Chapter 14 Chapter Fourteen Decades Home
When he first arrived in Hong Kong, Cha Liangyong did not expect that his future life would start here, getting married, having children, writing novels, running a newspaper, and establishing a family and career in this strange city.At that time, his most obvious feeling was the hot weather, and he didn't understand a word of Cantonese.He spoke with a strong Jiangsu and Zhejiang accent, "If you speak differently to them, they will think you are different. This phenomenon of deception exists in the animal world. It doesn't matter, it will be fine in the future."He talked with Ni Kuang, Wang Shiyu, Dong Qianli and others in Shanghai dialect with Jiangsu and Zhejiang accents.Although he has learned Cantonese, he still has an accent. Some people say that he speaks Cantonese like a foreign language. Shen Xicheng saw him for the first time at a symposium in 1975, "That is the worst Cantonese I have ever heard", "Jin Yong's Cantonese must be listened carefully to understand, Otherwise, I thought he was speaking English!"
Once Jin Yong accepted a TV interview and answered the host’s questions in Cantonese. When the TV broadcast was broadcast with Chinese subtitles at the same time, he was very surprised and asked the staff: “Cantonese I speak, do you not understand?”, everyone Hee hee haha laughed.Ouyang Bi asked him, Cantonese, Shanghainese or Mandarin, which one do you prefer to speak besides Shanghainese?He replied bluntly: "Mandarin, of course." His two wives both spoke Cantonese, so his "family language" is Cantonese.
For decades, Jin Yong has integrated into Hong Kong society, and his career is also closely related to Hong Kong. When "Ming Pao" was founded in 1959, he intended to create a "Hong Kong newspaper from Guangdong and Hong Kong". His early editorials or news headlines often included Cantonese, and some Cantonese was often used in promotional slogans.He attaches great importance to Hong Kong news, and the readers' mailbox, life column and Majing edition are also set up for Hong Kong people.He intends to imitate the positioning of "Sing Pao", hoping to regard Hong Kong as his home and serve Hong Kong people. He does not have the mentality of "living" in Hong Kong, which is quite different from Shen Baoxin's mentality of always seeing Hong Kong as a place of residence. On December 16, 1959, he said in the editorial "The Most Important Business Prospers All over the World", "This newspaper is a newspaper run in Hong Kong, and it is a newspaper for Chinese people in Hong Kong. Therefore, the editorial's arguments will help Hong Kong people from beginning to end. say". "Ming Pao" insisted on taking Hong Kong as the standard. Until the 1980s, more than 90% of its readers were Hong Kong people, and most of the readers of the American edition were also Hong Kong immigrants.
In 1963, someone petitioned the United Nations, arguing that Hong Kong people had no citizenship rights and demanding Hong Kong's autonomy. On March 6, Jin Yong pointed out in his social commentary "Hong Kong Autonomy Is Useless and Harmful": "Under the current circumstances, Hong Kong people enjoy full personal freedom, freedom of speech, human rights are fully protected, everyone is equal before the law, and the government's The administrative efficiency is very high. We think all this is enough. If Hong Kong implements autonomy at present, the benefits will be very small and the harm will be great." A few days later (March 10), he said in the editorial "The Spirit and Quality of Hong Kong People" : "When Hong Kong is facing all kinds of difficulties, we never sigh. We always hope that the people living on this small island are always optimistic and hardworking. Like Athens in ancient Greece and Venice in the Middle Ages, Hong Kong is small , it can also become a world-famous industrial and commercial city, and even become a cultural and artistic city.”
On September 18, 1966, Jin Yong published a social commentary "Average Income of Hong Kong People". According to the research report of the International Survey Association on the economic life of residents in Tokyo, Manila, Hong Kong, Taipei, Bangkok, Singapore, and Seoul at the beginning of the year, the average income per person in Hong Kong is The income is 395 US dollars, ranking third in Asia and second in the Far East.The small island of Hong Kong has absolutely no natural resources, so he is proud of this achievement (on December 30, 1971, he published another editorial "Hong Kong's wages are second in Asia").
On March 9, 1967, Jin Yong said in his editorial "The CCP and the Current Situation of Hong Kong" that although statistics are not available, it is believed that the vast majority of people currently living in Hong Kong hope that the current situation in Hong Kong will remain unchanged.In 1965, the mainland earned US$349 million in foreign exchange through trade in Hong Kong, while the total foreign trade surplus was only US$400 million. It is beneficial for the mainland to maintain the status quo in Hong Kong.
At this time, Jin Yong had lived in Hong Kong for nearly 20 years, and he had long regarded Hong Kong as a place to live and work. On the eve of the "May Storm", he seemed to breathe an uneasy air in his editorial "Hong Kong People Demand Stability" on April 9:
Hong Kong is a Chinese society. Chinese people live here, speak Chinese, eat Chinese food, and do not suffer from being in a foreign land... The vast majority of Hong Kong residents still choose to stay on this small land of 400 square miles.
For us Hong Kong people, what we most urgently need is a stable environment. Any turmoil is not good for Hong Kong.
On May 10, at the beginning of the storm, Jin Yong published an editorial, "Stay here, don't want to leave!" ": "As far as the vast majority of Hong Kong people are concerned, except for some native-born locals, coming here is by no means for any revolutionary goal... But we finally came here from all corners of the country and stayed here. Let’s go. Although Hong Kong has a thousand bad things and ten thousand bad things, under the current situation, most residents always hope to live like this. Wake up, still like this."
"I'm staying here, I don't want to leave!" was exactly what he thought.
Starting from May 18, Jin Yong published a series of editorials such as "Is the CCP going to take back Hong Kong?", judging that the CCP does not want to take back Hong Kong at the moment. "Under the current circumstances, Hong Kong has a lot of use value for the CCP." From the perspective of scientific and technological materials, united front work, etc., the benefits of not taking back Hong Kong are much greater.In the editorial "British Hong Kong Policy" on May 19, he analyzed Britain's attitude towards Hong Kong: "You come, I go, if you don't come, I am here. Fight, don't fight! Kowtow, don't kowtow! … The CCP does not insist on taking it back, and Britain will not insist on defending it." Jin Yong knew that compared with the various major problems facing China and Britain, the Hong Kong issue is really unimportant. "But for us living in Hong Kong, there is nothing else. Hong Kong people have places to go, but this is a matter of life and death."In his "Responsibility of Every Hong Kong People" published on the 20th, he pointed out that Hong Kong must maintain economic prosperity, maintain stability, maintain law and order, and try to avoid the use of violence even if there is any conflict of opinion. On May 22, Jin Yong said in "The Same Destiny, We Help Each Other" that the fate of Hong Kong is facing the greatest difficulty in 22 years, which is created by the people living in Hong Kong.He believes that people on the left also need peace and stability. Like most people in Hong Kong, everyone does not want this ship to sink. On May 23, he said in the editorial "Hong Kong Residents Are Pleading": "The eyes of the whole world are watching us to see whether we, the four million people in Hong Kong, destroyed ourselves with our own stupidity, or with the tactics of politicians. Come and tide over the difficulties with grace."
On May 25, Jin Yong published the editorial "Twelve Days of Nightmare". When a curfew was announced on May 22, tens of thousands of people did not smile at all, and it was a scene of imminent catastrophe.At night, there are no cars and no one on the long street, and it is dead silent, as if it has been bombed by an atomic bomb. On May 26, his "Is there anyone else?"Avoid water and fire! " put it more clearly, when people come to Hong Kong, "Is there anything else? Avoid water and fire"!
At the beginning of the new year, Jin Yong said in the editorial "1968 New Year's Day Prospects": "At least half of the rich people who have fled to various parts of the world will come back, sighing: 'Hong Kong is better if you travel all over the world.'" What do they like? Hong Kong what?
The May 4, 1971 editorial "The Way of Life of Hong Kong People" may have answered: "For most ordinary people, it is not about ideology, politics, or economy, but about the way of life." Living under different systems, there are major differences in terms of family, schooling, career choice, making friends, dating, marriage, living, actions, and speech. "Hong Kong is a colony without sufficient political rights. It cannot be said that there is a sound democratic system here. But generally speaking, what we live in our personal life is a democratic and free way of life. People are equal before the law. , with full individual rights and individual liberties. Basically, we live in a free society."
The most precious thing in Hong Kong is freedom.Regardless of comments, news reports, or supplements, "Ming Pao" completely stands in the position of ordinary people in Hong Kong.Jin Yong loves Hong Kong as a free port. On October 16, 1963, he pointed out in the editorial "Freedom is the Mother of Democracy" that Hong Kong does not have a democratically elected parliament, and there is no democracy at all. stable".
On October 5, 1964, Jin Yong said in the editorial "We Praise "Democracy" and "Freedom"":
The words "democracy" and "freedom" are very empty, but they really contain a very precious and lovely meaning.If there is anything in this world worth sacrificing everything for, including sacrificing one's own life, it is freedom. "Give me liberty or give me death" is an old saying, but the more you think about it, the more you realize the precious things these six words represent.
During the "May Storm" on June 9, 1967, Jin Yong said in an editorial that he did not deny the shortcomings of the Hong Kong government, civil servants, and police work. "However, in Hong Kong, we have freedom." On July 29, 1969, his editorial "No Treasures in Hong Kong, Freedom is Treasure" made it very clear:
The main reason we all like living in Hong Kong, I believe, is because it really is a land of freedom.Because liberty is so precious, any decision or measure to limit it should be considered with the utmost seriousness.
The most precious thing in Hong Kong is not industry, beautiful scenery, or prosperous commerce, but a system that fully protects individual rights and freedoms.
On April 17, 1971, he said in the editorial "One Seeking Stability, Two Seeking Freedom", "Since the end of World War II, we have enjoyed a very satisfactory stability and freedom. Although there have been crises in the middle, there have been turbulent years, but our stability and liberty have not been substantially compromised." On November 27th, the "Hong Kong Festival" began. He was in "It's Flowers, It's Love, It's Warmth!" "In the editorial, Hong Kong people represent "modernization", "capability", "enterprise spirit", and "hardworking and wealthy" in Southeast Asia. What he cares about is whether the current appearance of the city can be maintained for a long time. In fact, no one can have no idea. "But we love this city sincerely and hope that it will prosper day by day. Perhaps because its future is unstable, we worry about it, so we can only love it more."
On October 29, 1971, Jin Yong stated in the editorial "Calm and Watch, Don't Worry", that after Taipei lost its seat in the United Nations, Hong Kong's stock market fell sharply, showing that people were in turmoil. He was not optimistic about the evolution of this political situation.But he predicted, "There will be no changes within five years, and even if there are changes within ten years, they will be gradual and slow, so as not to cause people to be caught off guard and unable to adapt. In the long run, no one can predict, nor will Don't expect it." On November 22, he said in the editorial "Beijing has no intention to change the status quo of Hong Kong", "The CCP's attitude towards Hong Kong mainly depends on Hong Kong's use value for the CCP, rather than on the likes and dislikes of Sino-British relations."In his December 11 editorial, "Hong Kong's Strategic Position," he analyzed that if Beijing wants to take Taiwan, it is currently "impossible, and it must be done."Taking Hong Kong was not only a huge economic loss, Hong Kong was also a safe passage for Beijing at that time, so that it would never be blocked.As soon as Hong Kong is taken, only Shanghai and Tianjin are added, and the original special strategic significance immediately disappears.
The lease of the New Territories will expire at the end of June 1997. At that time, the Chinese government will take it back according to the agreement or make other arrangements, which will have a decisive impact on the future of Hong Kong.Hong Kong people are increasingly concerned about this important issue.The February 1980 issue of "Ming Pao Monthly" edited by Jin Yong interviewed the leaders of the five most important business organizations in Hong Kong, as well as Professor Chasley, who has long studied Hong Kong issues. Although these interviews could not provide a clear answer, they generally came to a conclusion : The sooner there is a clear answer, the better for the economic outlook of Hong Kong and China, and it will have adverse effects if it continues to be delayed.Some people pointed out that it should be settled in 1982 at the latest, and the talks between China and Britain really started in September 1982.
On February 2, 1980, he published the editorial "1997?1982? " said:
Hong Kong will always exist. Even if the political status changes fundamentally, most of the residents here will of course continue to live, and they may not necessarily live in a bad way. The so-called future of Hong Kong only refers to Hong Kong’s current political, economic and social systems future.Hong Kong will always have a future, but the current system may not.
On February 19, 1981, China and Britain held tentative contacts on the return of Hong Kong. Jin Yong published an editorial "All three aspects must be fully satisfied." Damage China's honor and national dignity; not violate the British principles of the rule of law, freedom, and human rights, so as not to become a burden on the UK; not change Hong Kong's political, social and economic status quo, and the lives of people from all walks of life in Hong Kong will have long-term and healthy development.
The next day, he published an editorial "A Proposal for the Future of Hong Kong", suggesting that China and the UK should discuss and study a treaty or agreement on Hong Kong, or that the foreign ministers of the two countries should issue a joint communiqué.The content mainly includes three points: first, Hong Kong is Chinese territory; second, the status quo of Hong Kong remains unchanged; third, if China decides to take back Hong Kong, it should notify the UK 15 years in advance.
This can be seen as an important prediction of his future for Hong Kong, and his views are extremely close to those expressed by Deng Xiaoping when he met Mrs Thatcher on September 24, 1982.Beijing officially notified the United Kingdom that it decided to take back Hong Kong's sovereignty and governance, exactly 15 years ahead of July 1, 1997.Jin Yong said:
It is not too difficult to predict the future of Hong Kong, because the main basis is the decision-making of the Chinese leadership, and the content of the decision-making and various factors are not confidential and can basically be understood.
China's policy towards Hong Kong can be said to be "the status quo remains unchanged, long-term use" eight characters, plus the eight characters: "the righteousness of the nation is beneficial to the country." The maintenance of the status quo in Hong Kong can be fully utilized.
Mrs. Thatcher passed through Hong Kong before leaving for Beijing. Governor MacLehose arranged to meet with Jin Yong alone for 45 minutes to ask for his opinions on Hong Kong negotiations.Not long ago, on June 9, he was awarded the Officer of the Order of the British Empire, the OBE Medal, by the Queen of England.
Jin Yong devoted himself to this discussion affecting the future of Hong Kong with great enthusiasm, and would publish an editorial about it almost every few days. When Deng Xiaoping met him on July 18, 1981, he said: "We want to take back Hong Kong, and I know you are in favor of it." Jin Yong replied: "Of course, when I was a child, I wholeheartedly wanted China to take back Hong Kong." When he was in elementary school in his hometown, his history teacher "suddenly covered his face and cried bitterly" when he talked about the Opium War, and the whole class burst into tears.He took back Hong Kong as a matter of course, "even if you sacrifice your life, it doesn't matter."Deng Lianlian nodded: "Very good! We also say the same in Sichuan."
On August 31, 1982, Jin Yong listed a series of freedoms enjoyed by Hong Kong people in his editorial, including freedom to move, freedom to criticize the government or the work of any civil servants, freedom to express opinions, freedom to hold different political opinions, Freedom to publish any books, newspapers and periodicals, freedom to believe in any religion and openly participate in religious ceremonies, freedom to assemble and associate, freedom to strike and sabotage, etc. On November 1, he published an editorial, "At least fifteen years, Hong Kong has not changed much." On November 25, he proposed in his editorial "Three as usual, two free access" that within 30 years of regaining Hong Kong's sovereignty, Hong Kong's freedom and financial center status should be maintained, and Hong Kong residents can come and go freely without application and approval. Currency, gold, securities, goods, etc. can come in and out freely without application and approval.Afterwards, the Chinese government promised "no change for 50 years".
In Hong Kong, "everyone breathes the free air of 'being afraid of his wife and not afraid of the government'".This is a sentence from Legislative Councilor Su Guorong. On March 24, 1984, Jin Yong’s editorial "Even if he is afraid of his wife, he is not afraid of the government" is based on this, "Hong Kong people are afraid of change, it is by no means special to the British colonial government I don't like it, but I have a special liking for the system of 'don't be afraid of the government'". "'Three invariants' means that the economic system, social system, and way of life remain unchanged. 'Don't be afraid of the government' is the backbone of these three."
In April of that year, Jin Yong selected 128 of the more than 250 relevant editorials published since 1980, and compiled and published the book "The Future of Hong Kong——Selected One of the Editorials".This is the only collection of editorials he has published so far. On the yellow cover, the title of the book "Hong Kong's Future" written by him is red, and "One of the Editorial Selections" is gold. There are his favorites on the top and bottom Decorated with gold and red lines, it is very eye-catching, and two lines of small characters are specially printed on the cover: Freedom + Rule of Law = Stability + Prosperity: - (Freedom + Rule of Law) = - (Stability + Prosperity).On May 20 of that year, which coincided with the 25th anniversary of the publication of "Ming Pao", he held a big banquet and invited friends from all walks of life to celebrate together. When the banquet was over, everyone got the new book, and many people gathered around him to sign , Signed hundreds of names at once, which made him feel soft.
On the same day, he published "Efforts to Maintain Freedom and the Rule of Law", saying: "We have lived here for decades, and we want to live here for a long time. Millions of readers, and the fortunes and misfortunes of the people of Hong Kong are closely related."
On September 26, representatives of China and Britain initialed the Sino-British Joint Declaration on Hong Kong in Beijing. On December 9, the "Joint Statement on the Hong Kong Question" was formally signed. On April 10, 1985, the Third Session of the Sixth National People's Congress passed a resolution to establish the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee.Earlier, the Chinese government had invited Jin Yong to participate in the drafting committee of the Basic Law through the Hong Kong branch of Xinhua News Agency.At first, he had some concerns, worrying that readers would misunderstand that Ming Pao was on the same side as Beijing, which would damage "the image of an independent newspaper."The person in charge persuaded him that Bao Yugang and Li Ka-shing, among the drafting committee members, are neutral people, so there should be no worries in this regard.Jin Yong considered that he came to the south alone, "with bare hands and nothing, he finally got married in Hong Kong, established a career and reputation, and had a happy family and a happy life." "Although all of this is due to my own hard work, it is all due to the environment in Hong Kong." He said that he fully understands everything in Hong Kong, and at the same time he studied law in university and is quite familiar with international law.He has tens of thousands of readers, friends and relatives in Hong Kong, and he cannot help caring deeply about their sorrows and joys. Joining this committee is purely for contribution rather than seeking any benefit.After careful consideration, he accepted the invitation.
Cover of "The Future of Hong Kong"
Jin Yong signed autographs for the readers of "The Future of Hong Kong"
Some employees of "Ming Pao" also expressed their concerns to Jin Yong. He explained that Hong Kong has given him a lot after living here for decades. Five years of hard work, really doing an important thing, and then retiring, I will feel comforted in my heart. The position of "Ming Pao" will never change in the slightest because he is a member of the "Crafting Committee".
On June 18 of that year, the Drafting Committee of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China was formally established. Among the 59 members, 23 were from Hong Kong, and Jin Yong served as a drafting member in his personal capacity.On the next day (June 19), he published an editorial titled "The goal is to seek "unchanged"" in "Ming Pao".Eleven days later (June 30), the editorial "Preliminary Conception of the Basic Law" was published, putting forward four specific opinions: "Practice is more important than ideal, economy is more important than politics, freedom is more important than democracy, and the rule of law is more important than equality." If the content of the "Basic Law" written in the future is more conservative, I believe it will be more beneficial to Hong Kong in general. After all, most Hong Kong people are afraid of changes and hope that they will remain unchanged. If there is a real need for changes in society in the future, the general trend will be , the momentum is irresistible, and a 'Basic Law' can absolutely not stop it."
On July 1, 1985, Jin Yong went to Beijing to attend the first plenary meeting of the Basic Law Drafting Committee. International Covenant on Human and Political Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and other relevant documents. At the meeting, he distributed more than one hundred booklets to the participants for reference. On July 4, he delivered a lengthy speech titled "One Country, Two Systems and Freedom and Human Rights", pointing out that the concept of "One Country, Two Systems" was recognized internationally for the first time, and if the experiment failed in Hong Kong, it could be tried again in other regions.If Hong Kong succeeds in its test, the prosperity of the Chinese nation will be much faster.He said, "Keep Hong Kong's original capitalist system and way of life unchanged for 50 years." The goal is to "maintain the original" system and way of life, not to make major changes and copy the system and way of life of other countries.
Jin Yong's speech drew warm applause.The elderly Lei Jieqiong took his hand and said in English repeatedly: "Your speech is really wonderful!" Among the people attending the meeting, there were many fans of his martial arts novels. Apart from talking about politics, they also talked about him. martial arts novels.
Jin Yong has been running a newspaper all his life, and his dream of being a diplomat in his youth has long gone with the wind. But this year he passed his sixtieth birthday and participated in politics for the first time. He has indeed poured great enthusiasm into it.At the first plenary meeting of the Drafting Committee, he was active everywhere. He was one of the most vocal members of the Drafting Committee.Before the meeting, the Secretariat of the Drafting Committee informed the drafting committees that the news of the meeting could only be released at the press conference, and the drafting committees could not disclose it privately.As a journalist, he expressed his dissatisfaction with this regulation. During the group discussion the next day, he asked to change this regulation, because the drafting of the Basic Law is only a legislative process, and according to the habit of Western democracies, every bill is passed. Until now, public debates will be held, and the people of the whole country can know all kinds of opinions in favor of, against, supplements and amendments, and the public opinion circles can also put forward any opinions.His views were supported by most of the Drafting Committee.His suggestion was accepted, and each draft committee could reveal his own opinion, and even make public the content of his speech at the meeting, but he must not disclose the speech content of other draft committees.
From April 18 to 22, 1986, the second plenary meeting of the Drafting Committee of the Basic Law decided to divide into five special groups, and each group had two persons in charge, representing the Hong Kong side and the central government respectively. The leader of the "Political System" group, and the other leader is Xiao Weiyun, a professor of law at Peking University.
Among the five special groups of the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee, the political system group under Jin Yong's charge has the most problems and debates. Since its establishment in April 1986, it has had the most meetings but the slowest work progress.By August 1987, at the fifth plenary meeting of the Drafting Committee, other groups had submitted complete proposals, while the constitutional group was still in dispute and had not yet reached a consensus. political program.
From May to September 1988, the "Draft for Comments on the Basic Law" was openly solicited among Hong Kong residents. Jin Yong traveled back and forth between the mainland and Hong Kong many times to exchange opinions and conceive his "coordination plan", hoping to resolve differences . The consultation period for the "draft for comments" ended. On November 12, the centrists, represented by Cheng Jienan and Chen Zijun of the Basic Law Advisory Committee, organized a meeting in Hong Kong, hoping to reach a consensus.Including the "190-member plan", "89-member plan", and "38-member plan" and other ten political programs, the associations sent representatives, and more than 70 people attended the meeting, which was called the "Wulin Conference". Jin Yong served as the chairperson of the meeting, and the debate was very fierce at the meeting. In the end, no vote was held, and it was just a coordination meeting.He believes that considering the content of the plan alone, regardless of the number of people behind each plan, those who advocate the selection of the chief executive by means of a large electoral college or an election committee are clearly in the majority.
On November 18, Jin Yong took a through train from Hong Kong to Guangzhou. After dinner, he held a "preparatory meeting" with Xiao Weiyun, Li Hou, Lu Ping, and Mao Junnian, and reached an opinion based on the "new coordination plan" proposed by Jin Yong. as the basis for discussion in this constitutional group.His new proposal proposes that Hong Kong's constitutional development after 1997 be divided into two phases.In the first stage, the chief executive will be elected by an election committee consisting of 1,000 members; the proportion of directly elected seats in the legislature will increase from 25% to 50%. In the second half of 2011, a referendum was held to decide whether to proceed to the second phase.If it enters the second stage, the chief executive will be selected by one voter per voter, and the thousand-member committee in the first stage will be changed to a nomination committee to select five candidates for general election.The legislature uses the results of the 2011 referendum to determine whether the proportion of directly elected seats is 50%, 75% or 100%.
At the meeting of the political system group at the White Swan Hotel in Guangzhou, as soon as Jin Yong’s plan was proposed, lawyer Liao Yaozhu of the Drafting Committee objected to using it as a basis for discussion, thinking that it was not well thought out, “He can think it up overnight, and he can change it overnight. I don't believe in overnight geniuses" and disagree with the so-called "mainstream solution".Jin Yong said that Liao misunderstood him. He didn't kick out the Hong Kong people's plan.As a result, his plan was still used as the basis for discussion, and Liao expressed reservations and protests.Afterwards, Liao Yaozhu told reporters that this was out of procedure, and that it would be fine if he just discussed with Xiao Weiyun, another convener, "The Drafting Committee has never heard of any preparatory meetings. The group only has a convener, and the rest are ordinary members. Why did he have a preparatory meeting with those few?"
When the news reached Hong Kong, public opinion was in an uproar. On November 19 and 20, most newspapers in Hong Kong criticized his "new coordination plan" as too conservative, and some democrats even accused him of betraying the interests of Hong Kong people.The general reaction in Hong Kong is that they are not in favor of the "new coordination plan", including some groups that have always been pro-central government also expressed dissatisfaction, believing that the democratic process of this plan is too slow.In the last three days of the meeting, the "new coordination plan" was still used as the basis for discussion, and Hong Kong's opposition came and went.In order to respond to public opinion in Hong Kong, Jin Yong slightly modified the plan. The first three terms of the chief executive were selected through indirect elections. During the third term, all Hong Kong voters voted to decide whether the fourth term would be elected by universal suffrage.This plan finally became the "mainstream plan" of the group. It was discussed and approved at the enlarged meeting of the directors of the Drafting Committee in early December and the plenary meeting of the Drafting Committee in January 1989. It will become the blueprint for Hong Kong's future political system.
Jin Yong did not deny that, in his signed editorial, he said, "It must be stated that the original plan designed by the author is far more conservative and stable than the current one. It was revised to the current form under the persuasion of several drafting committees in the Mainland."He said that every item of his plan can be found in the opinions put forward by Hong Kong people, and it is not original. What he is doing is his own job-editing work, and there are some choices when editing.As early as January 9, 1984, he wrote in the editorial "Can Democratic Politics Be Implemented?" " pointed out that some people in Hong Kong yearn for true democracy, and equate "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong" with "democratic politics". "Our view is quite realistic, and we believe that in the foreseeable future, that is, in the next 30 to 40 years, it will be impossible for Hong Kong to implement real democratic politics, because the conditions are not met." Therefore, he said that it is actually feasible. The solution is a consultative system rather than universal suffrage. The goal is to maintain Hong Kong's stability and prosperity and the current way of life for as long as possible.
Jin Yong almost became the target of public criticism, and all kinds of suspicions came one after another. "Few people know about painstaking efforts." This poem is a true portrayal of his isolation at that time.One day, Ouyang Bi saw him on the seventh floor and said to him worriedly: "Mr. Cha...you must be careful not to be used by others." He replied with a smile: "Thank you, I know. "
Jin Yong still has "Ming Pao" in his hand. Facing the raging criticism, he used editorials to fight back when he was besieged by leftist newspapers in the 1960s. This time, he also defended himself through the editorials of "Ming Pao".At that time, he no longer wrote editorials every day, but he, Wu Aiyi, Xu Dongbin and others took turns writing.Even so, when it comes to sensitive issues such as China and Britain, the central government and Hong Kong, Jin Yong's position must still be taken into account.Sometimes when critical moments are reached, the editorial staff dare not write, and Jin Yong must do it himself.He also issued a note later: Issues related to democratic requirements and the Basic Law were written by himself.There are also editorial members who revise according to his usual manuscripts, try to figure out the direction of the editorial, and even try to imitate his grammar and style of writing.Dong Qianli, a senior writer, said: "I wrote an editorial for "Ming Pao". From the beginning to the end, I did not receive any interference from the society, but it was mainly due to my self-discipline, not his tolerance."
Jin Yong usually doesn't like talking very much. In "Ming Pao", he often gives orders with notes, and using pens instead of words is his specialty.Starting on November 28, for 12 consecutive days, he published a series of comments in the form of a series of questions and answers under the title "Talking about the Political System in Calmness", responding to some accusations that his articles were "quite high-spirited" and "emotional."Some people questioned him as the convener of the Basic Law and Political System Group. Of course, he should avoid suspicion on Basic Law and Political System issues. Otherwise, wouldn't Ming Pao become the "mouthpiece" of the Basic Law and Political System Group? On November 30th, Jin Yong published an extremely rare signed editorial titled "The Goals and Principles of Political System Design—Strive to Accumulate Small Changes to Make Big Changes", explaining that the reason why he wrote the editorial himself was that some newspapers attacked him unfairly Personally, he had to make things clear. "I am by no means opposed to the gradual development of a democratic political system, but I firmly believe that maintaining stability and prosperity is the necessary prerequisite, and the main prerequisite is not to introduce the CCP's intervention or full participation." The 15 years of stability after 1997 became less, ten Five years from now is the next generation. "This editorial is a signed article by the author to show personal responsibility." The next day, Ming Pao also published "Our Newsletter" "Cha Liangyong Wrote the Article for a Reason" explaining:
Since he became the convener of the Hong Kong side of the Basic Law Political System Group in 1985, he has stopped writing editorials on the Basic Law in his own newspaper and has kept his promise.But now that the Basic Law is about to be proposed and passed, there are many unfair remarks against me, so I want to clarify the facts. …It is the most boring thing to explain and defend yourself. If it is a personal matter, whether you believe it or not, if you doubt my personality, will my personality be ruined by your suspicion?However, this is a public matter and involves others, so it is necessary to clarify.
Jin Yong has lived in Hong Kong for 40 years, has a deep affection for Hong Kong, and regards it as his hometown. The April 1983 issue of "Ming Pao Monthly" featured "The Value of Hong Kong", and on the cover was Wang Sima's painting "Handle with Care, Made in Hong Kong". "Ming Pao" editorial on December 4, 1959 "Hong Kong people use Hong Kong products more", editorial on November 29, 1966 "Hong Kong should develop signature products", editorial on September 25, 1981 "Hong Kong people use Hong Kong products" , we can see his love for Hong Kong.But he came from the mainland, and he was still a wandering wanderer deep in his heart. On December 2, he once again published a signed editorial "The Wish of the Majority in Hong Kong": "I keep thinking about the tens of thousands of people in Hong Kong who don't know the Basic Law at all, and have never read the draft Basic Law... The basic requirements of the citizens are the only goal of this job. Although the ability is limited, the performance is not good, and the pressure is great, but they should do their best. (Their life is stable, the less changes the better.) The author feels that he has become the majority of Hong Kong I have done my best to repay the kindness of Hong Kong people, so far, I have a clear conscience." He said sadly, "In this work, I don't care if anyone treats me as an enemy. At most, I will leave empty-handed. Hong Kong, anyway, I came to Hong Kong empty-handed in the 1940s."
On December 4, Jin Yong unexpectedly received a surprise—an ordinary Hong Kong citizen sent him a bouquet of red roses and a letter of support.In the letter, he stated that he had always been an opponent of the "mainstream plan", and he did not understand him until after reading his twelve editorials "Talking about the Political System in Calmness", and sent him flowers to show his support.At the moment when thousands of people point to it, someone suddenly supports him, and perhaps nothing is more gratifying to him than this bouquet of red roses.
On December 17, Jin Yong was interviewed by Radio Television Hong Kong's "Everything is Like Chess":
I write so many martial arts novels... When it is necessary, I just have to stand up and do what I think I should do.People with different opinions misunderstand me and attack me, maybe I am too enthusiastic and not smooth enough! ……我始终希望扮演一个协调者的角色。一直以来，我都希望在草委大会内部，或者政制小组内部，保持民主的声音，希望这种声音能在基本法中得到反映。再说，现在的政制主流方案，其实也不单是我个人的意见，而是经过政制小组通过的。
这一年最后一天，金庸在家开香槟酒向倪匡夫妇、林燕妮等祝贺新年快乐。太太嘀咕他为基本法的事辛辛苦苦地做功课、开会，为什么？他带着些微的激动，用带赣江南口音的广东话说：“我两手空空来到香港，一住几十年，也可以说我在香港发达。我想为香港人做点事。”
1989年1月9日，在广州花园酒店举行的草委会第八次全体会议审查表决各小组的草案，通过“主流方案”，并接受89岁的草委查济民提出的修改提案，因此被称为“双查方案”。查济民也是海宁查家的，他是金庸的叔祖。
2月21日，全国人大常委会通过草委会提交的“基本法草案”，“双查方案”将成为香港未来的政制方案。未来特区的首任行政长官会不会是金庸？这随后成了香港的一个热门话题。正当人们议论纷纷时，他公开反驳：“认识金庸这个名字的人，较认识卫奕信（时任港督）的人还多，我实在没理由为出名而去做将来的特区首长。”“当行政首长有什么好？金庸的名与利相信都不会差过港督。今日全世界知道金庸的，会多过知道不论哪一位港督呢！一百年之后，恐怕相差更远吧？”“不要说我已六十多岁，就是现时只三十岁，也不当行政首长。你想想，目前单是一会儿英国的议员来，一会儿港澳办的来，一迎一送就麻烦透顶。受到这么多人管束，当行政首长有什么好？”“九七之后，香港行政长官要受国务院领导。别说我决没资格做，即使有资格，也万万不干。我现在不受世界上任何人管束，除了听太太的话，要给她买靓衫之外。”
政制方案在香港掀起满城风雨，英国政界人士也纷纷到香港了解情况。1989年4月，“基本法（草案）”咨询期间，英国下议院外交事务委员会的五名议员专程赴港，金庸也被安排与他们会面。
当年5月20日，金庸分别写信给全国人大常委会委员长万里、香港基本法起草委员会主任委员姬鹏飞，辞去基本法草委的职务，同时写信给香港基本法咨询委员会主任安子介，辞去基本法咨询委员会委员及执行委员，即日起不再担任上述职务。第二天，《明报》在要闻版刊登“本报专讯”《查良镛昨提辞呈，辞去基本法草委，并辞咨委会委员及执委》，他表示：“但是凡有利于香港顺利过渡，有利于保持香港繁荣安定、自由法治者，今后仍当以新闻工作者之身份尽力。”他在接受记者采访时说：
何况，基本法草委中，有不少学识高明的能干人士，少我一个没有关系，而草案工作也已接近完成，只是在经过第二次咨询后，参考香港人的意见，再作若干修改而已。
金庸自称是现实的人，“只希望在现实条件的许可之下，为香港人争取到尽可能好的条款。提出崇高的理想很容易，但如根本无法实现，徒然造成混乱和损失”。
五年风风雨雨的草委生涯至此结束。
1992年2月19日，金庸在牛津大学近代中国研究中心用英语做了一个讲座，题为《香港和中国：1997年及其后五年》，作出这样的预测：
据我目前估计，未来十年之内，中国不会有大变，不会像苏联和其他东欧共产国家那样，彻底改变国内政治架构和制度。由于中国早在1979年便开始推行重大经济改革，中国经济最近十多年来欣欣向荣，全国人民不分职业、种族、年龄、性别和社会阶层，生活水准都不断提高。 ...
对大部分老百姓来说，对从事经济活动的人来说，对店东、银行家、售货员、经理、制造商、会计师、秘书、地产发展商、商人和投资者来说，无论他们是亿万巨富还是街头小贩，在1997年之后的香港，都可以生意照做，工作如常。由于香港的自由经济符合中国的最佳利益，符合共产党的最佳利益，符合中上层官员和他们子女的最佳利益，所以，他们在经济上，会很乐意、很合作地让香港人一切不变，以符合香港人的最佳利益。
金庸凭着对香港和中国政治的了解而作出这样的判断。他从牛津回港，恰逢卫奕信离任，英国前保守党主席彭定康（ChrisPatten）成为最后一任港督。他在英国和彭定康见过面，初步印象不错。过去几任港督（麦理浩、尤德、卫奕信等）都有长期的中国经验，或是担任过驻中国的外交官，能直接阅读中文书报，甚至流利地说中国话。彭定康虽然在赴任前花大量时间研究香港问题，有备而来，但“对中国所知极少，对香港事务全然陌生，不了解中国的历史文化，不明白中国人的心态和行为方式”。金庸和彭定康在伦敦和香港都曾会晤过，金庸恳切进言，希望彭放弃那套政治改革方案。他直率地对彭定康说：这些方案不符合中国的既定政策，不符合香港的现实，所以是行不通的。
彭定康到任不足三个月，就于当年10月7日在立法局宣读第一份施政报告《香港的未来：五年大计展新猷》，提出香港政制改革的方案。基本法没有明确如何产生十席选举委员会议席，该施政报告建议由民选的区议员产生；此外，新增九席功能组别，将法团投票改为个人投票，三十个功能组别的选民范围扩大到两百七十万工作人口中符合资格之所有选民，功能组别的选举变成职业界别的直接选举。施政报告一出台，即遭中方严厉抨击，港澳办主任鲁平直指彭定康是“香港的千古罪人”，中方高级官员拒绝进行任何形式的会谈。
彭定康的政改方案闹得满城风雨之际，金庸虽还担任明报集团董事长，但平时已不上班，这次因不满末代港督的“欧美式民主化方案”，他才再次提笔上阵。10月19日，他在《明报》发表社评《保持现状，充分利用》。第二天接着刊出《从京官治港到精英治港》，他认为：“中共对政治权力牢牢掌握，经济可以改革开放，政权却绝对是共产党专有，决不容许西方式民主。香港如想在短期内加速推行西方式民主，违反中共的根本政治决策。”这两篇社评概括性地指出了香港的各种实际情况，只是冷静地叙述事实，不包括他的好恶和是非判断，“事实是这样，你喜欢也好，不喜欢也好，这是必须面对的事实”。
1993年1月，《明报月刊》的“中港关系及香港政制”特辑，既有彭定康的文章，也有金庸的《功能选举的突变》，他自称“民主缓进派”（稳健派或保守派）。
不久，1993年3月19日，江泽民在北京与金庸见面时，指着茶几上的这一期《明报月刊》说：“比方说你这篇文章中谈到民主的发展，各国国情不同，发展的方式和速度各有不同。英国自大宪章开始到妇女有选举权，足足经过了七百年之久。这一点我很同意。英国人本来是尊重传统的、喜欢切合实际而循序渐进的民族。他们到现在还有上议院，所有贵族议员全部是皇室任命的，并非民选。彭定康先生怎么到香港来忽然搞这么一套。你这篇文章的英文翻译我也看过了。”江指指《明报月刊》旁边放的几页英文复印本，有几行底下还画着红线，金庸相信那是江阅读时表示赞同的。
也是在这篇文章中，金庸就香港政制安排上的选择有一番坦诚的自白：
这与我对北京当局和共产党的观感无关，只是从中、港的现实出发，认为民主缓进对香港最有利。另一原因则相信由于我的个性，我不论做什么事，都是缓慢而坚持，相信恒心与毅力，不喜欢大跃进式的狂冲猛打。当然，不必否认，也有一部分原因是我属于既得利益的建制派，满意现状，不想有太大、太多、太快的剧变。我不会再有二十五年寿命，但“五十年不变”的念头毕竟想来挺美。
另一个原因，是我自信对于历史（那是中国人民族性长期的集中表现）、政治规律，以及共产党人的处事方式，比青年和学生们了解得较多、较深。
还有，当政制小组争论不下时，邓小平对他们说过一句话：“不能照抄美国的民主制度！三权分立就绝对不行！”金庸清楚地知道北京的底线。
正是这些因素决定了金庸的立场，他毫不回避作为既得利益者，他不希望变动太大、太快、太多，至于未来，他老了，那是下一代的事。
Notes: ，台湾远景出版公司1995年版，425、426页。
Notes: ，台湾远景出版公司1995年版，425、426页。