang Ni, but now he is sending him the appointment of ZTE. The change is staggering. However, Jiang may not agree with what he says, but only for the needs of political reality, using the influence of political opponents, to make a comeback. .In Jiang's mind, it is obvious that there are no permanent friends, only permanent interests. However, the strange thing is that since 1927, in the five years since 1927, Chiang Kai-shek has been united with the first and the second, and the clouds have been turned upside down.Unification was a vain wish, and the scope of Jiang's actual control still cannot escape the palm of Sun Chuanfang, the commander-in-chief of the five-provincial coalition forces.