Chapter 11 10. There is a reason why the "right" is not right. Lushan is innocent

The Lushan Conference in the summer of 1959 was a major event in the history of the Chinese Communist Party, and it can be said to be a tragedy.It has had a huge and far-reaching impact on the party and the country.It not only hindered and delayed the correction of the problems that occurred in the Great Leap Forward, but also wrongly criticized Peng Dehuai, Huang Kecheng, Zhang Wentian, Zhou Xiaozhou and others through it, which set off the anti-right movement and exacerbated the degree of mistakes in the country's economic construction.In particular, it introduced the concept of class struggle into the party, causing damage to the normal political life within the party, and also had a direct and immeasurable effect on triggering the "Cultural Revolution".

Jia Tuofu was also hit in Lushan.After the meeting, at the same time that the Central Military Commission’s enlarged meeting was exposing and criticizing Peng Dehuai and Huang Kecheng in depth, at the joint meeting of the party group of the Central Finance and Economics Department (including the State Planning Commission, the Economic Commission, the Construction Commission, the Science and Technology Commission, and the ministries of industry and transportation), it took more than a month. Centrally criticized Jatuofu, designated him as a "right opportunist", and revoked his leadership position in the State Planning Commission.Since then, the history of his work as an economic leader has ended.He was 47 years old that year.

The main "mistakes" that criticized Jatov at that time were concentrated from the Great Leap Forward in 1958 to the Lushan Conference in 1959. He "extremely stubbornly opposed high speed, high targets, and insisted on low speed", "essentially opposed the Great Leap Forward, opposed The general line", "that is, the opposition party, against Chairman Mao".Under this huge hat, the main content, in addition to his specific work and opinions during this period (described in the previous chapter), is mainly reflected in his speeches at the Party Committee Meeting of the State Planning Commission and the meeting of cadres above the 18th grade. Speech, and his speech at the Cadre Conference in Taiyuan, Shanxi.These speeches are regarded as his "right opportunist anti-party program", so it is necessary to introduce these speeches.

On April 29 and May 16, 1959, in order to correctly view the economic situation at that time, to unify the understanding among the party group and leading members of the Planning Commission, so as to sum up experience and lessons, and find ways and methods to solve the problem, Jatov went on retreat in the party group At the meeting, I made a more systematic speech based on my own experience through actual investigation and research combined with theoretical study. Before speaking, Jia Tuofu asked his secretary Zhang Zhixiang to help him transcribe and sort out his experience notes.The honest and simple Zhang Zhixiang felt both fresh and worried when he saw those highly targeted and well-argued viewpoints when he sorted them out.He showed it to Zhao Jialiang, and the two secretaries knew very well the delicate situation at that time, so they agreed to keep it strictly confidential and not to disclose it to anyone.Unexpectedly, Jatov himself spoke out frankly at the party group meeting.At that time, Zhao Jialiang, who also worked as the secretary of some party groups, made notes at the party group meeting.He used to be Gao Gang's secretary. After the Gao Gang and Rao Shushi incident, he was transferred to the "Fourth Office" of the State Council by Jia Tuofu.Since then, he has actually worked as Jatov's chief secretary for 5 years.He often participated in some important meetings with Jatov, read many central documents, and participated in the drafting of many reports, documents and articles. He knew the high-level situation and the situation in the economic field by heart.Therefore, when he suddenly heard Jatov's speech at the meeting, he was really sweating for his chief, for fear of being attacked as a political issue.But when Jatov finished speaking, all the members present applauded enthusiastically and expressed their agreement.Thinking that it hit the current situation and the theory was profound, they unanimously asked him to make a report on a larger scale in order to unify everyone's understanding.

On June 17 and 18, 1958, that is, after the central government approved the adjustment of the plan indicators, it was presided over by Song Ping, a member of the party group of the Planning Commission and Secretary of the Party Committee of the agency at that time. , based on the speeches at the party group meeting, he opened his mind to "tell the truth" and talked about more than 30 issues at once, which was also well received by unanimous praise.Most of the people who listened to the report did not have much direct contact with Jia Tuofu. They were not used to his strong northern Shaanxi accent and could not understand it. But this time they could hear it clearly and enjoy it. It's so level.

However, no one expected that three months later, these speeches of his would be regarded as "Right Opportunist Anti-Party Program" and would be severely criticized.As a result of his telling the truth, he was labeled as a "right opportunist who opposes the party, the general line, and the Great Leap Forward". These speeches were very targeted at the time, and they could deeply reflect Jatov's thoughts, personality and character, and they could also profoundly reflect the reality of the guiding ideology and guidelines for economic work during the Great Leap Forward period, which had a profound impact on Jatov himself later and throughout his life. have a key influence.Its significance is not only to reflect the history, but also to the reality.Therefore, we recorded his speech at the party group meeting here, and later included the speech at the mid-June meeting for criticism later.It is a pity that we did not find the original record of the party group meeting, so we can only extract it from the individual records of the participants.Jatov said:

"To do a good job in the planning work now, we need to combine reality with reality. The focus is on reality, but some problems of understanding are not unified, and if we don't solve them, we can't do real work well. "In terms of practicality, I don't know much about heavy industry. I didn't focus on this aspect before, but now I'm starting to learn, and I don't have much say. "In terms of imaginary, I have some ideas, which I put forward for everyone's criticism and reference. "1. Combination of fiction and reality. In fact, we have not combined well in the past.

"2. How should we analyze the economic situation in 1959? Many reports in the past (mainly directed at the central government) did not answer this question, and they are actually very passive now. Politically speaking, several planned indicators are our report to the central government. It was proposed, so it is very passive; from an economic point of view, it is also very passive. Now more than four months have passed, and the annual plan will be revised in essence. Some things are already in a difficult situation, aren’t they passive? How to win from the passive situation How much initiative? It seems that we can't hope to draw a definite conclusion all at once, and we have to test it in practice.

"3. Where does passivity come from? The essence is that there is a contradiction between subjective initiative and objective possibility. That is to say, there are false parts in the possibility of the original two revisions of the plan. In the February Beijing meeting, Chairman The plan must have a basis and be reliable. At the Wuchang meeting, the chairman said one-third (change from 30 million tons of steel to 20 million tons). At the Shanghai meeting, he suppressed it again, and when he came back, he suppressed it a little more in Beijing. The essence It is because we reflect the fact that the objective aspects are not true when we prepare the plan. This is also a combination of fiction and reality. .

"How to combine subjective initiative and objective possibility has not been solved well. I think the two should be possible and can be combined. question.) "We need to study this question. What do you think of the Great Leap Forward in 1958? There is no problem, for sure. In any case, it is the Great Leap Forward, much more than the first five years. Food has increased a lot. Looking at it now, even if the problem Many, in the final analysis, it is still a finger. The problem is to touch this finger clearly, what is it? Obviously there is a problem here, if you don’t figure it out, its influence may not necessarily be a finger, it’s not that simple.( Note: People who often count their grades with their fingers are often unwilling to face up to their shortcomings; while those who raise shortcomings and problems are often attacked as a matter of standpoint, so they have lingering fears. Some mistakes and shortcomings in the past work could not be corrected in time. This is not unrelated—Jatov realizes that this is an obstacle to objective understanding and handling of the problem.)

"4. Combination of hot and cold. At the Wuchang meeting, the chairman pointed out that heat alone is not enough. Cold and hot are not combined. If you analyze calmly, you may find that there is a contradiction between subjectivity and objectivity, cold and heat, but if the analysis is correct, then you have to admit (contradiction). Bright and stubborn.) "5. Seeing things without seeing people and seeing people without seeing things. This issue was emphasized in the report of the Ministry of Metallurgy, but I feel that the actual situation is not like this. Since the Great Leap Forward, the mainstream has not been seeing things but not seeing people, but mainly people seeing things without seeing people. There are many things for you. It is said that after the Nanning meeting, it still reflects conservativeness. I don’t think so. Conservatives also exist, but they are not the mainstream. It is necessary to make the same mistake now. Just after the Beijing meeting in February, the chairman brought everyone back and talked for a long time, saying that we must get into it, we cannot escape difficulties, we must fully expose and resolve conflicts. If we do not grasp conflicts, we will be very Difficulties will make riding a tiger difficult. You still have to have a sense of responsibility, don’t be afraid of conflicts, don’t be afraid of headaches, you still have to get in. If you don’t enter the tiger’s den, how can you catch a tiger! , avoid empty talk on the concept of seeing things and seeing people. It is equivalent to directly pointing out that high indicators that are divorced from reality are wrong.) "6. Practice theory. This year has been practiced for four months. After the second quarter is arranged, after half a year, you can roughly see how this year's plan is going to be. Considering the implementation of the original target, estimate the best effort in the second half of the year, This year's plan can generally have a concept. It involves a number of essential issues, which cannot be clarified at once. In fact, it is impossible to figure it out all at once. We still need to practice, understand, practice, and understand again. "7. Conditionalism. It is right to oppose conditionalism, to only pay attention to economic conditions, and not to spiritual thinking. The following conditions are put forward, and you consider them against each other, which cannot solve the problem. It is unrealistic to talk about his conditionalism. I I feel that some substantive issues may need to be debated with the Ministry of Metallurgy in the future. (Note: The unconditional theory of "if you want it, you can do it" is no different from joking when doing economic work. Jatov is very targeted.) "8. The experience of the Soviet Union. I don't think we can completely negate it. We still need to learn. We should admit that we are still elementary school students, so don't brag. Of course, the Soviet Union is not complete in this regard and has shortcomings. We have a general line, which is different from them. But we also have shortcomings. It should be a materialist point of view, and socialism has changed from utopia to science. This year, we seem to be a year from science to utopia. Otherwise, how can there be adjustments? Get rid of superstition, emancipate the mind, and put forward this slogan , I was liberated ideologically. However, we also let go of some good things. If you let go too much, you will think wildly. The indicators will be high and not low, and the rules and regulations will be burned. For the rightists, we still use them as negative teachers. These rules and regulations, even if there are bad ones, can be used as negative teachers. Why burn them! The new ones have not been erected, and they are all burned. There is a wind, called the Communist wind, which is actually a small Bourgeois, peasant egalitarianism, anarchism. The work of the Statistics Bureau is not easy to do, the statistics are unreliable, and there is no reality. In terms of reality, there should be less subjectivism. The first five years should also be summarized , Socialist transformation and production construction should be carried out at the same time. Those advantages should be absorbed, and the shortcomings should still be reflected. If the Great Leap Forward in 1958 did not have the material foundation of the first five years, it might not be possible? I think it is impossible. The Great Leap Forward in 1958, I think, was the product of the combination of the general line and the material foundation laid in the first five years. Refers to the following, but it was obviously very exciting and taboo at the time. This kind of sharpness and edges was not Jatov’s style, and it may have been forced out. Of course, he brought it up after studying and thinking.) "9. General route and revised plan. The Wuchang meeting changed the target of 30 million tons of steel output to 20 million tons. Is it a revision of the plan or the general route? The Shanghai meeting also changed 20 million tons to 16.5 million tons. The same is true. Now consider this Don’t have such concerns when revising the planned targets. 13 million tons (steel) is also a Great Leap Forward, and there will be no revision of the general line. (Note: Only Chairman Mao once mentioned the problem of the target and the revision of the general line. Let's do ideological work: don't worry, just discuss the matter, but if you say it directly, you will inevitably get into trouble.) "10. Balance and imbalance. Balance is required in a certain period of time, and balance is relative and temporary. Therefore, every year, every month, every day, every hour, we must plan for balance. If we break through, we will go to balance again. Don't say that balancing is dead balance. The planning work is to understand the imbalance, and then give full play to the subjective initiative to solve the imbalance. The problem that occurred in 1958 was that the area of ​​the imbalance expanded, and a part of the proportional relationship was out of balance. The resolution of the Wuchang Conference talked about this problem. We are going to solve it this problem. "How fast is better and more economical, and there is also a balance problem. Compared with how fast and how cheap last year, the 'how fast' is a little bit more. In fact, if there is too much, it may not be fast, and it cannot be fast. This year's 'how fast' is more, but it must be in line with the The combination of "good and cheap". Now the quality problem is very serious, which is also natural, and it is determined by the laws of things themselves. Also note that the province will count the same account. "Now, all or at least many of the contradictory problems seem to be due to the fact that many of our plan indicators have been set high and out of possibility. You have arranged ten, and then shrunk to five. It is too much! I think the basic The problem can be studied from three aspects: (l) Overestimation of the existing capacity, especially the two "marshals" (steel, machinery). The actual situation in the first quarter of this year can prove this point. Heavy equipment has shrunk from 1.8 million tons To 1.4 million tons, and then reduced to 850,000 tons, 800-100 million tons. Even if 800,000 tons, it is not easy to match, we have to say that there is a problem of capacity. The same is true for steel production. (2) For the new year The increase in production capacity was estimated to be too high. 30% of the year's output depends on newly added capacity, which is equivalent to doubling the original scale. Practice has proved that this is impossible. Research was carried out in June 1958, and the report of eight ministries, 1959 The steel plan of 30 million tons per year will be implemented, and the capital construction will be carried out in the second half of last year. Now it seems that this is a practical approach, otherwise, the output of so many new capacity could not be produced in that year. If there is no capacity last year, there will be no capacity this year. The basis for increasing production. (3) The production capacity of small soil groups is overestimated. Small soil groups, all privately-run industries, have labor problems. 80% of the labor force in rural areas still has to be used in agriculture. This year cannot be done like last year So many people are engaged in small soil groups. In short, if you do not consider balance, you are not planning. (Note: Chairman Mao said: "Unbalance is absolute, and balance is relative." "Don't be ashamed if you fail to complete the plan." Jiatuofu talks about the plan here, which is to dynamically solve the imbalance and seek a relative and temporary balance. His views do not violate the spirit of the chairman, but it is easy to get caught!) "11. There is room for it. Comrade Fuchun came back from the Soviet Union in 1953 and talked about this issue. In 1956, we ourselves had this experience. At that time, there was still a little inventory, and it was difficult to turn around the reserve, but it was not completely exhausted. Last year we It was overdone, and the inventory was eaten up. It seemed to be beneficial to the production of the year, but it turned into a disadvantage for 1959. Reserves and turnover must be considered. "12. Know it in your mind. Do you want to settle accounts? If you don't count, it is a problem. Everyone should calculate your accounts and know what you know. The relationship between various departments of the national economy must be linked by numbers. Last year there was a debate on whether to settle accounts. If you have a problem, it seems that you don’t need to settle the accounts, and you don’t look for the accountants. The accountants do not have power, and they can’t have power. Do the people in power count? No, they have countless thoughts, and that is dangerous. The question is how to calculate and how to calculate correctly? There is no doubt that the Committee is inseparable from numbers, and accounts should be settled. To calculate political accounts, technical accounts, and economic accounts, the three must be combined. There must be a limit for accounting. Every week, within a year, there must be There is a limit. It cannot be calculated only subjectively. The limit is absolute (necessary). "13. Political and ideological work and business work. We often do not do so well in this aspect, and the two must be combined. Pure business is not enough, and the result will lose direction; conversely, if you only engage in politics and do not engage in economics, you will become an empty politician This is the combination of red and special. "14. Too much is too late. There are two aspects here: one is too much, and the other is not enough. In the first five years, it can be concluded that there is a conservative side. I am conservative in thinking, and I have learned from this aspect. I have done a few In the past, the material and technical aspects were largely considered, while the political and human aspects were underestimated. Also, it was always believed that it was easy to get on the horse and difficult to get off the horse. I always think, how can we make a plan so that we don’t go up first and then come down. It’s better to go down first and then go up, not to go up and then down. What are the consequences? For example, the construction of coal mines stopped, and the wells were flooded, which took up materials and labor. This is a big problem. Of course, if there are too many people, it is right to retreat, which is good for the future It is beneficial, but it is not good for today. Our plan should reflect the reality as much as possible, and we should not have two tendencies: not enough, conservative, of course it is not good; If it is not enough, the momentum will be smooth if it increases step by step; if it is too late, the enthusiasm of the masses will be affected, and the momentum will not go smoothly. This does not mean that it is better to be conservative, but to say that It is not good to be too late, and it is not good to be too late. "15. Destruction and establishment of planning methods. Now we need to go back and re-examine how to break laws and how to legislate. What should be broken should still be broken, but don't break everything that shouldn't be broken. There is no basis and basis. Method: Comprehensiveness is still necessary, comprehensiveness and specialization should be considered together, comprehensiveness should be considered professional, and professionalism should also have a comprehensive thinking, not to be isolated, let alone confronted. "Three situations were mentioned at the central meeting: one is to know beforehand; Zhuge Liang is a sage, and Zhuge Liang is at least a sage afterwards. The problem now is not lack of motivation, but the problem is that we have not figured out the material and technical conditions. "16. The mass line. The chairman of the Shanghai meeting criticized that one of the most important aspects of our planning work is the mass line. He said that we should hold a meeting of cadres and not just listen to the party secretary. The plan is something that millions of people do. Our planning committee last year There are shortcomings. We have become too fast, there is no time to ventilate beforehand, and there is no good discussion after the event. Within our Planning Commission, at least three levels of cadres should adopt appropriate methods to discuss. In a word, we must ventilate from top to bottom. Don’t be afraid of different opinions. As for raising to the central government and talking to the outside world, there is a difference. We must speak freely within the Planning Commission, and don’t be afraid of wearing a hat. We didn’t wear a hat in the past. There must be an atmosphere: dare to speak, not afraid. (Note: no This kind of speaking freely and daring to speak is not the mass line. It is a pity that not long after Jatov said this, he has a hat, and it is still a hat of the scary line issue.) "17. Blooming everywhere and rational layout. All places are doing large-scale industries, and how to rationalize the layout should be studied in infrastructure construction. There are always two aspects to everything, and there are always opposites. Everything depends on man-made. Things reflect objective possibilities and can be done; things If it is inconsistent with the subjective desire, things will be contrary to our wishes. We still need to study the laws, so that we can do what we can, and we must not do what is contrary to things. "The basic thing in planning work is planning and proportionality. Chairman Mao's previous instructions on economic planning work are worthy of our review. From the first planning in 1953, it mentioned opposing subjectivism. Afterwards, especially in 1956, he talked about the top ten Relationships, the preface of the book "The Rural Socialist Transformation Climax", the new situation in 1957, proposed to save more quickly; the Nanning Conference opposed "anti-rash advance", the Chengdu Conference talked about breaking superstition and emancipating the mind; the Beidaihe Conference talked about the three major socialisms The climax; after the Wuchang Conference, Beijing Conference, and Shanghai Conference, the combination of hot and cold was emphasized again and again....My personal experience is that the Chairman has been thinking about the productivity of production over the years, especially after the basic victory of the three major socialist transformations. It can be greatly liberated. From the perspective of strategy, it is emphasized to mobilize all positive factors, overcome conservatism, recognize the situation clearly, do everything possible to promote our socialist construction, and do it faster, but it is by no means that we ignore the possibility Go fast. It used to be said that the plan should be safe and reliable, but later it was changed to be fully reliable. Both the Wuchang meeting and the Chengdu meeting said that we should leave room for it. We have been talking about it since the Beidaihe meeting last year. At the Wuchang meeting, our planned steel production target changed from 30 million tons Back down step by step, to 20 million tons, long-term planning from 400 million tons to 100 million tons, this is a great inspiration to me: on the one hand, we must work harder, and on the other hand, we must fight against our subjectivism. This is the combination of spirit and material .” After making such a big speech, Jatuofu emphasized: "It is limited to our scope, discuss the matter as it is, regardless of the person. There are still many problems to be discussed, combined with learning, to solve the problem. The purpose is to better solve practical problems. .” Shortly after the above speech, he set off for Taiyuan and Datong for inspection.In Taiyuan, he and Tao Lujia, Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, talked freely late at night about his views on the economic situation and on the issue of running large canteens, and the conversation was very speculative.Tao Lujia asked Jia Tuofu to speak to the cadres in Shanxi.Jatov accepted the invitation and made serious preparations.The starting point of his speech is to truthfully explain the economic situation, understand where the difficulties lie, earnestly sum up experience and lessons, and better solve problems.He spoke in two parts: (1) 1959 planning issues; (2) 1960 planning issues.His speech was later criticized as a "big anti-Party poisonous weed".Now we can see what this "poisonous weed" is.In his report he said: "The overall situation in 1959 was good, it was the Great Leap Forward, even if it was adjusted again, it was still the Great Leap Forward. At the same time, many new problems emerged." He focused on analyzing the problems and believed that the national economic situation has become tense, some links are still extremely tense, and some proportions are out of balance.Concentrated in 8 aspects, namely industry, agriculture, market, transportation, labor force, infrastructure, materials and reserves, and finance. There are both subjective and objective reasons for this situation.The subjective reason is mainly that the planning targets are too high, and there are four main reasons for the too high planning targets besides lack of experience: (1) Failure to combine heat and cold, failure to combine skyrocketing drive with material and technical conditions , Overestimating the subjective initiative, exceeding the objective possibility; (2) Overestimating the existing production capacity, adding new capacity too high, too much, and too fast, and overestimating the capacity of small soil groups ;(3) The overall balance work is poor, not more and more detailed, but more and more thick, the industry emphasizes more key points, ignores the general and supporting, and the important proportional relationship is not well arranged; (4) Ways of thinking and working methods subjective one-sidedness. He believes that difficulties and shortcomings are certainly not good things, but once they are recognized, they will turn into good things.The problem is not the difficulty itself, but rather the lack of recognition of the difficulty.Now that you know it, you can actively solve it.In this sense it is also a good thing.If the index is too high, it means that if the objective laws are not well grasped, imbalance will inevitably occur.In the realm of necessity, there is no freedom.Experience has proved that the more adaptable all aspects are, the faster the development will be;Now I can see that after hard adjustments, it can be gradually eased, and the overall situation can be improved.To see that, to have faith, is also a big win. When it comes to compiling the 1960 plan, he pointed out that we should pay attention to four issues: The first is to sum up experience well.The first five-year plan, the Great Leap Forward, both positive and negative aspects must be summarized.The first five years are generally good, the disadvantage is that it is a little conservative.From the perspective of the Great Leap Forward, the Soviet Union is inferior to us in terms of political command and mass line, but the Soviet Union has more management experience, technical and material conditions than us.It is beneficial to summarize objectively. Second, we must pay attention to a good overall balance.The ups and downs of this year's plan are mainly due to the lack of comprehensive balance work, and the planning committee should be responsible.Balance cannot be ignored just because the law of things is unbalanced.Unbalance needs to be recognized, take the initiative to balance; develop, break through, and then go to a new balance, keep going back and forth, and keep developing.This is also the rule.To be balanced is to synthesize.How to strike a balance?In summary, there are six items, called one, two, three, four, five, and six.One is a game of chess, taking the national economy as a whole, and the whole country is one game of chess; the second is two legs, taking into account construction and life, accumulation and consumption, and walking on two legs; the third is three combinations, that is, politics, economy and technology must be combined , large, medium and small must be combined, with the big as the main force, the main force, the local corps, and the guerrillas combined; four is the four comprehensive, that is, more, faster, better, and economical four points must be comprehensively arranged. Provinces, cut off the general line at the middle; five means simultaneous development of five, that is, simultaneous development of industry and agriculture, simultaneous development of light and heavy industries, simultaneous development of central and local governments, simultaneous development of large, medium and small businesses, and simultaneous development of local and foreign countries.There is a problem of planning proportions in the combination of five, which must be reflected in the planning and arrangement; six is ​​the six aspects, that is, industry, agriculture, military, education, commerce, and transportation (communication). In order to develop the national economy in a planned and proportionate manner, it is necessary to arrange all the above six aspects in terms of manpower, material resources, financial resources, time and place (region). This is the condition.Only conditionalism is wrong, and of course unconditionalism is also wrong, it should be conditionalism. Third, implement the mass line.Without the mass line, it is impossible to achieve a comprehensive balance, and it is impossible to do everything possible, and it is impossible to have sufficient measures to guarantee it.At the same time, there was no centralized leadership and unified planning, and the mass line was not implemented well. Fourth, the necessary rules and regulations.There must be rules, procedures, systems and caliber, and the plan must have a unified caliber.The management relationship and system of human, financial, business, labor and material should also be adjusted accordingly. According to these rules, from top to bottom, and then from bottom to top, it will be repeated several times, and we will try to arrange and implement the plan for the coming year step by step.Back then, it was implemented step by step, resulting in a lot of passiveness. Jia Tuofu's speech at the Shanxi cadre meeting was warmly welcomed and praised by the audience. They all thought that the speech was truthful, incisive, deeply inspiring, and very helpful.It can be seen that Jatov pays great attention to the connection between practice and theory from the perspective of active work and extreme responsibility, and is also very thoughtful.He didn't get carried away with pride and arrogance because the central government approved the adjustment plan and proved that his ideas were right. Instead, he tried to sum up experience and lessons and try to do a better job. It was precisely for this purpose that he agreed to give a report on his learning experience after adjusting the indicators at the State Planning Commission cadre meeting.If you don't know the actual situation of the Great Leap Forward in 1958 and the continuous leap forward in 1959, you may think that these speeches are nothing.But if you think about it objectively, 40 to 50 years ago, my country only carried out socialist construction for 8 years on the basis of a long-term backward and fragmented agricultural economy, and there was no mature experience in industrialization and socialist economic development; think about it. Think about the kind of fanaticism and blindness that existed at that time from the leadership of the Party Central Committee to the cadres and the masses below; think about the kind of support, even superstition, for the Communist Party, especially Chairman Mao, inside and outside the Party at that time. Jatov will feel the weight of these views if he puts forward ideas that follow the trend, and what kind of risks he will take.In fact, these two speeches, together with his speeches at the party group meetings in April and May, are exactly the crystallization of his learning and thinking in practice, and they are the concentrated reflection of his thoughts on economic work and planning work. .Now it seems that he is still shining, so it is unfair and wrong to criticize him. Now back to the question at the beginning of the last chapter: Is Jatov a loser?History has already answered.Not only did the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party answer this question, but also the Sixth Plenum of the Sixth Central Committee's "Party Resolution on Certain Historical Issues since the Founding of the People's Republic of China" and the rehabilitation of Jatov in 1980 answered this question. Even in the 1959 At the time, the facts also answered this question.In that year, despite the anti-rightist movement and the continuous leap forward movement, the steel output barely reached 13.4 million tons, and other indicators were also completed roughly as expected by the State Planning Commission and Jatov at that time.History and facts are fair after all! Now that history and facts are mentioned, it is necessary to say a few more words.The Great Leap Forward, especially the wind of exaggeration, "communism" and blind command blown in the hot and faint air, did indeed cause huge losses to China's economic development at that time.But looking back from the perspective of historical development, if it hadn’t been for the Great Leap Forward that proved that socialism is not a fantasy but a science, the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people may not be able to gradually and calmly realize that socialist development is a long historical process, and that economic construction It has its own laws, and it is independent of human will.In such a backward agricultural country, in the ocean of small-scale production, it is impossible to build socialism overnight simply by relying on good wishes and fanatical energy.The Great Leap Forward made China re-understand and further understand the national conditions, laws and science.Without it and the "Cultural Revolution" that followed, the Chinese Communist Party finally realized that it was in the "primary stage of socialism" and proposed a basic line with one center and two basic points to find the way to build and strengthen the country. I'm afraid it would not be easy . The Lushan Conference ended in tragedy, and its dominant aspect was wrong.However, the problems conceived in the previous stage of the meeting, the deviations and mistakes to be corrected, and the adjustment-centered tasks proposed have penetrated into the minds of quite a few leaders and laid a certain foundation for future adjustment work.Based on agriculture, arrange national economic development guidelines in the order of agriculture, lightness, and emphasis, and implement the eight-character policy of "adjustment, consolidation, enrichment, and improvement". The national economy must be comprehensively balanced (a 20-item was formulated during the meeting), etc , in a certain sense, also began in the early days of the Lushan Conference.It can also be said that the work of correcting the mistakes made in the Great Leap Forward actually started shortly after the Lushan Conference.Leaders such as Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, and Chen Yun made a lot of adjustments in their actual work.After three years, the economic situation has basically recovered. The thoughts, viewpoints and opinions that Jatov and many other comrades have repeatedly insisted on have not been abandoned because they were criticized.These correct things, at that time, will still be effective and meaningful for a long time to come.Therefore, in terms of history and facts, Jatov has been proven not to be a loser. Moreover, they have the courage to face up to problems, uphold the truth, seek truth from facts, and speak up for justice, regardless of personal gains and losses, regardless of honor or disgrace. Strong bones, high character and bright integrity, it shines for a long time.In this regard, Jatov is even more successful! In 1959, after the Central Committee approved the adjustment plan, all aspects of work began to be straightened out. The Party Central Committee held a meeting in Lushan in July. The original purpose of the meeting was to analyze and understand the situation, correct deviations in actual work, overcome "Left" tendencies, and summarize the experience since the Great Leap Forward.After Chairman Mao Zedong went up to the mountain, on June 30, he invited the provincial party committee secretaries Zeng Xisheng, Jiang Weiqing, and Jiang Hua who he had met the first time to go upstairs for a talk. Left', we still need to make a document." At the first meeting of the Politburo, Chairman Mao summed up the situation at that time with Zhou Xiaozhou's words: "Great achievements, many problems, and bright future." He talked about 18 issues to be studied and discussed, which was also a summary of experience the spirit of.Finally, he said: "Everyone can speak freely, and finally form the "Summary" and distribute it to the whole party. The meeting will be adjourned in about half a month." It was an anti-rightist movement, and a nationwide anti-rightist movement was launched.Therefore, people's mood is relatively relaxed at the beginning. "Jiu San Society" (meetings at 9:00 am and 3:00 pm), open your mind and express your feelings. After a long time of intense work, you can clean up your mind while taking a rest, and enjoy the natural wonders of the fairyland on Mount Lu. 贾拓夫作为中央委员、国家计委党组副书记，从7月1日就上了山。他按大会安排的日程，除参加小组会，谈情况，摆问题，提办法外，还担负着起草编制1960年计划意见的任务。他对具体起草的人多次交待：1960年的中心是“调整”两个字。要把为什么调整？调整什么说清楚。胡乔木接受了李富春的委托，也来帮助贾拓夫起草工作，几乎天天都过来谈一谈意见，他也同意把重点放在“调整”两字上。这些天，大家都没有什么思想顾虑，比较敞得开，生活也舒坦和愉快。 贾拓夫参加西北小组，彭德怀、李锐等都在这个组。他在小组会发言，主要讲了大跃进取得很大成就，同时也产生了一些新问题，应当总结。1958年大跃进，1959年出现了全面的紧张，为什么会出现呢？看来是指标过高造成的，冷与热结合得不好，综合平衡没有搞好，国家计委是有责任的。他主要是从总结经验和教训出发，从正面提出看法。同时，他也是针对计委工作的角度讲，在谈看法时，也有自我批评，并没有涉及其他的方向。他的发言在西北组里受到了欢迎。 当时水电部副部长李锐在会上发言，比较尖锐地提出比例失调，问题严重，还指出：不搞综合平衡，国家计委有责任，各部门各地方也有责任。那天下午，贾拓夫下楼吃饭，迎面与李锐相遇，他向李锐作了一个长揖，说道：“讲得好！你帮计委说了话，应该感谢！”后来李锐在会上受到批判，贾拓夫的这一揖、这一句也成了罪状。 西北组发言最尖锐最激烈的要数彭德怀了。他不仅讲了大跃进、人民公社运动中的问题，而且还指名道姓地涉及了毛泽东主席。他干脆讲道：“要找经验教训，不要埋怨，不要追究责任。人人有责任，人人有一份，包括毛泽东在内。”他甚至动情地大声说：“毛主席与党中央在中国人民中的威信之高，是全世界找不到的，但滥用这种威信也是不行的。去年乱传毛主席的意见，问题不少，国家那样穷，好多省都给毛主席修别墅，搞什么名堂？这总不是毛主席让搞的。”彭德怀的火药味越来越浓，他直接闯入“禁区”，犯了大忌。彭德怀为了党和人民的根本利益，直抒己见，他的忠诚是被历史证明了的。但当时，他无论如何也没有想到，他的这些话，特别是他后来给毛泽东主席的那封信，却酿成了一场空前的大悲剧。他讲话中表示赞许的人，也都纷纷被安排了悲剧的角色。他在西北组曾说过：“我们党内真正懂得经济工作的人不多，陈云是一个，贾拓夫是一个。”这又给后来的政治斗争安了一条“导火索”。在以后批判贾拓夫的时候，有人就引用了这句话，指着贾拓夫的鼻子说：“彭德怀那样欣赏你，彭德怀有问题，你当然也有问题。” 庐山的名山险峰是美丽而又神秘的，刚才还是晴朗的天空，转瞬便雷雨交加。庐山会议开始阶段，人们还能畅所欲言，多数人的认识也相一致，但很快就风云突变，一场暴风雨骤然而至。这一巨变是由彭德怀7月14日给毛主席那封著名的信引起的。这封信本来是彭德怀作为个人意见写给毛泽东主席个人参考的。但7月15日，毛泽东给信加上《彭德怀同志的意见书》，并批示“印发各同志参考”，发给了所有与会的人。贾拓夫在刚看到这封信时，还很兴奋。他向前来谈工作的宋平、梅行、赵家梁说：“你们都看过了吗？我觉得写得好，他出来讲比别人讲更好，因为他不是搞经济的，影响大。”赵家梁说：“信中有些提法可能过了点，比如讲小资产阶级狂热性。”贾拓夫还说：“嗯。不过按照他这个人的个性，这已经是讲得很温和了，可能有人帮助他润饰过。”彭的信刚印发时，引起极大反响，多数人赞同，对一些较激烈的提法，也只当作提问题的方式，是枝节问题，而未更多注意。 贾拓夫看到这封信的第二天，在会议休息时与彭德怀相遇。彭问他看到没有，印象怎么样？贾对曾经在西北领导过他的老上级、关系很好的老战友说了心里话，他说：“写得好！不过有点刺。”彭德怀还是那个直通通的老习惯，表情一愣说：“怎么？刺了毛？”这一句话，几个字，如雷贯耳，一下子把贾拓夫的脑子轰懵了。党内多年已形成的惯例，对毛泽东主席是不能提任何意见的，这几乎是最大的忌讳。他对毛主席无比崇敬，从来没有过、也不敢想象能这样提出问题，这可是个极其严肃的政治问题和组织问题。他在中央搞经济工作，尤其是这两年搞计划工作，对此讳莫如深，已感到游刀走刃，艰难之至。今天彭总竟如此直不愣愣地犯此大忌，而且是对他贾拓夫说的，致使他茫然不知所措。贾拓夫以深情和担忧的目光看了他同样敬重的彭总一眼，像是在说：“珍重啊，彭总！”便不再说话。彭德怀似乎也觉察出有些不妥，看了自己过去亲密的老部下一眼，彼此心事重重，不再有一句话，遂分道而去了。 7月16日，毛泽东召集刘少奇、周恩来、朱德三位常委，提出“要评论这封信的性质”，要求未到会的几位政治局的同志也上山来参加会议，特别提出“如果林彪同志身体还可以，也请他来。”7月23日，毛泽东主席在庐山的大会讲话，发出了对“右倾机会主义”斗争的号令。于是，一场尖锐的党内斗争就此展开，庐山的空气低沉压抑得使人喘不过气来。前一段轻松愉快、活跃而舒畅的气氛一扫而光，所有过去人们谈笑风生、热闹亲切的场合，一下子变得冷寂沉闷起来。在参加会议的人当中，除彭德怀、张闻天以外，就要数贾拓夫、赵尔陆、李锐等这几个人情绪变化最明显了，他们大概都感到“大祸临头”了。 对彭德怀的批判正式开始了。毛泽东主席在大会上历数彭德怀“三分合作，七分不合作”的历史。说话间，突然插了一句：“1937年，（陕西省委）西安离延安那么近，也不听延安的，而听武汉的，王明在武汉。”虽然没有点名，但显然是在指贾拓夫了。1937年贾拓夫是陕西省委书记。毛泽东这里的意思，似乎是在说：“你贾拓夫也是有账的，你也站到彭德怀一边，怕不是偶然吧。这次你也脱不了干系。”毛泽东这句话大概既是对贾拓夫及其思想的猛烈一击，也是对彭德怀说的“贾拓夫是真正懂得经济工作的人”的回报。这句话把贾拓夫逼向了深渊。 他想修改自己在小组会上的发言，但修改不下去。他要起草一个带有自我检查性质的发言稿，也写不下去。他吃不下饭，更睡不着觉，冥思苦想，百思不得其解。他陷入了极度的混乱，没有几天工夫，完全变成了另外一个人。他想不通，感到茫然。 毛泽东主席讲话的当天晚上，贾拓夫翻来覆去无法入睡，住在隔壁的宋劭文劝他别想那么多，好好休息。已过半夜，他还是睡不着，伸手从床头柜药瓶倒了一些镇静药服下，才睡着。7月24日早晨，贾拓夫没有按时起床、吃早饭，服务员找来医生，作了检查，医生说镇静药吃多了点，劲还没过去，没什么问题。后来，人们以讹传讹，贾拓夫服毒自杀未遂的消息，不胫而走。后来赵家梁问起此事，贾拓夫非常平静地讲述了他思想上的痛苦。 贾拓夫当时不明白，怎么也弄不明白，为什么明明是正确的东西，一下子变成了错误的东西？实际经济生活中，明明是“左”的倾向造成了巨大的困难，怎么一下子反右倾倒成了主要任务呢？计划指标过高不是中央一再同意调下来了吗？会议原定的主要议题不是要纠正“左”的偏向吗？ 他怎么也弄不明白，党内不是应当允许提意见，允许提不同看法吗？会议不是要求把“成绩讲够，问题讲透”吗？不是要求人们敢于发表不同意见，要有“舍得一身剐”的精神，不怕杀头，不怕开除党籍，不怕离婚……吗？主席在这两天对李仲云信的批示中，不仍然是这样要求吗？ 他怎么也弄不明白，彭总的信总的精神并没有大的错误，怎么是反对党、反对毛主席呢？彭老总一生对党忠心耿耿，战功显赫，自己与他一起工作过，他怎么会“三分合作，七分不合作”呢？他可是大家都敬重的领导人之一呀！老总说“怎么？刺了毛？”这该怎么处理呀？要不要交待？不讲，与党性过不去，这是重大政治组织原则问题，明明知道了，不向中央报告怎么行呢？但是如果讲了，对老总会怎样？贾拓夫深知他是不反主席的，他是好同志。讲了，又要追究为什么会对你讲这种话？不是有人在说是计委给彭总提供材料的吗？这不是要把问题搞得更复杂化吗？ 他怎么也弄不明白，毛主席点到了1937年陕西省委不听延安的，这不是事实，历史不是这样的，没有过这种结论呀！事隔20年，怎么现在又提出这个问题呢？是不是意味着自己也一贯“不合作”？是不是意味着也要清算几十年的历史？ 自己为党工作30多年了，从来没有动摇过，没有松懈过，即使身陷囹圄，打入死牢，也没有动摇过信念，今天怎么会陷入如此绝境呢？真是天地良心，谁人知我啊！30多年来，多少坎坷蹉跎，多少艰难困苦，多少复杂曲折都过来了，今天在和平建设时期竟然会这样难！该怎么往前走？怎么往下过呢？他似乎从来没有过这样的处境，从来没有这样的痛苦和困惑，从来没有这样的矛盾和混乱。他理不出思路，想不清问题。上山前和上山时那种宽舒，那种拨开乌云见晴日，那种奋斗而后得正果的自信和轻松，已经荡然无存。他几乎陷入不能自拔的境地。 后人们也许不能理解，这些久经沙场，几十年历经艰苦卓绝，各种人间困难都经历过了的老共产党人、老革命者，怎么会这样想不开？然而，“旁观者清，当事者迷”。当你站在共产党人的立场上，站在为党、为人民、为国家呕心沥血一辈子而又不为自己的党所承认，还要指责你“反党”的人的处境中，你又怎么能想得开呢？他们一生忠贞而遭冤屈，你又怎么能理解呢？当整个党和人民后来终于理解了他们，承认了他们时，他们早已含冤饮悲于九泉之下了，他们自己终于没有能看到这一天，你又怎么去宽慰他们呢？ 我们只能说，世界本来就是复杂的，事物发展本来就是曲折的。人们想认识世界、改造世界，总是必定有个反复过程。在这个过程中，不同的看法、做法以至彼此之间的摩擦、碰撞和斗争，也就从来不可避免。多数人压倒了少数人，但未必正确；少数人往往握有真理，但常常失败；或者多数人正确，但未能扭过权威者；权威者有时偏执失误，又造成引导上的错误或方向上的偏差，等等。这在人类历史上屡见不鲜，并不奇怪。因此，历史上悲剧不断发生，也就是必然的了。正因为如此，人生从来都很艰难的，不管你是普通的社会成员，还是高层次的骨干、精英，哪怕是领袖人物，也都会有曲折、挫折、委曲和失败。不管你承认不承认这是规律，反正事实上都是如此。但不论怎样，从某种意义上讲，历史就是这样前进的，社会也就是在这种反反复复、曲曲折折中进步的。前人的挫折，会给后人带来成功；前人的苦斗，会给后人带来乐果；前人的悲剧，会给后人带来收获。只要人们不忘却前人和他们的经验，不简单地重复他们的哀乐，而是在汲取前人经验的基础上，不断改善自己的环境，使生活在更高一个层次上展开，世界也就会变得越来越好。如果是这样来看待人生，对待挫折，对待贾拓夫们的过去，对待他们的贡献，恐怕比后来给他们平反昭雪更能使他们欣慰，也才算真正理解和承认了他们。 让我们带着这样的认识和情感再回到贾拓夫当时所经历的悲剧中去，看看他是怎样继续自己的角色的。 毛泽东主席在庐山会上批判了彭德怀后，紧接着决定召开中共中央八届八中全会，分三个组分别批判彭德怀、黄克诚、张闻天、周小舟，并于8月7日向全党正式发出《关于反对右倾思想的指示》，指出：现在右倾思想已经成为工作中的主要危险，必须抓鼓干劲，反右倾，机不可失，时不再来。毛主席还把这场斗争提高到两条路线之间的斗争，引伸为党内的阶级斗争。于是，庐山会上这场突然发生的斗争，终于升级到了可怕的程度。 不仅在庐山的中央全会上展开了激烈的批判，而且随着全会通过的《中共中央八届八中全会公报》和《关于以彭德怀同志为首的反党集团的错误的决议》的发表，全国立即掀起了一场规模空前的“反右倾”斗争。本来拟议中要纠“左”的会议，被转而发动成了一场全面的反右倾运动。而且根据毛泽东的总结：“庐山出现的这一场斗争，是场阶级斗争，是过去十年社会主义革命过程中资产阶级与无产阶级两大对抗阶级生死斗争的继续。在中国，在我党，这一类斗争看来还得斗下去，……党内斗争，反映了社会上的阶级斗争。这是毫不足怪的。没有这种斗争，才是不可思议的。”庐山的这场斗争，没能把当时经济生活中出现的问题加以纠正，毛泽东主席自己开始讲过的，刘少奇、周恩来主持起草的那份总结经验、纠正偏差、解决问题的《纪要》终于也流了产。不仅如此，实际的影响反而推波助澜、更加剧了经济建设的困难的程度，致使1959年开始的3年自然灾害给中国造成了更加严重的困难。而且，由于把阶级斗争绝对化，把阶级斗争引入共产党内，后来发展成“以阶级斗争为纲”，更引发了史无前例的“文化大革命”的十年浩劫，造成了中国更加巨大的灾难。 回顾这段历史是多么沉重！但正因为那一段历史是这样发生和展开的，所以，贾拓夫和彭、黄、张、周等人一样，庐山只是他们诸难中的一劫。只要那种“阶级斗争”的思想仍在指导着党，只要党内政治生活不能正常化，找不到一种能够实事求是容纳和协调不同工作意见的机制，他们以及像他们那样的人就还会“在劫难逃”。 这次庐山会议还为党内斗争开了这样一个先例：既要对事，也要对人，既要讲现实，也要讲历史。只要出现一些问题，就要把过去翻个底掉，不管你过去为党做过多少工作和贡献，即便不能否定，充其量也不过是“同路人”而已。这种割裂历史、全盘否定的做法，与“不但要看人的一时一事，还要看他的全部历史”，“既要弄清思想，又要团结同志”，“惩前毖后，治病救人”的传统完全背离。这一错误先河一开，不仅破坏了党内正常生活，也带来了长期的严重后果。 庐山会议期间，虽然没有组织专门的会议批判贾拓夫，但是序幕已经拉开。庐山会议之后，根据中共中央的决定，工交系统反击右倾机会主义的斗争紧接着便展开了。从1959年9月到10月召开的四委党组扩大会议，集中时间，集中火力，对贾拓夫进行了“彻底批判斗争”。这场斗争是与中央军委扩大会议继续深入批判彭、黄，外交战线继续批判张闻天同时进行的。 扩大会议期间，他以前几乎所有的讲话和许多做法，都成了“右倾、反党”的“罪行”，受到批判。这已经不是什么思想认识问题，而是严重的政治立场问题。会上还深入追查他与彭德怀的关系，追究他在历史上“反党”的问题。就连彭德怀送给贾拓夫大女儿达黎的一架照相机，也成了他与彭德怀关系密切“有组织联系”的“罪证”。而揭发、批判和斗争他的，都是一起工作过的同志和工交战线的“各路诸侯”。在当时的空气下，自然也是一边倒的。火力之猛，攻击之烈，叫人难以承受。他也差一点被划为“彭德怀反党地下俱乐部成员”。因没有其他证据，彭德怀也明确讲“贾拓夫和我没有关系”，“我根本没有找贾拓夫同志要过什么材料”，才没有戴上那顶帽子。那时，像彭德怀、黄克诚这样的老战士，这样久经党内斗争考验的老共产党员，最后都不得不“要什么给什么”，委曲求全，以维护大局。贾拓夫当然也不能不检讨，不能不反省。何况他过去确实不曾想过，这经济工作中的问题和看法与资产阶级和无产阶级之间的斗争有什么关系，与阶级斗争有什么关系。使他最难于接受的是说他反党，他的问题是“反对总路线，反对大跃进，反对毛主席”！几十年投身共产党，投身革命，他怎会反党呢？怎么会反毛主席呢？他检查不下去。但最后，还是被迫承认了自己“客观上起到了反对大跃进、反对总路线和反对毛主席的作用”。 这一段的日子确实难熬，确实痛苦。他把自己关在小屋子里终日不迈出那间权作书房的斗室一步，也不让孩子们走进他那自称为“思过斋”的房间。昔日车水马龙，谈工作的，叙旧情的，看望他的人们，从此不敢见面。只有很少数的老同事，在其他领导同志委托下，前来安慰一番。老伴白茜与他寸步不离，形影相吊，关怀照顾。只一个多月时间，这位年仅47的壮年汉子，竟变得满头花发，瘦骨嶙峋，目光呆滞，苍白憔悴。往日那目光炯炯、透着灵气、显着精干的形象，已决然没有一点影子。 “党内的才子”成了一个弱难经风的“老叟”。他难道真的“罪”当如此吗？No!他自己始终没有真正承认过这一点。他此时的“窘迫”，也许正是由于那种极其矛盾、极其复杂的心理状况所造成的。 工交口党组扩大会议，以确定贾拓夫为“右倾机会主义反党分子”而告结束。与他意见比较一致的或曾经受他委托搞过一些材料的同志，也都纷纷受到批判、处理。党中央决定：撤销贾拓夫国家计委副主任、党组副书记的职务。贾拓夫从此由事业的巅峰一下子跌到低谷，走过了他人生悲壮的一幕。