Chapter 15 Chapter Fourteen Promoting the Second Kuomintang-Communist Cooperation

The Third Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the Kuomintang held on February 15, 1937 actually accepted the policy of the KMT and the Communist Party to cooperate in resisting Japan.It marks the end of the stage of the Chinese Communist Party's struggle to "stop the civil war and unite against Japan" since the September 18th Incident, especially after the North China Incident in 1935.However, from "stopping the civil war and united resistance against Japan" to the arrival of the whole country's direct resistance against Japan, there is still a preparatory stage of hardships, hardships and even twists and turns.

In the spring of 1937, the Chinese revolution reached a critical moment of great transformation.At the end of an old stage and the beginning of a new stage, in order to make the whole party clearly understand the current situation, tasks, and the party's policies and strategies, consciously implement changes, and make good preparations for the arrival of the new stage of the national war of direct resistance against Japan , Zhang Wentian has done a lot of work in the post of general secretary and fulfilled his duties. (1) The expanded meeting of the Politburo in March put forward new tasks for a new stage.

Regarding the tasks of the Communist Party of China under the new situation after the Third Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the Kuomintang, the "Significance of the Central Committee on the Peaceful Resolution of the Xi'an Incident and the Outline of Propaganda and Interpretation of the Central Committee's Telegram to the Third Plenary Session of the Kuomintang" issued on February 15, 1937 clearly stated : "The future task is to consolidate domestic peace and carry out the war of resistance against Japan.". On March 3, Zhang Wentian wrote an article to explain it.Entitled "Consolidating Domestic Peace and Preparing for the War of Resistance Against Japan", he pointed out that "the new stage of stopping the civil war and united resistance against Japan has already begun", "From here to the actual establishment of the National United Front and the beginning of the War of Resistance against Japan, there is still a long way to go. a period of transition".The goal of struggle during this period was to "promote the actual establishment of the national national united front and the realization of the war of resistance against Japan"; the specific task placed before the Chinese Communist Party was to "consolidate domestic peace and prepare for the war of resistance against Japan."Zhang Wentian also emphatically stated that the implementation of democracy is the prerequisite for completing tasks and achieving goals.He pointed out that in order to prepare for the War of Resistance Against Japan, tens of thousands of Chinese people must be mobilized to participate. For this reason, the ban on the people should be lifted immediately, the democratic rights of speech, publication, assembly, and association should be implemented, and the democratic system should be thoroughly implemented to make China a modern country. the road of the Democratic Republic. From March 23, Zhang Wentian presided over an enlarged meeting of the Politburo.There were 26 participants in the meeting, and the discussion first focused on the current domestic political situation and tasks.Reported by Zhang Wentian. .The 26 people who attended the meeting were (according to the order listed in the meeting minutes): Li Jianzhen, Liu Changsheng, Luo Ronghuan, Guo Hongtao, Zhou Jianping, Cai Shufan, Wang Guanlan, Zhang Wentian, Peng Dehuai, He Long, Zhu De, Ren Bishi, Lin Boqu, Feng Wenbin, Zhou Xing , Liao Chengzhi, Xu Teli, Wu Liangping, Liu Ying, Wang Lin, Du Liqing, Bo Gu, Mao Zedong, Kai Feng, Li De, Wu Xiuquan.

In his report, Zhang Wentian analyzed the changes in domestic and foreign policies after the Third Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the Kuomintang, and pointed out: In terms of domestic policy, it advocates peaceful reunification, and the goal of peaceful reunification is to concentrate all efforts to resist foreign aggression, and advocates no domestic issues. Solving by means of force, on the issue of democracy, there are also considerable expressions; on the policy toward Japan, the word "war of resistance" appeared in the KMT document for the first time, and the actions of traitors were also condemned; They can negotiate with the Communist Party under the four conditions they mentioned. These conditions are actually similar to the four we mentioned.The four conditions put forward in the "Eradication of the Red Disaster" passed by the Third Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the Kuomintang are: abolish the Red Army, abolish the Soviet government, stop red propaganda, and stop class struggle.These conditions can be interpreted differently.The Red Army and the Soviet government changed their names, and it can also be said that they have been cancelled.The four points proposed by the Communist Party of China are the "Four Guarantees" in the "Telegram to the Third Plenary Session of the Kuomintang".According to the above analysis, it shows that "the Third Plenary Session of the Kuomintang Central Committee indicated that the Kuomintang policy has begun to change, whether internally, externally, democratically, or to the masses."Zhang Wentian also analyzed the fact that after the Third Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee, the Nanjing government was partially reorganized, its attitude toward Japan was strengthened, and it continued to negotiate with the Communist Party. stage".

Zhang Wentian made a historical analysis of the characteristics and tasks of this new stage.He said that from the "December 9th" Movement to the Xi'an Incident, it was the first stage of a new period of political situation in China. "The central part of this stage is to stop the civil war"; This is the transitional stage of preparing for the actual war of resistance, which is characterized by the fact that the Nanjing government has begun to turn to the road of resistance against Japan; once the war of resistance is realized, the situation in China will enter another new stage.Zhang Wentian pointed out that in the stage of preparing for the actual war of resistance, our task "the main key is to realize democratic rights."He emphasized the necessity of this task: "Only when democratic rights are realized can peaceful reunification be consolidated"; The General Assembly adopted a resolution granting democratic rights”; it also foresees the seriousness of the struggle surrounding the issue of democracy: “The issue of democracy will become the focus of debate in our political struggle with the Kuomintang in the future.”

Zhang Wentian's report also highlighted the Communist Party's "struggling for leadership" in the new stage, pointing out that "there will be many struggles" and "various twists and turns and difficulties may occur" in the process from turning to resistance against Japan to preparing for the actual war of resistance. .Internationally, there are struggles between the peace front and the aggression front, inside China there is the struggle between the pro-Japanese faction and the anti-Japanese faction, the struggle between the central government and local governments, the struggle between the people and the government, and the struggle between dictatorship and democracy. "In the struggle of various forces, an important issue is the issue of leadership." Zhang Wentian pointed out that after the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the Kuomintang "will compete with us for leadership." "The struggle between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang still exists, but the struggle way has changed.”

The report gave a clear answer and a comprehensive exposition to the question "how do we gain leadership" under the new situation: 1. Adhere to the policy of the national united front and the policy of resisting Japan and saving the nation.The handling of issues such as democracy and mass life must revolve around the anti-Japanese issue.2. Be good at applying all applicable methods of struggle, from the criticism of weapons to the weapons of criticism.Instead of using the struggle method opposed to the Kuomintang, change the previous revolutionary method to an improved method (revolutionary improvement), use the connection from top to bottom, from the bottom to the top, use open and legal methods of struggle, use the old Forms serve new content, and so on.3. To strengthen the leadership of the party in the white areas and establish nationwide work, each central area must have strong cadres who can work independently.4. In the Soviet Areas and the Red Army, Party leadership must be especially strengthened.Fifth, we must re-educate and train cadres so that they understand the new policy and adapt to the new requirements.Sixth, we must guarantee the leadership of the party and carry out the party's ideological struggle.At present, the danger of "Left" is the main one; on the other hand, the danger of right deviation is also growing.The unity of the party must be consolidated in the struggle on two fronts in order to guarantee the realization of our leadership.Not on paper, but only through hard work, will our leadership be realized.

The enlarged meeting of the Politburo had a heated discussion on Zhang Wentian's report.Mao Zedong said that he "completely agrees" with Zhang Wentian's assessment of the Third Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the KMT.According to the record of Mao Zedong's speech at the enlarged meeting of the Politburo on March 23, 1937. After the meeting, Zhang Wentian wrote an article "Welcome to the Great Period of the Direct War of Resistance Against Japan", summarizing the tasks of preparing for the actual war of resistance as "consolidating domestic peace, striving for democratic rights, and realizing the war of resistance against Japan."The article comprehensively analyzes the history of the formation of the anti-Japanese national united front and the situation and tasks after the peaceful settlement of the Xi'an Incident, and gives a comprehensive explanation of the concessions and compromises made by the party to realize the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in the joint resistance against Japan, as well as the party's independence and freedom of criticism .This article was published in the inaugural issue of the weekly magazine published on April 24, 1937. It is a public expression of the main spirit of Zhang Wentian’s report at the enlarged meeting of the Politburo in March. It announced the Chinese Communist Party’s views and attitudes on the current situation and stand.

In order to convey and implement the spirit of the expanded meeting of the Politburo in March, on April 3, the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China released a propaganda outline entitled "Our Tasks After the Third Plenary Session of the Kuomintang"; on April 4, the Secretariat of the Central Committee gave Liu Shaoqi Issued the "Instructions on Adhering to the Unity-Chiang Policy and Promoting the National War of Resistance Against Japan"; on April 15, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the "Letter to Comrades in the Party-In order to consolidate domestic peace, strive for democratic rights, and realize the War of Resistance Against Japan" struggle".These several important documents were written in accordance with the important ideas expounded in Zhang Wentian’s report on March 23 and the spirit of the enlarged meeting of the Politburo. Many of the main formulations and even terms were consistent with Zhang Wentian’s reports and articles.Zhang Wentian's March 23 report played a major role in guiding the party to make a timely and conscious transition from "stopping the civil war" to "directly resisting the war." , proposed new tasks and strategies, and made new deployments.

(2) The Soviet Area Representative Conference mobilized and organized the whole party to meet the national war of resistance. According to the decision of the expanded meeting of the Politburo in March, in order to mobilize and organize the whole party to further prepare for the arrival of the great period of the National War of Resistance, and to fight for the consolidation of peace, the struggle for democracy, and the realization of the War of Resistance, the Party's Soviet Area Representative Conference (that is, the Party's national Conference) was held in the Central Auditorium of Yan’an from May 2 to 14, attended by more than 200 representatives from the Soviet Area, the White Area, and the Red Army.On the first day of the meeting, Zhang Wentian delivered an opening speech titled "The Tasks of the Representative Conference of the Communist Party of China in the Soviet Area".He first discussed the current situation, pointing out that the cessation of the ten-year civil war and the realization of domestic peace "is a great victory for the party's political line and proves the correctness of the party's new policy"; The four guarantees made in the Third Plenum Telegram must not be interpreted as "the surrender of the Communist Party." It is the inevitable conclusion of the party's national united front in the past two years. Instead of giving up the Party's leadership over the army and the government, on the contrary, it is precisely for the sake of the Communist Party's open activities across the country.

Zhang Wentian summarized the history of hard work in the past ten years in his opening speech.He pointed out that due to the hard work and self-sacrifice spirit of all comrades in the party, we created revolutionary base areas and the Red Army, preserved and tempered leading cadres and leading organs, and were able to advance in a position, promoted the development of the revolutionary movement, and opened up a bright future. future.After ten years of struggle, the Communist Party of China has enjoyed lofty beliefs in the hearts of the people of the whole country and has become a party loved by the people of the whole country. She is qualified to be the founder and organizer of the national united front, and has become the vanguard and strong core of it .Zhang Wentian also summed up many serious mistakes made by the central government in the past ten years.He pointed out that since the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee, the Party Central Committee has made five major mistakes, which are: "In the mass work in the white areas, the long-standing bad tradition of closed-doorism has not been overcome. Mistakes in military adventurism and conservatism, failure to recognize and utilize certain changes in new class power after the September 18th Incident, lack of a deep understanding of the durability of the Chinese revolution, and cadre policy Certain errors, etc." The opening statement's summary of the decade's history was also flawed.It did not distinguish between the different stages of development before and after the Zunyi Conference, nor did it point out the "Left" error in the political line of the Party Central Committee after the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee.This was determined by the historical conditions at the time and the level of understanding of the entire party. Zhang Wentian's opening speech focused on how to complete the urgent task of "consolidating domestic peace, striving for democratic rights and realizing the War of Resistance Against Japan" in the new stage.He pointed out that "after the domestic peace, the front line of the war has shifted from the Soviet areas to the white areas", and "the work of the party in the white areas is weak, which is the biggest weakness of our party at present." Therefore, "the party in the white areas must be greatly strengthened." Organization and Leadership".At the same time, he also proposed the tasks of "making the special zone a model area" and "the Red Army must become a model anti-Japanese army and the core of leadership in the war of resistance against Japan". The opening speech emphasized that "strengthening our party is now the core of all work."Regarding party building, Zhang Wentian put forward five important opinions: first, strengthen the education of Marxism-Leninism within the party and learn from Marxist-Leninist work style; second, develop inner-party democracy and self-criticism; third, completely transform the party's working methods and The way of working with the masses; 4. Implement the correct cadre policy, unite with cadres who are loyal to the party, have connections with the masses, have the ability to work independently, and can abide by discipline; 5. Fight two fronts against closed-doorism and growing Right opportunism The struggle to eliminate the Guotao line.Zhang Wentian also emphasized that "obtaining the leadership of the Communist Party in the national movement is the center of all work at present."He aroused the vigilance of the whole party, "The cessation of civil war does not mean the elimination of class struggle. Class struggle will take a more complex and tortuous form", and class enemies will use all methods to "compete with us for leadership."Zhang Wentian once again discussed how to gain leadership in the united front, and called on the whole party: "Save our strong strength to prepare for a protracted war, so that the Chinese revolution can win the final victory." Mao Zedong made a report ("The Tasks of the Communist Party of China in the Anti-Japanese Period") and conclusions ("Struggle to Win Millions of People into the Anti-Japanese National United Front") at the Representative Conference of the Soviet Area. This meeting approved the party's political line since the Zunyi Conference, and made important political, organizational, and ideological preparations for the arrival of the National War of Resistance Against Japan. (3) The white area work meeting summed up experience and strengthened leadership. Immediately after the conclusion of the Party's Soviet Area Representative Conference, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held a White Area Work Conference.This white area work meeting was held at the juncture of the historical transition of the national war of resistance, under the active initiative of Zhang Wentian, who had been in charge of the work of the white area for the past two years.At the Politburo meeting on March 23, 1937, Zhang Wentian proposed "strengthening the leadership of the party in the white areas" and affirmed: "The Northern Bureau's proposal to pay special attention to opposing the 'Left' deviation has its basis." To Liu Shaoqi On March 4, he also gave a positive answer to "A Letter to the Central Committee Regarding the Work in the White Areas in the Past". On April 24, the Politburo of the Central Committee held a meeting to discuss the agenda of the Soviet Area Party Representative Conference. Zhang Wentian proposed that the work in the White Area should be held in another meeting and "discussed separately." Minutes of the Politburo meeting on April 24, 1937.In the opening speech of the Party’s Soviet Area Representative Conference, Zhang Wentian listed the inability to overcome the bad tradition of closed-doorism in the work of the masses in the White Areas as one of the main mistakes of the Central Committee after the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee, and stated that “the party organization in the White Areas must be greatly strengthened.” As an important task in the new stage, it is mentioned in front of the whole party, and it is required to "carefully summarize the experience and lessons of the work in the white areas in the past few years, especially in the past two years, so as to re-educate and train strong cadres."Regarding the main tasks of the meeting, Zhang Wentian proposed to summarize the experience of the work in the White Areas during the ten-year civil war period (the focus was on the Wayaobao Conference), discuss and determine the principles, tasks and struggle strategies for the work in the White Areas in the new stage, so as to greatly strengthen the party's strength in the White Areas. Organization and leadership.Attending the meeting were 30 persons in charge of the Northern Bureau and its affiliated underground party organizations in Beiping, Tianjin, Hebei, Henan, Shanxi, Shandong, and Suiyuan.Liu Xiao, who was going to be sent to Shanghai to preside over the work of the underground party, attended the meeting.Zhang Wentian presided over this important meeting. The meeting began on May 17, 1937, and Liu Shaoqi made a report on "Party and Mass Work in the White Areas".Liu Shaoqi emphasized that the work of the party and the masses not only requires a change in strategy, but also requires a completely new and thorough change.He pointed out that the reason why the party and the masses have not achieved a new and decisive change so far is that in the past we only proposed within the party that the situation has changed and the strategy needs to be changed, but we have not proposed a change that has been implemented for ten years and firmly believed to be correct. The historical tradition of closed-doorism and adventurism; the second is that there is no systematic and specific exposure and criticism of the bad traditions of the past, negating the wrong principles of the past, and proposing new correct principles to replace them.In order to completely transform the future work of the party and the masses, we must emphatically expose and criticize the mistakes in the past historical traditions. In the middle of the meeting, Liu Xiao went to Shanghai.Before departure, Zhang Wentian, Liu Shaoqi, and Mao Zedong talked with him successively.Zhang Wentian emphasized that we must learn to do mass work, make mass work popular, and make mass movements naturally form.He asked Liu Xiao to be alert to the remnants of "Left" opportunism after arriving in Shanghai, and not to engage in closed-doorism. During the discussion, a dispute of different opinions occurred among the representatives present.The central issue in the debate is how to understand the historical tradition of the "Left", that is, whether the guidelines for the work in the white areas in the past made "Left" mistakes.Discussions came to an end on May 26.In addition to arguing at the meeting, some comrades from the Northern Bureau also went to Zhang Wentian's residence to report the situation and discuss opinions.At that time, Zhang Wentian lived in a courtyard house at the foot of Fenghuang Mountain in Yan'an City. In order to unify the thinking and guide the meeting to develop in a direction conducive to unity, an enlarged meeting of the Politburo was held from June 1 to 4, 1937.Regarding this meeting, an article said it was a "Political Bureau meeting" and the meeting time was "June 1st to 3rd" (see "Summary of the Party's White Area Work Conference", published in "Documents and Research", No. 5, 1987 Expect).According to the minutes of the meeting, the meeting was held until June 4.After Mao Zedong's speech on June 3, Wang Zhen, Feng Wenbin, Peng Zhen, Zhu Lizhi, Gao Wenhua, Luo Mai, and Liu Shaoqi spoke on June 4 (in the record of Liu's speech, there is "our discussion, opened Four-day meeting"), and finally Zhang Wentian made the conclusion.In addition to the above-mentioned speakers, Liu Shaoqi, Luo Mai, Kaifeng, Lin Boqu, and Wu Liangping spoke on June 2, and Zhu De, Bogu, and Guan Xiangying on June 3.From the identities of the people who spoke at the meeting, it can be seen that this meeting is an "enlarged meeting of the Politburo." On June 1, Zhang Wentian made a report and talked about three issues: first, the liquidation of policies over the past ten years, second, the current central task of the party, and third, the situation in North China and the tasks of the party in North China. From June 2 to 4, the participants had a relatively full discussion. The debate was quite intense and the atmosphere was very democratic.Mao Zedong made an important speech on June 3, and Zhang Wentian made a conclusion before the end of the meeting on June 4. Mao Zedong talked about "tradition" in his speech.He said, first of all, we must see that our party has created a revolutionary and Bolshevik tradition in the past 15 years. This is our party’s orthodoxy. It is a great party that the people of the whole country believe in; at the same time, we must also see that there are still some bad habits in our party."Left" closed-doorism, adventurism, and arrogant sectarianism manifested in mass work; in publicity and education, they cannot be deeply and universally connected with reality; party stereotypes and other formulaism; factionalism and commandism in inner-party relations , Punitiveism, etc.This habit can also be called tradition.Regarding Zhang Wentian's report, Mao Zedong said: Luo Fu's outline is a very good thing.The second part of the outline is the most exciting, and addresses many strategic issues well.He pointed out that it is necessary to criticize Shaoqi's one-sidedness, but he should not deny his wholeness.Luo Fu's analysis also proves the existence of this bad "Left" tradition, but the problem raised by Shaoqi about the "Left" tradition is not properly resolved.Mao affirmed that Liu Shaoqi's letter to the Central Committee on March 4, 1937 and the report at the White Area Work Conference on May 17 were "basically correct and full of vitality. He is a doctor who hits the nail on the head for the diseases he suffered from above." On June 6, the white area work conference continued.According to the spirit of the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, Zhang Wentian made a report on "Current Central Tasks of the White Area Party".This report is divided into three parts, and the title is the same as the report at the enlarged meeting of the Politburo on June 1.The second part of the report is included in Volume 2 of Zhang Wentian Collection.Zhang Wentian pointed out: "The party's central task in the new period of the Chinese revolution is to establish a united front of the whole nation, defeat the Japanese invaders, realize a democratic republic, and obtain the leading role of the Communist Party within this united front and within the democratic republic." Report The characteristics of analyzing the current situation are that the Kuomintang is beginning to change but has not completely changed, and the Kuomintang and the Communist Party are moving toward cooperation but has not yet reached cooperation. It is a complete change from two regimes to one regime, from riotous revolution to revolutionary reform.The report stated, "Our policy within the Kuomintang is to unite the left, promote and unite the center, divide the right, and exclude pro-Japanese factions among the right."Zhang Wentian pointed out that in order to establish a national united front for the whole of China, we must pay attention to the broadness and diversity of the united front organization, focus on opposing the most important enemy, and properly handle the internal struggles of the united front and the relationship between the upper-level united front and the lower-level united front.Based on the experience of the past two years and the characteristics of the current situation, the report systematically discusses the tactical principles of the united front, which has universal guiding significance. Zhang Wentian pointed out that "the main danger in our party today is 'Left' closed-doorism", which hinders the establishment of the united front.Zhang Wentian believes that the reason why "Left" closed-doorism has not been completely overcome in the party in the past, and now it has become the main danger, in addition to the general social, political and cognitive roots, is also due to: it does not believe that the Kuomintang has changed and opposes it. A united front with the Kuomintang; there still exists in the party the view that "left" deviations are better than right deviations.He pointed out that in order to eliminate closed-doorism within the party, it is necessary to strengthen the education of Marxism-Leninism within the party, learn to use Marxist-Leninist methods to analyze the current situation, and lead the struggle of the masses. A better point of view to the right. Regarding the tactics of leading the masses in struggle, Zhang Wentian has discussed them in detail in Zhang Wentian’s booklet “About Some Issues in the Work in the White Areas” and Liu Shaoqi’s report. "Never memorize these principles mechanically as dead formulas, but first of all, analyze the specific environment at that time and place carefully and cautiously, explore the characteristics of the revolutionary situation, and experience the demands, sufferings and every concern of the masses." The beating of breath and pulse, and then determine the appropriate slogan and strategy of struggle, the method and method of work."Zhang Wentian also dialectically and historically discussed the relationship between open work and secret work.He explained that "using the law" and "struggling against the law" are important forms of the party's work in the white areas, and the view that "using the law is legalism" is wrong. On June 9th and 10th, Liu Shaoqi made the conclusion of the meeting, expressed his agreement with Zhang Wentian's report, and explained some specific issues raised during the discussion.In the end, all the representatives voted to pass Zhang Wentian's report and Liu Shaoqi's conclusion.This meeting promoted democracy, carried out top-down self-criticism, systematically exposed and criticized the mistakes of "Left" closed-doorism and adventurism, completely negated the wrong guidelines for the work of the white areas, and clarified the revolutionary new The strategic tasks of the party's work in the white areas, as well as the party's organizational work and mass work that must be carried out to achieve this task, have completely transformed the work in the white areas, and have played a positive role in further breaking through the "left" ideological imprisonment of the whole party. impetus.However, limited to the historical conditions and insufficient understanding at that time, like the Soviet Area Congress, there was no consensus on the wrong nature of the Party Central Committee's leadership line after the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee.This is of course related to the fact that Zhang Wentian's understanding of this issue had not been fully resolved at the time. While preparing for the national war of resistance politically, ideologically, and organizationally, Zhang Wentian also participated in and led the negotiations between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang, which contributed to the formal formation of the second cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and the actual establishment of the anti-Japanese national united front. The secret negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party have been going on since the end of February 1936 when Rev. Dong went to northern Shaanxi to join hands.The peaceful resolution of the Xi'an Incident achieved the goal of one year's secret negotiations: "stop the civil war and unite against Japan."The overall situation of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party has been determined. On February 8, 1937, the Central Army of the Kuomintang entered Xi'an peacefully.The next day, formal negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party resumed. On February 10, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued a "Telegram to the Third Plenary Session of the Kuomintang".The document drafted by Zhang Wentian was a summary of the KMT-CCP ​​negotiations in the past year, and it actually expressed the political position of the Communist Party in negotiating with the Kuomintang, and publicly put forward the conditions for the realization of KMT-CCP ​​cooperation.In order to unite and fight against Japan, the Communist Party made great concessions and compromises, but insisted on the principle of independence, and never gave up its leadership over the base areas and the Red Army.The Kuomintang ruling group represented by Chiang Kai-shek was forced to cooperate with the Communist Party to resist Japan.When the Third Plenary Session of the Kuomintang Central Committee actually accepted the Communist Party’s idea of ​​cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party to resist Japan, it still declared that “no matter what method is used, we must use our own efforts to eradicate the red disaster in China.”The resolution passed is also called "Eradication of the Red Scourge".They never forget to restrict, weaken or even destroy the Communist Party.This determined that the second cooperation negotiation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party was a sharp, complicated, tortuous struggle. "Struggling for democratic rights" is the key to preparing for the war of resistance.The negotiation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party is the main position where the Communist Party wages a legitimate struggle against the Kuomintang for democratic rights.In this historic struggle related to whether the national war of resistance can be realized, Zhou Enlai has always been the leader of the face-to-face negotiations with the representatives of the Kuomintang and Chiang Kai-shek, while Zhang Wentian cooperated with Mao Zedong to strategize and lead in Yan'an.During February and March, Zhou Enlai and Ye Jianying held talks with Kuomintang representatives in Xi'an for a month. In late March, Zhou Enlai held the first meeting with Chiang Kai-shek in Hangzhou. From early to mid-June, Zhou Enlai and Chiang Kai-shek held another meeting in Lushan. After the incident, Zhou Enlai, Bogu and Lin Boqu went to Mount Lu for the third meeting with Chiang Kai-shek on July 15. In early August, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and Ye Jianying flew to Nanjing to attend the National Defense Conference and held the fourth meeting with Chiang; it lasted for half a year Zhang Wentian participated in the leadership of all five of these talks.Zhou Enlai in the front confronted each other head-on, alert and determined, while Mao Zedong and Zhang Wentian in the rear commanded well, advancing and retreating freely.They discussed with each other, judged the situation, grasped the initiative of the negotiation, and showed superb fighting art. On February 9, 1937, Gu Zhutong (director of Xi'an camp and commander-in-chief of the First Army) arrived in Xi'an.He was appointed by Chiang Kai-shek as the Kuomintang representative in the negotiations between the two parties.On the same day, Zhou Enlai, the representative of the Communist Party, held talks with Gu Zhutong.At 11 o'clock in the middle of the night, Mao and Luo called Zhou Enlai, asking him to use the upcoming "Telegram to the Third Plenary Session" as "political position in negotiations with Ningfang".In terms of military establishment, it was proposed to form 12 divisions and 4 armies at the beginning of the anti-Japanese war, with Lin Biao, He Long, Liu Bocheng, and Xu Xiangqian as the commanders of each army to form the First Army, with Zhu De as the commander-in-chief and Peng Dehuai as the deputy; The military salary is treated according to the central army, or at least 800,000 to 1 million yuan (French currency) per month; if a national defense committee is established, the Red Army should send representatives to participate.On the part of the party, the Kuomintang is required not to arrest CCP members, not to destroy the CCP organization, and the organization and leadership of the CCP in the Red Army remain unchanged.At noon of the next day, Los Angeles and Mao sent telegrams back to Zhou to supplement the content of the negotiations, explaining that our side should send representatives to participate in military agencies and political rallies, and the government should wait until the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War to participate. On February 11, Zhou Enlai held talks with Gu Zhutong and Zhang Chong. At 3 o'clock in the morning on the 12th, Luo and Mao replied to the telegram again on the negotiation strategy and conditions. Please note that during the negotiation, the other party should implement the five requirements mentioned in the "Telegram to the Third Plenary Session", so as to avoid the other party from "pressing me to make concessions"; It is necessary to propose or insist on expanding the Red Army's existing defense area, "cease the war and give up defense" to the West Route Army, reorganize the Red Army guerrillas in various provinces on the spot, refuse the Kuomintang to send political training liaison officers to the Red Army, and start funding from February. . On the 12th, Zhou Enlai and Gu Zhutong continued their talks.The two parties reached an agreement on issues such as the Communist Party making public at an appropriate time, the government of the Soviet area being changed to the government of the Special Administrative Region of the Republic of China, the Red Army being reorganized into the National Revolutionary Army, expanding democracy (the CCP sent representatives to the National Assembly, the Red Army sent representatives to the National Defense Conference, etc.), and the release of political prisoners in stages. preliminary agreement. After the Third Plenary Session of the Kuomintang Central Committee, negotiator Zhang Chong returned to Xi'an on February 26, and then continued talks with Zhou Enlai.Prior to this, the Secretariat of the Central Committee had replied and agreed to the negotiating policy proposed in Zhou's telegram to Los Angeles and Mao on February 24.During the negotiations between Zhou Enlai and Zhang Chong, the main difference of opinion between the two sides was the number and establishment of the reorganized Red Army.According to the negotiation policy approved by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, after the reorganization of the Red Army, the number of people can be reduced to 60,000 to 70,000, and the organization can be changed to 4 divisions. Each division has 3 brigades and 6 regiments, about 15,000 people. The remaining troops can be changed to a certain route directly under the army. Reply to Zhou Enlai from the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee on February 25, 1937.But when Zhang Chong returned to Xi'an, Chiang Kai-shek told him: The Red Army can be reorganized into 3 divisions and 9 regiments, and no more can be added.According to Zhou Enlai's telegram to the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee on February 27, 1937.In this regard, Luo Mao sent a telegram to Zhou Enlai in early March, agreeing with Zhang Chong's opinion during the negotiation process that the main Red Army should organize 4 divisions and 16 regiments, and another 2 unarmed divisions and 8 regiments with a total of 60,000 people; On the 3rd, Zhou Enlai received a call from Luo Fu and Mao Zedong. Later, because the Nanjing side resolutely refused to agree to this proposal, the Secretariat of the Central Committee telegraphed Zhou: "It is still appropriate to organize four divisions", "but if Jiang insists on three divisions, we can Just have to do it."Zhou Enlai sent a telegram to the Secretariat of the Central Committee on March 4, 1937, saying: "I saw Zhang Chong in a short time, and only three divisions and nine regiments were allowed in Yunnan Nanjing. Gu held a meeting this morning to discuss changing it to four divisions and twelve regiments, no more." Central Committee Zhou Enlai received the telegram of the secretariat's reply to this on March 7.Due to repeated concessions from the Communist Party, on March 8, Zhou Enlai and Ye Jianying held talks with Gu Zhutong, He Zhonghan, and Zhang Chong. Telegraph Chiang Kai-shek to decide. On March 8, 1937, Zhou Enlai sent a telegram to the Secretariat of the Central Committee, entitled "Zhou Enlai's Report to the Central Committee on the Results of Negotiations with the Kuomintang in January". Just as the KMT-CPC negotiations were close to being concluded, the Kuomintang suddenly created a side issue and created obstacles. On March 11, He Zhonghan proposed an amendment.According to the congratulatory case, after the Red Army reorganized into three divisions, the number of each division could only retain 10,000 people, a total of 30,000 people, and they had to obey "all orders" from Nanjing and Chiang Kai-shek. Nanjing was dispatched to act; "Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia administrative region" was changed to "local administrative region", which belonged to each province, the term "popular election system" was deleted, and "popular election recommendation" was changed to "local recommendation"; Lu Jun ignored it. On March 10, 1937, Zhou Enlai sent a telegram to the Secretariat of the Central Committee. Zhou met with Zhang Chong on March 10, and learned that Gu Zhutong made an appointment to congratulate Zhonghan and Zhang Chong on Zhou Enlai's March 8 proposal.Zhou immediately telegraphed the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.He Zhonghan submitted the written amendment to Zhou on March 11.In short, the Red Army and the Soviet area should be completely under the direct control of the Nanjing authorities, and the safety of the West Route Army should be threatened to submit.At that time, the West Route Army was fighting alone in the Hexi Corridor. After Mao Zedong and Zhang Wentian received Zhou Enlai's report on the above situation, they called Zhou Enlai in the name of the Central Secretariat on March 12 and notified the military heads of the Red Army, pointing out that "he Gu's changes are too ridiculous. In order to make our party give up its independence and become an appendage of a bourgeois political party," they "must strictly reject and declare that they cannot accept it."The telegram pointed out that "in the entire negotiation, the political position of the proletarian party must be adhered to" and "absolutely cannot be accommodated".As for the negotiation strategy, aiming at the Kuomintang's "advancement" in the past two weeks, it is proposed that we "should change our posture now" and "attack it", insisting that three national defense divisions (each with more than 15,000 people) form a certain route The military leadership remains unchanged, the Soviet area is complete, and other minimum conditions, and "declares that there is no further discussion in Xi'an, and asks to see Jiang for a solution." . On March 15th and 16th, the Secretariat of the Central Committee called Zhou Enlai again, asking him to meet Jiang quickly to solve the problem face to face, and to continue the negotiation in accordance with the 15 negotiating conditions established by the central government listed in the telegram. The political offensive posture adopted by Mao Zedong, Zhang Wentian and others led to the direct meeting between Zhou Enlai and Chiang Kai-shek. In late March 1937, Zhou Enlai flew to Shanghai and was accompanied by Pan Hannian to Hangzhou to negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek. In early April, when Zhou Enlai returned to Yan'an, Mao Zedong, Zhang Wentian, Bogu, Peng Dehuai, and Lin Boqu greeted him at the airport.Immediately, an enlarged meeting of the Politburo was held to listen to Zhou Enlai's report.在杭州谈判中，蒋不得不承认国共分家十年招致军阀割据、帝国主义者占领中国的局面，但对分家之责不作检讨而诿过于鲍罗廷。他要中共不必说与国民党合作，只是与他合作，并要求商量一个永久合作的办法。当周回答最好办法是制订共同纲领时，蒋即要周速回延安商量合作和纲领问题。关于具体问题，蒋认为是小节，容易解决。当场允诺边区完整，红军改编后3个师人数不少于4.5万人、上设总司令部，国民大会国防会议中共可以派人参加等条件。蒋谈话的中心，是要拥护他做领袖。 .政治局扩大会议决定：在抗日救国十大纲领及国民党一大宣言基础上起草民族统一战线纲领，并提议在这个纲领基础上结合新的民族联盟（或党），并提出修改国民大会组织法、选举法的草案，准备提出修改宪法的草案，在全国范围进行民主运动以影响蒋；对具体问题，坚持在不妨碍苏区实行民主制度及共产党在红军中的独立领导的原则之下进行一切谈判。会议还确定谈判的策略，如进展顺利，则拟以党的名义发表合作宣言，争取公开；否则，待事变发展，促蒋让步。会后，张闻天、周恩来等进行了紧张的准备工作。 4月26日，周恩来飞抵西安，准备南行再次见蒋谈判。毛泽东、张闻天、博古一起，对同蒋第二次谈判的内容多次与周恩来电报往返进行商讨。 5月9日，周恩来收到中央来电：同蒋会谈时解决国共两党关系的具体步骤是：一、确定共同纲领，二、发表共同宣言，三、发表边区政府及四个师师长以上首长名单，四、红军实行改编，南京释放政治犯。 . 5月24日，洛、博、毛复周电提出此次赴庐山见蒋，“须谈两方面的问题：第一方面，关于纲领及苏区、红军、共犯、党报、经费、防地等问题；第二方面，关于对日、对英、对苏外交，国防军事、国防经济及国民大会，人民自由、政治犯等问题”。 5月25日，洛、博、毛又复周电，关于见蒋谈判之问题，除同意来电所提者外，还应提出并询问蒋的外交方针、国防军事、财政准备等问题，须力争办到：确定特区政府委员九人，名单为：林伯渠、张国焘、秦邦宪、徐特立、董必武、郭洪涛、高岗、张冲、杜斌丞；红军设某路军总司令部，总司令朱德，副司令彭德怀（但准备让步设总指挥部），至少四个师，一师长林彪，二师长贺龙，三师长徐向前，四师长刘伯承，先行发表，政治部制度照旧（但准备让步设政训处）；取缔破坏民主运动、破坏两党合作、破坏红军苏区之行为；增加红军防地等。 周恩来于6月4日抵庐山，6月8日至15日同蒋介石多次会谈。同上次杭州会谈相比，蒋的态度变化很大，设下许多新的障碍。他全然不顾先前关于制定合作纲领的提议，将周带去的《民族统一纲领草案》撇在一边，另外提出一个成立“国民革命同盟会”的主张，企图从组织上溶化共产党。对国共合作急需解决的具体问题，除同意红军改编后3个师人数可容至4.5万人、经费照一般规定发给，国防会议开会时可容共产党干部参加之外，推翻了杭州会谈时作出的不少承诺。蒋不同意在3个师上面设总司令部，而要在3个师以上设政治训练处指挥之；还要朱德、毛泽东出洋（或出来做事），各边区武装实行编遣后，其首领也须离开；不同意增加防地，还强调红军改编后部队可移防；陕甘宁边区政府，坚持由南京方面派正的长官（可由共方推择中央方面的人）；国民大会可指定共产党代表，但不以共产党名义出席；还要共产党避名干实，等等，其意图是不让共产党公开和保有独立性。周恩来对组织原则、军队编制、边区政府等都不同意。尤其是指挥与人事问题，与蒋争论很久不能解决。经宋子文、宋美龄、张冲往返磋商，仍无松动。周恩来只得返回延安。要朱、毛出洋，据周恩来《论统一战线》：“我们要求各党派的合法地位，建立各党派的联盟，但他（指蒋）在庐山第一次谈话会上居然敢说：'请毛先生、朱先生出洋。'”。 6月18日，周恩来回到延安，中央书记处立即商量对策。为了顾全团结抗日的大局，中共中央准备作出重大让步，拟定关于谈判的新方案。关于两党合作问题，新方案原则上同意组织“国民革命同盟会”，但要求先确定共同纲领；同意国共两方各推出同数干部组成同盟会的最高会议，以蒋为主席，承认其依据共同纲领有最后决定之权；我们运用同盟会使之成为在政治上两党合作的最高党团。关于目前具体问题之解决，新方案提出，中共准备7月中发表宣言；如蒋同意设立总的军事指挥部，红军即待其名义发表后改编，否则即于8月1日自行宣布改编；陕甘宁边区7月实行民主选举，在张继、宋子文、于右任三人中择一人任边区行政长官，林伯渠任副长官；力争朱德为红军改编后的指挥官，毛泽东不拒绝出外做事，但非到适当时机不去；等等。 .周恩来又起草了《中共中央为公布国共合作宣言》，于7月2日交毛泽东、张闻天改定。 在拟定《中共中央为公布国共合作宣言》、《革命同盟会组织原则草案》1937年7月14日毛泽东、朱德、彭德怀、贺龙、林彪、刘伯承、徐向前致叶剑英电。等文件后，周恩来、博古、林伯渠一起于7月4日离开延安到达西安，前往庐山同蒋第三次谈判。 他们到上海的当天夜间，“七七”卢沟桥事变发生了，全国性的神圣抗日战争开始了。第二天，中国共产党就通电全国：“平津危急！华北危急！中华民族危急！只有全民族实行抗战，才是我们的出路！”为促使国共谈判迅速达成协议，中共中央于7月14日向南京政府表示，“愿在蒋指挥下努力抗敌，红军主力准备随时出动抗日，已令各军十天内准备完毕，待令出动，同意担任平绥线国防。” 然而，蒋介石对共产党的态度却十分冷淡。7月13日（或14日），周、博、林登上庐山，随即将国共合作宣言送给蒋，但蒋扣住不发。虽在民族危亡关头，他还是不愿让共产党公开合法。在谈判中，关于红军改编后的指挥和人事问题又发生了激烈的争执。蒋在这点上继续向后倒退。6月庐山会谈时蒋虽然对3月杭州会谈允诺的红军改编后3个师之上设总司令部食言，但还是表示，3个师以上的政治机关可以代行指挥权，可是这次他又改口，要求红军改编后各师直属行营，政治机关只管联络，无权指挥。其用意是不让共产党独立指挥军队。对于蒋介石这一无理要求，毛泽东、张闻天为了团结抗日的大局，还是决定给予一定的妥协和让步。7月17日洛、毛致电周、博、林，提出：“为大局计，可承认平时指挥人事等之政治处制度，请要求设正副主任，朱正彭副。但战时不能不设指挥部，以资统率。”但蒋介石不为中共一再退让所动，仍然坚持红军在改编后不设统一的军事指挥机关，致使谈判陷于僵局。 在这样的情况下，洛、毛在7月20日致电周、博、林，决定对蒋强硬：“我们决定采取蒋不让步不再与谈之方针。请你们回来面商之”。1937年8月3日洛、毛致周、博并告叶电，载《文献和研究》1985年第4期。周、博、林随即离开庐山，飞往上海，观察时局变化。 7月下旬，日寇又一次发起了侵占平津的进攻，在客观形势的推动下，蒋氏不得不改变其固执态度，派人捎话：红军迅速改编，出动抗日。周、博、林即于7月28日返回延安，张闻天立即召集书记处成员商定红军改编出动抗日事宜。决定主力红军集中在三原迅速改编，编为3个师，4.5万人，上设总指挥部，朱德为总指挥，彭德怀为副总指挥。 时局的发展使得蒋介石只能顺应国共合作、共同抗日的历史潮流。 7月底，蒋邀共产党代表飞南京共商国防问题。中共中央乃派周恩来、朱德、叶剑英赴宁参加国防会议，并同蒋谈判。 8月3日，洛、毛致电周恩来等，要周、朱、叶等商量国防计划，连同红军作战方针、步骤，一并于当天电告洛、毛，待决定后由周等将国防计划携往南京面交；并提出此次赴宁须求得发表宣言、确定政治纲领、决定国防计划、发表红军指挥系统及确定初步补充数量、红军作战方针等问题一同解决。 .关于红军的作战方针、步骤，洛、毛8月1日致周、博、林电指出：红军的作战原则是“在整个战略方针下执行独立自主的分散作战的游击战争”；因此，“在开始阶段，红军以出三分之一兵力为适宜”，“其余兵力依战争发展，逐渐使用之”。Ditto. 8月上旬，红军即确定出动路线“由韩城渡河，在侯马上车，到大同集中，然后转赴怀安、蔚县”。 10日周恩来、朱德、叶剑英飞抵南京，参加国防会议，并同蒋介石等继续会谈。正在这时，8月13日，日军大举进攻上海，威逼南京。蒋介石急需红军出动抗日，国共谈判到了急切需要迅速解决的关键时刻。8月18日，洛、毛致电彭、林、周、博，又致电周、叶，指出国民党方面提出要红军“分路出动”，是要分割红军，包含着很大阴谋，坚决不能同意。同日，中央书记处致电朱、周、叶，提出十项谈判条件。指出“目前最重要问题，须使党与红军放在合法地位”，要求国民党迅即发表《中共中央为公布国共合作宣言》，同时蒋发表谈话，发表边区组织，发表总指挥部，确认红军充任战略的游击支队，执行独立自主的游击战争等各项条件。 在形势发展的推动下，蒋被迫让步，僵持不决的红军改编后的指挥和人事问题终于解决。谈判结果，同意红军改编为国民革命军第八路军，任命朱德、彭德怀为正副总指挥（8月22日正式发表），八路军充任战略游击支队，执行只作侧面战、不作正面战，协助友军、扰乱与钳制敌人大部并消灭敌人一部的作战任务；同意将红军在南方的各路游击队改编为国民革命军新编第四军。还达成了在南京、上海等大城市设立中共代表团办事处和八路军办事处，在南京出版中共机关报《新华日报》（后因南京沦陷，《新华日报》于1938年1月11日在汉口创刊），释放在狱共产党员和政治犯等协议。 谈判取得的成果，在红军、苏区方面，虽然取消了名义，进行了改编和改制，但保证了共产党的绝对领导；在国共两党关系方面，实现了国共第二次合作，共产党取得了公开合法地位而又保持了独立性。这就为共产党及其领导下的人民武装和根据地在抗日战争战斗历程中不断发展壮大，打下了坚实的物质基础和思想基础。 1937年9月22日，《中共中央为公布国共合作宣言》由国民党中央通讯社播发。宣言提出迅速发动全民族抗战、实行民主政治和改善人民生活等基本要求，重申中国共产党为实现国共合作的四项保证。 第二天，蒋介石发表谈话，称：“此次中国共产党发表之宣言，即为民族意识胜过一切之例证。”“在危急存亡之秋，更不应计较过去一切，而当使全国国民彻底更始，力图团结，以共保国家之生命与生存。” 中共中央宣言的公布和蒋介石谈话的发表，标志着国共第二次合作的正式形成，抗日民族统一战线的实际建立。 9月25日，张闻天、毛泽东联名致电周恩来、林伯渠等，指示当前宣传内容，指出：“我们宣言及蒋氏谈话宣布了统一战线的成功。建立了两党团结救国的必要基础”，“蒋谈话确定了共产党在全国的合法地位”，今后问题是彻底实现三民主义与抗日救国十大纲领，打倒日本帝国主义，复兴中华民族。 从国共第二次合作形成的过程，可以清楚地看到，张闻天作为中共中央总书记，始终处在最前沿的突出的领导者的地位。他既为抗日民族统一战线的策略、方针、政策的酝酿、确立、发展、完善作出了巨大贡献，又为其贯彻执行和抗日民族统一战线的实际建立作出了巨大贡献。事实告诉人们，从内战到抗战的转变，从抗日反蒋到逼蒋抗日的转变，通过谈判形成国共第二次合作，在中国共产党的历史上，是一段光荣的历史，辉煌的历史。当时担任中共中央总书记的张闻天，没有辜负历史的重托，竭忠尽智，恪守职责，发挥了特殊重要的作用。他在这一重大历史关头所作的贡献，也是他一生对党、对人民、对民族建立的最大的功勋。