Chapter 4 Chapter 4: Mao Zedong's Diplomatic Decision-Making "Levels to One Side"

(11) Mao Zedong asked Chen Mingshu to send a message to Stuart. Zhang Zhizhong advocated that the Soviet Union and the United States should pay equal attention to foreign policy. Mao Zedong said that he would debate this for a hundred years. Mao Zedong made a decision and made it clear that New China would implement a "one-sided" foreign policy. Mao Zedong asked Leighton Stuart to read his speech at the preparatory meeting for the new CPPCC The car drove out of the winding mountain road, kicking up dust on the road entering Beiping City.He was really reluctant to stay here, and looked back at the Fragrant Hills with green peaks and emerald green peaks.The black bulletproof car he was riding in was the spoils of war that Chen Yi asked the Sanye troops to transport from Shandong. It is said that it was the car of Wang Yaowu, commander of the Kuomintang's second appeasement zone and chairman of Shandong Province, captured in the Battle of Jinan last year.

On the afternoon of June 15, he left Shuangqing Villa for a meeting in Zhongnanhai.The founding of New China is imminent, and the preparatory meeting for the new CPPCC is scheduled to open at the Hall of Qinzheng at 7:30 p.m., and the meeting will take some time.In addition to attending the meeting, he also had to meet and talk with many representatives from all over the country to discuss the founding of the country.He had to live in Fengze Garden next to Qinzheng Hall.Usually when he goes to the city, he just rests in Fengze Garden at noon. From March 25th to Peiping, the Party Central Committee was stationed in Xiangshan. He counted, only 10 days away, and it will be three months.In these short three months, the situation has developed rapidly again. Millions of troops crossed the Yangtze River, and then successively liberated important central cities such as Nanjing, Shanghai, and Wuhan.It was against this background that the preparatory meeting for the new CPPCC was held.

In this short period of time, although the situation developed rapidly, the situation was extremely complicated. In early February, although Stalin sent Mikoyan to visit Xibaipo to meet with our leaders; but at the same time, the Soviet ambassador to China was moving from Nanjing to Guangzhou with the Kuomintang government those days.Before crossing the river, Stalin sent a telegram, urging the CCP to stop here and not to go south easily, so as not to cause American interference.After the occupation of Nanjing, although all the major newspapers in the Soviet Union stepped up their propaganda and reporting on the victory of the Chinese people's revolution, the Soviet government immediately started negotiations with the Kuomintang regime on "extending the joint establishment of the Sino-Soviet Airline Company." Guangzhou.

He is dissatisfied with this and has a lot of opinions.After Nanjing was liberated, in the song "Seven Laws: The People's Liberation Army Occupies Nanjing" that he wrote with passion, there is a good line that "it is better to chase the poor with the remaining bravery, not to learn to be the overlord".Until the mid-1960s, when he met President Charles de Gaulle's representative and French Minister of Culture Malraux, he mentioned these past events before crossing the river. At the same time, before the liberation of Nanjing, Leighton Stuart, the US ambassador to China, sought out Chinese communists everywhere; after the liberation of Nanjing, Leighton Stuart and other ambassadors from Western countries to China continued to stay in Nanjing to watch.These situations cannot be ignored by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.Originally, at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee in early March, he made a basic estimate in his report on whether imperialism would recognize the new China: Imperialism, which has always been hostile to the Chinese people, must not treat it as an equal soon We, therefore, "not only do not need to rush to solve the problem of imperialist recognition of our country now, but it is also not necessary to rush to solve it for a considerable period after the national victory." However, in the light of these new circumstances, if we can pass the The diplomatic channel prevented the possibility of the US armed intervention in the Chinese revolution, prompting the US government to adopt a position of accepting reality, abandoning the renegade and corrupt KMT regime, and recognizing the new China, which would greatly benefit the Chinese revolution and the Chinese people.Therefore, he and the Party Central Committee have also taken a flexible and positive attitude in addition to fully considering the possible military intervention and diplomatic non-recognition of the United States from the worst point of view. On April 28, he called the General Front Committee of the Crossing River Front and the head of the East China Bureau: If the United States (and the United Kingdom) can sever ties with the Kuomintang, we can consider establishing diplomatic relations with them.

In this way, the informal contact between Huang Hua and Stuart in Nanjing took place.For this reason, he just recently agreed to invite Leighton Stuart to visit Yanda through Yanda President Lu Zhiwei. He is also planning to meet the former US ambassador to China in Beiping. Therefore, when preparing the speech for the preparatory meeting of the new CPPCC tonight, he wrote the following: We are now living in an era in which the imperialist system is heading for total collapse. The imperialists have already fallen into an inescapable crisis. No matter how much they continue to oppose the Chinese people, the Chinese people will always have a way to win the final victory.

At the same time... any foreign government, as long as it is willing to sever its relationship with the Chinese reactionaries, no longer collude with or assist the Chinese reactionaries, and adopt a genuine and not hypocritical friendly attitude towards the people's China, we are willing to cooperate with it on the basis of equality, mutual benefit and The issue of establishing diplomatic relations is negotiated on the basis of the principle of mutual respect for territorial sovereignty.The Chinese people are willing to carry out friendly cooperation with the people of all countries in the world to restore and develop international trade, so as to facilitate the development of production and economic prosperity.

Later, during the preparatory meeting of the New CPPCC, when Chen Mingshu from Shanghai brought over Leighton Stuart's materials, he specifically asked this Mr. Chen Mingshu, who had contacts with Situ, to send a message to Mr. Speech at the CPPCC Preparatory Meeting. Mao Zedong remembered what he told Zhang Zhizhong that there would be a hundred years of debate One day in late June, after he saw off Chen Mingshu at the Juxiang Bookstore in Fengze Garden, it was already late at night. He read in detail the materials of Leighton Situ brought by Chen Mingshu, including Situ's proposed five points and the four attached documents.The general impression is that it still has the tone of imperialism, the face of imperialism, and the attitude of contempt for the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people's revolution.He further recalled what Leighton Stuart and Huang Hua said in the second meeting between the Nanjing Municipal Party Committee on June 6: Only when the new China does not form an alliance with the Soviet Union, the United States will recognize a Communist China.

Of course the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people will not tolerate and accept it. Every night, his mind is very active, and Situ's materials make him think a lot and deeply. He thought of Zhang Zhizhong. At the preparatory meeting for the new CPPCC, he was elected as the director of the Standing Committee of the preparatory meeting for the new CPPCC.One afternoon two or three days ago, when planning and discussing the name of the country, in order to solicit opinions from a wide range of people, he, as the director of the preparatory committee, invited people from all walks of life to have a discussion at the Palace of Qinzheng, and Zhang Zhizhong was also invited to participate.He asked the staff to introduce the opinions of the experts on the preparatory committee to the participants, and then, on behalf of the central government, he proposed that the central government intends to use the "People's Democratic Republic of China" and seek everyone's opinions.

At this time, Zhang Zhizhong said that he had a different opinion.Zhang Zhizhong said: "The word 'Republic' itself contains the meaning of democracy, so why repeat it? I propose to remove those two words and simply call it 'The People's Republic of China'." After listening to it, he felt that Zhang's words were quite reasonable. "Republican" means a political system in which the head of state and state power organs are elected through democratic elections, and it does also include the meaning of "democracy".Therefore, he suggested that everyone adopt it at the meeting.After repeated discussions among the people, it was finally decided that the new China that was about to be born would adopt this country name.

He attached great importance to Zhang Zhizhong's opinion.Zhang Zhizhong, courtesy name Wenbai, had been to Yan'an three times. During the negotiations in Chongqing, Zhang let him live in his official residence and was responsible for escorting him back to Yan'an.Zhang Zhizhong is knowledgeable, intelligent, good at thinking, and has read many books.He once persuaded a young man to study, saying that Zhang Zhizhong of the Kuomintang had read thread-bound books for ten years when he was young.This time the Kuomintang-Communist peace talks failed, so he told Zhou En that if Mr. Wen Bai wanted to leave, he could be sent to Hong Kong or Lanzhou (at that time Zhang Zhizhong was still the chief executive of the Northwest Region of the Kuomintang government).Later, Zhang Zhizhong decided to stay.Zhou Enlai also brought Zhang Zhizhong's family to Peiping.He welcomes Zhang Zhizhong to participate in the preparatory work of the People's Republic of China.

He remembered that during the peace talks, on April 8, he had invited Zhang Zhizhong to Xiangshan to meet and talk.That time, the conversation and meal went on for three hours.Zhang Zhizhong was open-minded, spoke out on major national affairs, and put forward his own opinions on new China's foreign policy. Zhang Zhizhong is considered a leftist in the Kuomintang, and he advocates that the Kuomintang should also unite with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in addition to uniting with the United States.At this time, Zhang Zhizhong believed that there were many reasons for the failure of the Kuomintang. In addition to being anti-communist, anti-people and counter-revolutionary, and not implementing the Three People's Principles, it also made serious mistakes in its foreign policy. It has long pursued a one-sided policy that is pro-American.Therefore, Zhang advocated that in the future, New China should implement a new policy of paying equal attention to the Soviet Union and the United States. He asked Zhang Zhizhong, how to explain it specifically? Zhang said that even if he is pro-American and pro-Soviet, he is neither anti-American nor anti-Soviet. In peacetime, the United States and the Soviet Union are equally important, and in wartime, he is neutral in good faith.Eliminate the confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union with a pro-American and pro-Soviet policy of equal emphasis on the United States and the Soviet Union, promote cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union, and make China a bridge between the United States and the Soviet Union.This is good for China, good for the United States and the Soviet Union, and good for world peace.Just from the military point of view, if China cannot maintain a neutral neutrality in the confrontation between the US and the Soviet Union, and unite with the US to deal with the Soviet Union, the US will send troops across the Pacific to China in order to support China. burden.Conversely, if China unites with the Soviet Union to fight against the United States, the Soviet army will come from Siberia to support China. Not only will China become a burden for the Soviet Union, but it will also put the Soviet Union in a disadvantageous situation of fighting on both sides of Europe and Asia. Therefore, Zhang Zhizhong said: "In Asia, China is in a pivotal position. In the current world, the United States and the Soviet Union are vying for dominance, and China plays a pivotal role in the middle. Take advantage of that and cherish it.” He had already heard Zhou Enlai talk about Zhang Zhizhong's views, and this time he listened to Zhang Zhizhong in person.These points of view interested him. During the meeting on April 8, Zhang Zhizhong further elaborated on New China's foreign policy.According to Yu Zhanbang, Zhang Zhizhong's secretary at the time, in his recollection of the article "The Ins and Outs of the "One-sided" Controversy", "Afterwards, Zhang Zeng told me in detail from beginning to end, and I made shorthand and compiled them into words."The article recalls: To sum up, Zhang Zhizhong put forward the following points in his talk: (1) After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the pro-American reactionary clique dominated the Kuomintang regime. Their erroneous policy of being one-sidedly pro-American and stubbornly anti-Soviet was a fatal gamble, bringing serious disaster to the country and the nation. It not only endangers the fate of the nation, but also affects the peace of the Far East. Therefore, I firmly oppose being one-sidedly pro-American and advocate equal emphasis on the United States and the Soviet Union.In peacetime, the United States and the Soviet Union attach equal importance to each other, and in wartime, they are neutral in good faith.I have adhered to Dr. Sun Yat-sen's three major policies all my life, but under the general policy of being pro-Soviet and the Communist Party, we might as well pay equal attention to the United States and the Soviet Union in terms of diplomatic strategy and maintain an equal distance. (2) After the war is over and peace is restored, nationwide construction will be carried out.Given the size of China and its large population, it is impossible to rely solely on its own construction, and it is necessary to seek foreign aid.It is not enough to rely solely on the help of the Soviet Union, and we have to seek help from Britain, the United States and other countries; relying on any one country alone will not work. (3) We still have to do business.Now that the world's transportation is increasingly developed, it is normal for people of various countries to trade and communicate with each other.We want to do business with all countries, especially the Soviet Union, the United States, Britain and other countries, instead of closing ourselves off like the Qing Dynasty and rejecting all foreign things. (4) Since we advocate peace, and since we want to establish diplomatic relations and do business with other countries, we must pay attention to our attitude and not take hostile and provocative actions towards others. After listening to it, he thought that the points Zhang Zhizhong said were universal and representative at that time, so he answered them in detail while eating.After answering, he smiled and said to Zhang Zhizhong: "Mr. Wen Bai, I am going to have a hundred-year debate on this." Mao Zedong made a decision: "Leaning to one side" is the foreign policy of New China With the convening of the preparatory meeting for the new CPPCC, Zhongnanhai became more lively in mid-to-late June.In the past, in this place, the Empress Dowager Cixi listened to the government behind the curtain and held the power of the country alone. The thief Yuan Shikai was said to be planning to restore the presidential palace and proclaim himself emperor. Li Zongren regarded this place as the northern parallel of the Kuomintang.Today, those who come and go here, gather together, discuss and decide on state affairs are all elite figures of the contemporary Chinese nation.It's really turned upside down, here is the people's Zhongnanhai. So Mao Zedong settled down in Zhongnanhai, and gradually he felt at ease.At this time, what occupied his heart was Jianguo's major political strategy. New China's foreign policy was formulated by him personally. Zhang Zhizhong advocated that the United States and the Soviet Union should pay equal attention to the foreign policy. Judging from the speeches of all parties in this preparatory meeting, it is quite universal; In the current confrontation between the two major camps of the Cold War in the world, New China wants to take the middle road, advocating that he "do Tito"; Rely on both sides" claim. For this reason, he solemnly said to Zhang Zhizhong, Zhang Lan, etc.: I am going to write an article to answer you and people who have the same views as you. After crossing the river, especially before and after the capture of Shanghai, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China had the possibility of seeking to establish diplomatic relations with the United States and Britain. The bottom of the United States.Apart from withdrawing its troops from Qingdao after the liberation of Shanghai, the United States did not make any other positive response.Although the U.S. State Department had allowed Leighton Stuart to stay in Nanjing, it was only pursuing a policy of "waiting for the dust to settle".The highest authority in the United States has no intention of severing relations with the Kuomintang. Instead, it is committed to forming a united front with Western countries on the issue of recognizing the new China and exerting pressure on the CCP. China's colonial interests, they can consider the issue of recognition.They don't understand New China's policy of independence and self-reliance, and foolishly think that the CCP will definitely beg from them.They have repeatedly predicted: You dare not occupy Shanghai, because you cannot manage it unless you submit to us.We ignored their booing and intimidation, Shanghai returned to the embrace of the people, and the people are capable of governing Shanghai well.He asked Western countries to change their attitudes towards colonialism in the past. Therefore, on May 29, when he was reviewing the Xinhua News Agency's editorial draft "Wish Shanghai Liberation", he added a paragraph: If these foreign governments are willing to learn lessons from the events in China, they should start to change their wrong policy of interfering in China's internal affairs and adopt a policy of establishing friendly relations with the Chinese people. On June 25, the Kuomintang navy, with the support of the United States and Britain, began to blockade Shanghai Port and the ports liberated by the People's Liberation Army, trying to use economic pressure to make the CCP surrender to the West in terms of policy through the blockade.He once angrily exposed the shameless acts of U.S. imperialism and said: Now, only the gates of a small area such as Guangzhou and Taiwan are still open to the Achesons. The first sacred principle, the so-called principle of opening the door, is there. "Still maintained".Other places, such as Shanghai, were originally open after liberation, but now people use American warships and the cannons installed on them to implement a very unholy principle-door blockade. The US blockade must be broken! In the confrontation between the two sides caused by the wrong China policy of the United States to safeguard the colonial interests of Western imperialism, the Chinese Communist Party had no choice but to unite with all anti-imperialist forces represented by the Soviet Union to fight back. "Leaning to one side" is a tit-for-tat answer to the United States' support for Chiang Kai-shek's blockade policy. At the same time, after the victory of crossing the river, especially on the third day after the liberation of Shanghai, on May 30, the Soviet ambassador to China, Luo Shen, was ordered to leave Guangzhou and return to China, which marked that the Soviet Union had completely abandoned its support and use of the remnant regime of the Kuomintang. , The Soviet Union's flexible policy toward China came to an end.The change in Soviet attitudes inspired the Chinese communists.As early as the beginning of May, Stalin had agreed to the decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to send Liu Shaoqi to visit the Soviet Union and hold talks with Stalin on the work of nation building, technical assistance and the international situation. At 6:00 p.m. on June 24, he wrote to Hu Qiaomu, saying: "Write an essay commemorating July 1st (It seems appropriate to use your name instead of an editorial form of Xinhua News Agency)....Please arrange your time well. , and pay attention to taking time to get enough sleep. After you draft, I will help you revise it, and you can save a lot of energy." After Hu Qiaomu's manuscript was written, he did not decide to use it. He rewrote it himself. This is the article that Mao Zedong told Zhang Zhizhong and Zhang Lan that he would write, which is the famous essay "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship".This article clearly announced the "one-sided" foreign policy of the new China at that time. The article says: In foreign countries, unite the nations and peoples of other countries who treat me equally in the world, and work together.This means uniting the Soviet Union, uniting the people's democracies, uniting the proletariat and the broad masses of the people of other countries to form an international united front. "You're one-sided." That's right.One-sidedness is what Sun Yat-sen's 40-year experience and the Communist Party's 28-year experience taught us. We know that to achieve victory and consolidate victory, we must be one-sided.Based on the experience of forty years and twenty-eight years, the Chinese are either on the side of imperialism or on the side of socialism. Without exception, it is impossible to sit on the wall, and there is no third way.We are against the Chiang Kai-shek reactionaries who have swayed to the side of imperialism, and we are also against the illusion of a third way. "We need the aid of the British and American governments." This is also a naive idea at present.The current rulers of Britain and the United States are still imperialists. Will they give aid to the People's State?Why do we do business with these countries and assume that they will lend us money on mutually beneficial terms in the future?This is because the capitalists in these countries want to make money, and the bankers want to earn interest, so as to save their own crisis, and it is not an aid to the Chinese people.The Communist Party and progressive parties in these countries are urging their governments to do business with us and even establish diplomatic relations. This is goodwill, and this is aid. This cannot be compared with the behavior of the bourgeoisie in these countries.In his life, Sun Yat-sen appealed to the capitalist countries for help countless times, but all failed and he was hit mercilessly instead.In Sun Yat-sen's life, he received only one international aid, and that was aid from the Soviet Union.Readers, please take a look at Mr. Sun's will. What he earnestly enjoins people there is not to make people turn their attention to the aid of imperialist countries, but to "unite the nations of the world who are waiting for us as equals."Mr. Sun has experience. He has suffered and been deceived.We must remember his words and not be fooled again.Internationally, we belong to the anti-imperialist front headed by the Soviet Union, and genuine friendship and assistance can only be sought from this side, not from the imperialist front. On July 19, 1949, in a letter to the person in charge of the East China Bureau, Deng Xiaoping made a brilliant exposition on the formulation of this policy: The various tricks of imperialism, up to the blockade, are designed to force us to submit, and our struggle is also to force imperialism to submit. ... And more than a month of experience shows that imperialism is not easy for me.During this period, the struggle between the two sides was actually tentative in nature, until Britain and the United States showed their cards to block.At present, although the blockade has increased our difficulties, it is still beneficial to us. Even without the blockade, many of our difficulties cannot be solved.But the blockade is too long, which is extremely bad for me.To break the blockade, Mao Zedong emphasized the rapid occupation of Guangdong, Guangxi, Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan, Kangqing, and Ningxia provinces militarily, and strived to occupy the coastal islands and Taiwan as soon as possible.At the same time, the foreign policy we proposed is one-sided, and the sooner it is manifested in action, the better for me (Chairman Mao said, this is an active one, so as not to be passive in the future); the internal policy emphasizes serious planning from self-reliance, not only called, And start to do it seriously (Chairman Mao said that this issue should be raised from the perspective of long-term new democratic construction), Chairman Mao said that these two items are very good and consistent with the spirit of the Central Committee.If we do this, that is, occupy the whole country, rely on one-sidedness and rely on ourselves, not only can we stand on a solid foundation, but it is also possible to force imperialism to follow our example. On July 7, all parties and groups participating in the preparatory meeting of the new CPPCC issued a joint declaration, supporting the "one-sided" policy. On September 29, the first plenary session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference adopted the "Common Program", accepted this policy, and established its legal status. New China adopted a "one-sided" foreign policy at that time, which was produced in a specific historical era and had a very strong practical relevance. The muddy water on the land and the century-old humiliation have won a relatively favorable international environment.Although New China announced a "one-sided" foreign policy, it has always had a tradition of independence and still adheres to the stand of independence and self-reliance of the Chinese nation.Based on this standpoint and in view of the changes in the international situation, in the mid-1950s, New China timely changed its policy of "one-sided" diplomacy, and vigorously advocated the people of all countries to implement peaceful coexistence on the basis of the Five Cardinal Principles. (12) Chen Mingshu brought information about Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai to Leighton Stuart. The trip to Peiping failed, and Leighton Stuart was unwilling to go to Guangzhou to meet Chiang Kai-shek. Mao Zedong said that there is nothing hidden from the Americans Just after noon on July 9, the train had just arrived in Nanjing. After Chen Mingshu got out of the station, he hurried to Stuart's residence.Chen Mingshu came to Nanjing on his way back to Shanghai from Beiping to participate in the preparatory meeting of the New CPPCC.As soon as the two met, they talked about the topic. Chen Mingshu asked, "Why are you returning to the United States? Why don't you go to Peiping?" "The highest authority in Washington did not approve my trip to Peiping." Leighton Stuart just told him that, but asked eagerly, "You met Mao and Zhou, how is the situation?" Chen Mingshu told him: The preparatory meeting for the new CPPCC was held in the Qinzheng Palace in Zhongnanhai.I met Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and other leaders of the Communist Party of China, and submitted the five points and four documents you gave them on the spot.Two days later, a meeting was arranged at Mao Zedong's residence.I also met with leaders such as Zhou Enlai and Ye Jianying.It was very simple to meet in Fengze Garden where Mao lived.There is no furniture, just some books.Mao said that he had just moved from Xiangshan and was not used to living here.Mao said that you are welcome to come back to Yanda University to take a look. He praised you for decades of education in China, and said that there is nothing to hide from the United States. policy. Stuart asked rhetorically: Didn't Mao Zedong's article published more than a week ago (referring to "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship") clearly and affirmatively express a policy of unity with the Soviet Union?This attitude is already more explicit than in the previous article "On New Democracy". The CCP wants to stand closer to the Soviet Union and is convinced that it is impossible to compromise with Western democracies. Chen Mingshu asked Situ if he had read Mao Zedong's speech at the preparatory meeting of the new CPPCC? "Mao told me privately, please let me pass it on to you, asking you to read this speech he gave on June 20." Situ said that of course he had read it. Chen Mingshu believes that Leighton Stuart made a wrong understanding of the CCP's "one-sided" policy and Mao Zedong's "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship" and his speech at the preparatory meeting for the New CPPCC.Chen Mingshu told Situ that Mao was very concerned about Sino-US relations. You and I had a meeting to prevent Chennault from intervening in the Chinese civil war. Mao can still accurately tell the date of our conversation last year. The two talked for a whole afternoon.At the end of the conversation, Leighton Stuart asked Chen Mingshu to write a memorandum of their conversation so that he could take it back to the United States.Chen Mingshu agreed.The next day, Chen Mingshu handed over a long memorandum and two attachments to Leighton Stuart.Chen Mingshu said that the memorandum was the result of his own trip to Beiping, which was compiled through his own observations and conversations with CCP leaders.The other two appendices are in essence Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Ye Jianying's direct replies to Stuart's five comments and four documents. This memorandum was written for Chen Mingshu by his wife, Luo Haisha. At that time, Luo Haisha was in the suburbs of Nanjing, managing a farm for Chen Mingshu that had been set up to cover the secret anti-Chiang activities. In the memo, Chen Mingshu introduced his impression of Mao Zedong to Stuart: I saw in Beiping this time that from Mao Zedong to all of them, official visits and similar empty forms were cancelled.If you need to see someone for an important matter, they will arrange a meeting for you, or they may come to see you in person without waiting for you to ask for a meeting, and there are absolutely no pleasantries there.Conversation is limited to discussing or addressing practical issues.Among them, there is no one who does not show the most ordinary side, especially Mr. Mao.When you see Mr. Mao's kind attitude, you will immediately and unconsciously think "this is really a leader of the people".It can be said that if you are separated from the people, you will not see Mao Zedong.Mao Zedong is the people.Similarly, if you are separated from the people, you will not see the CCP, the CCP is the people. In the first annex, CCP leaders credit Stuart for decades of education in China and place "very high hopes" on his role in improving relations between the two countries.The leaders of the CCP also hope that the United States will stop aiding the Kuomintang and formulate a policy toward China like Roosevelt, Stilwell, and Wallace.If the United States can treat China in this way in the future, China will naturally adopt a friendly attitude accordingly.Regarding the conditions for the establishment of diplomatic and commercial relations between China and the United States, Mao Zedong specifically asked Chen Mingshu to ask Mr. Leighton Stuart to pay attention to the two aspects of the CCP’s foreign policy principles and positions stated in Mao Zedong’s speech at the preparatory meeting of the New CPPCC on June 20. : On the one hand, the CCP resolutely opposes all imperialist policies of foreign interference in China's internal affairs, and safeguards national sovereignty and independence. On the other hand, the CCP is willing to establish diplomatic relations with any country on the basis of equality and mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Friendly and cooperative relationship. In the second appendix, Zhou Enlai makes very extensive comments on those documents provided by Stuart.In response to Leighton Stuart's argument that the United States has treated China very kindly in history and that China has benefited greatly from trade with the United States, Zhou Enlai refuted it by citing facts, pointing out that in the past the United States' aid to China was in some "small In terms of "things", the beneficiary country of Sino-US trade is the United States, not China; at the same time, Zhou Enlai also pointed out that the United States has committed two crimes against China, that is, selling scrap iron and other materials to Japan in the 1930s, and selling them to Japan after the end of the Anti-Japanese War. Help Chiang Kai-shek fight the civil war.Regarding Leighton Stuart himself, Zhou Enlai once again praised his "personal qualities" during his detention by the Japanese. However, Leighton Stuart was, after all, a representative of the U.S. government and had to carry out U.S. imperialist policies. Chen Mingshu gave an accurate explanation of "leaning to one side" based on the original meaning of the conversation between Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai: the term "leaning to one side" refers to the political line, and it must not be misunderstood as meaning relying on others.It would be an insult to understand that.It should be understood that our political line is entirely our own.It should also be further understood as a matter of our national independence, and it is absolutely impossible to depend on others. Chen Mingshu explained to Stuart: There is a difference between the CCP's "state position" and "political line".Countries can have a common position and cooperate with each other, but their political "development lines" are also allowed to be different.Chen also quoted Mao Zedong's words: "In politics, we must be strict; in economics, we can accommodate each other." Chen emphasized to Situ the principle Mao Zedong said, which is to ask the United States to sever relations with the Kuomintang and stop aiding Chiang. Chen Mingshu has already felt that although the United States will reconsider its China policy after the "dust settles", it has no determination and cannot sever ties with the Kuomintang at this time, and it is far from the CCP's position.In the spring of the following year, Chen Mingshu's nephew went to the United States, and Chen also asked him to send a letter to Stuart, mentioning that "it is too early to establish diplomatic relations between China and the United States."This is a later story. On July 10, after Chen Mingshu left, Leighton Stuart read and studied the memo and the two attachments over and over again.The reply given to him by the leaders of the Communist Party of China in the document made him feel that Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai "did not show any signs of deviating from their current political line to improve relations with the United States. Instead, they showed a naive hope that China and the West Even though there is no political relationship between them, there can and will be economic relations". That is to say, the CCP is not prepared to give up its principles and positions to make a deal with him.Looking at these materials, his face became more and more ugly, and his mood became more and more heavy and depressed. The trip to Peking failed, and Situ was unwilling to go to Guangzhou to meet Chiang Kai-shek In the early morning of July 15th, when Leighton Stuart just woke up and was still in a sleepy state, the "Voice of America" ​​on the bedside radio broadcast a news, saying that Chiang Kai-shek had just returned to Tainan from a visit to the Philippines, and flew to Guangzhou yesterday , meeting with Acting President Li Zongren.He remembered that a few days ago the radio broadcast said that Chiang Kai-shek held talks with Philippine President Quirino in Baguio, Philippines, to discuss the formation of an anti-communist alliance in the Pacific region called the "Pacific Pact", which later developed into The United States manipulates the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, which is used to block China.At that time, some public opinion leaked that Chiang Kai-shek flew to the Philippines in an attempt to arrange funeral affairs when Taiwan Island could not be held, and went to the Philippines to organize the Kuomintang government in exile... The news of Chiang Kai-shek's arrival in Guangzhou immediately woke him up.He muttered, "No way. I can't go to Guangzhou. How can I go to Guangzhou to meet Chiang Kai-shek?" It turned out that when he was about to leave for China, President Truman gave instructions to the State Department: let Ambassador Situ visit Guangzhou after leaving Nanjing.A few days earlier, Truman had told Secretary of State Acheson: "As an ambassador, returning home without disengaging from the government of the host country will not be understood by the American public." The president's instructions had to be implemented, but he was very worried that the CCP would be detrimental to himself if he knew he was going to Guangzhou.He has been in a very contradictory and distressed state of mind these days. As soon as he heard the news of Chiang Kai-shek's arrival in Guangzhou, he decided decisively: Guangzhou will not go either! On the 15th, he called Secretary of State Acheson about his refusal to go to Guangzhou, saying that the Chairman had arrived in Guangzhou, "I think he will stay for a few days. Suppose I visit Guangzhou (if I leave on schedule), and I happen to meet him unexpectedly If this happens, I think unfavorable speculation and misinterpretation will ensue. This should be avoided if it can be avoided. It is impossible to convince public opinion that the visit to Canton by the Chairman and I at this time is purely coincidental. The Communist Party My evacuation plan will no doubt be regarded as not so simple and made a political fuss out of it, and even my colleagues in the diplomatic corps are less likely to believe that our simultaneous presence in Guangzhou is a coincidence." Because Washington did not reply to the report that he would not go to Guangzhou, and the date of leaving Nanjing was approaching, he was very anxious. On July 18, he called Secretary of State Acheson again: "I am refusing the trip to Peiping." Immediately afterwards, visit Guangzhou and meet with the chairman (which is inevitable), the Communist Party will definitely see this as a deliberate insult. They will respond strongly to this. Any influence I have on the leaders of the Communist Party of China is purely personal Nature. I flew to Guangzhou to visit their sworn enemies, and they will certainly not let me go. And my usefulness in Communist China in the future will be lost.” Therefore, “I agree with the State Council not to allow me to respectfully To see Chairman Mao in Peiping; for the same reason, I do not think it wise to change the course to see Generalissimo Chiang." After Acheson asked President Truman to nod, he approved Stuart's report not to go to Guangzhou.Leighton Stuart breathed a sigh of relief. Leighton Stuart no longer enjoys "diplomatic privileges" to leave the country, feels very humiliated During the rule of the Kuomintang government a few years ago, as the US ambassador to China, Leighton Stuart bossed around, entered and exited at will, left as he said, and came as soon as he said. "diplomatic privilege".When going through the relevant procedures for leaving China and returning to the United States this time, according to the instructions of Secretary of State Acheson, Leighton Stuart submitted an application to the Nanjing Foreign Affairs Office, requesting to leave the country and return to China by an American transport plane in mid-to-late July.The Foreign Affairs Office replied to him and allowed him to leave the country after going through the corresponding procedures as an ordinary expatriate. 6月间，他已经无可奈何地按照人民政府的这一政策，申请办理过一次上海之行。 按照人民政府当时的出入境管理规定，一般外国侨民申请出境，必须要找两家实力雄厚的担保商号，由商号填具保单，保证该离境外侨没有任何未了结的债务，没有拖欠税金，也没有悬而未结的民事或刑事诉讼等等，同时对外侨在离开中国前的任何非法行为负责。另外，按规定，外侨出境所携带的行李也必须接受检查。 司徒雷登虽说对人民政府的这一外事政策已经知道，但他却以为，“不会要求我个人及随行人员做这种事，因为我们都是使馆人员”。因而，当其申办出境时，外事处按政策对他提出了这个要求，他感到有损大使尊严，丢了脸面。 他在向华盛顿方面反映情况、寻求对策时，一面派傅泾波找黄华交涉，一面也悄悄联系担保。他让人探询在南京的地方银行及与使馆有签约关系的中间人，以确定他们愿否为他的随行人员及机组人员担保，经过了24小时，都没有得到肯定的回答。他又赶快征询美国索康尼吸尘设备公司、加州得克萨斯公司等商号作保。黄华曾叫傅泾波转达说，司徒本人可以不要求“担保商号”，但需“某个朋友个人担保”。司徒曾经向国务院报告说：“我想黄自己会作为我的担保人签字。这实际上等于取消了这项担保。” 7月15日，美国国务院急电司徒雷登，命其不得填具担保，称司徒雷登是美国政府任命的驻中国大使，虽不被中共方面承认，但就美国而言，仍然具有大使的身份等等，电函并训斥司徒雷登在与中共接触中表现软弱。 司徒雷登接到此电函后，即叫傅泾波去外事处找黄华。傅泾波说，司徒雷登希望获得谅解，他留在南京是出于友好，返回美国也是为中美关系努力，如能免去担保和检查，不胜感激。 当时，还有一些国家的原大使、公使也存在着类似司徒雷登一样的出境手续方面的问题。根据这些具体情况，考虑到这些大使、公使仍被本国视为是国家的代表，南京市委经研究向中共中央建议，可以对这些人给予一定的便利，免除其觅保手续，允许一件手提行李免检，对“使馆”其他人员仍按原规定办理。 中共中央经研究后，同意了南京市委的意见。 于是，南京外事处对司徒雷登此次返国采取了免除觅保、检查的手续，其随行人员由原美国使馆留下的人担保，傅泾波由两个私商担保。为出境的事已连续数日焦虑不安的司徒雷登听说后，真是如释重负，悬着的心才落下来了。 原美国使馆空军武官邓宁上校和运输机机长也来到军管会外事处，说飞机已经修好，要求办理专机离境事宜。 此事还伴随着一个小插曲。本来，南京市委考虑到傅泾波这个人的以往表现情况，曾向中央建议不允许他离境，免得他到美国后随意招摇撞骗，惹是生非，对新中国产生不良影响。但中央复电指示，让黄华在其离境前与其谈话，给予警告即可，谅其无非是个小角色，也掀不起什么大浪。南京军管会不承认傅泾波原来所持有的“国府”所发的护照，就以南京市军管会名义为其特制了一本蓝布面烫银字的普通护照。 黄华遵照中央指示，在傅泾波跟随司徒雷登离开南京前的最后一次见面中，对他作了警告。傅泾波为了达到出境的目的，满口应允，显得唯唯诺诺。 7月25日，司徒雷登为办理出境手续，又到外事处找黄华见面谈了一次话。黄华在《南京解放初期我同司徒雷登的几次接触》一文中，作了记述： 司徒雷登问我对美国今后对华政策有何希望。我告诉他现在谈不到希望你们做什么，因为首先需要美国放弃错误的政策，证明他具有对我国人民堪称友好的诚意。但迄今美国仍支持反动派内战，并组织“太平洋公约”，中国人民自将坚决反对这一帝国主义政策。 司徒雷登说：“美国政府最近将来也不需要做什么，过一个时期看发展情形再谈。”并说，中国内战原非美国政府所愿，而是方法错误。美国政府迄今对“太平洋公约”未表示任何赞成和支持，故没有责任。他对毛主席在新政协筹备会上的讲话和《论人民民主专政》评论说，前者容纳各国，后者偏于一方。此外，司徒雷登还提出，上海美侨因解放后我对外侨案件的处理及劳资纠纷，甚感不安，不知当局是否不希望美侨留华。 我回答说，我方对一切外国侨民同等看待，凡愿意留华的守法者，均保护其生命和财产安全，对犯法者当依法处理。 8月2日清早，南京明故宫机场还沐浴着一层淡淡的白雾，一架有美国标志的C——47型双引擎运输机马达轰鸣，螺旋桨高速运转，刚被助手搀扶上舷梯的司徒雷登扶着舱门，回过头来，黯然神伤地望着外面，不知他是朝这块中国土地还是朝送行的人摆了摆手。他真不愿意相信这就是他在中国最后的结局。舷梯收起了，舱门关上了。飞机拉起机头，腾上天空，往东朝太平洋方向飞去。 今天来审视与回顾这段历史，在新中国成立前刚刚解放的南京，表面上是原燕京大学老校长与其在中共方面里的学生的“师生见面”，而经档案解密后真是“水落石出”，原来都是中美双方最高首脑亲自掌握的外交接触，双方只是想摸底而已，尤其是美国方面还没有任何政策方面的准备。在当时的冷战风云笼罩全世界的时代里，司徒雷登是不容易实现他所寄予厚望的北平之行的，即使当时他能够侥幸到北平，也不会有什么结果。中美联系的门户从此关闭了。 直至20余年后，代替司徒雷登秘密飞赴北京的，已经是现在中国老百姓众所周知的那个有名的大鼻子博士美国国务卿亨利·基辛格了。 （13）艾奇逊用杜鲁门的话为写作白皮书定调子：“蒋介石是一匹劣马”，司徒雷登对白皮书披露的内容极为震惊，回到美国的司徒雷登被人遗忘了，留下遗嘱要将周恩来送的明代瓷瓶送回中国，并想将骨灰葬在燕京大学校园里 艾奇逊给写白皮书定了调子 银幕上放映的是一部英国题材的好莱坞故事影片。出现了一组男女主人公乘坐那种老式马车响着铃铛徜徉在雾伦敦街头的镜头。当镜头强调拉车的是一匹毛色油亮的良种好马时，他突然想起了什么，悄悄对坐在身旁的夫人爱丽丝低声说：“我想起了一件急事，出去打个电话就回来。” 这个离开放映场去打电话的男子，就是美国国务卿迪安·艾奇逊。 他50多岁，衣冠楚楚，很有英国绅士的外貌与风度。他是英国移民的后代，祖先到美国后艰苦创业，小有成绩，父亲是一名典型的英国基督教主教，家庭灌输的多是英国传统教育。他出任国务卿后，尽管公务很忙，仍喜欢挤时间与全家大小去电影院里看诸如、《魂断蓝桥》之类的英国题材影片。 这天虽是周末，他在看电影时仍想着令他头痛的中国问题。刚才他在银幕上看到拉车的英国良种马，突然联想起年初连任总统的杜鲁门写给国会领袖范登堡的一封信里一句极为形象的话：“远东的局势一向古里古怪，就像一场赛马中的情景——我们选择了一匹劣马，那就是中国局势发展的情况。” 这几天他正为白皮书的问题困扰着。 杜鲁门从病逝的罗斯福那里接过总统职务后，给了蒋介石大笔美元、大量军事装备，还派去了马歇尔将军、魏德迈将军，可蒋介石还是连连惨败，更是频频要求美国加大援助的力度。中国问题越来越成为美国国内关注的重要问题，争论越来越激烈，并成为反对派攻击杜鲁门总统的靶子。一些国会议员说杜鲁门总统在对华问题上全错了。指责政府先错在二战结束时就不应提出什么让共产党人进入联合政府的主意，后又错在马歇尔离开中国后没有全力帮助蒋介石打败毛泽东。1948年底，国民党败局已定，国务院的外交官们就建议总统发表一个说明书，说清事实的真相。总统的女儿玛格丽特说这是个好建议，但她父亲杜鲁门拒绝了这个建议，因为这样做会加速蒋介石的垮台。 1949年初，杜鲁门连任总统后，艾奇逊受命接替马歇尔出任国务卿，他就更感受到中国如何使总统头痛了。他性格古板冷酷，老练多变。在感受到中国局势发生重大转机后，他觉得美国要重新确定对华政策。当51名参议员上书总统要审查中国问题时，他代替总统向议员们解释说，无论有没有美国的指导和援助，都无法挽救腐败无能的蒋政权。他年轻时获得过耶鲁大学文学学士的学位，说起话来颇有文学色彩，他形象地比喻说： “如果森林里有一棵大树倒下来了，在飞扬的尘土降落之前，人们是无法看清它的损失的程度的。” 于是，第二天的传媒便将美国新的对华政策称为“等尘埃落定”政策。艾奇逊又赶紧向新闻界解释，他这句话不是用来描述一项政策的，而是说“我们对形势没有能力看得很远”。他承认无论怎么解释也没有用处了，这就成了战后美国外交史上有名的“等尘埃落定”政策。 他对总统说：“国会和新闻界对我们的对华政策提出了批评，主要是他们不了解事实的真相。过去马歇尔将军一直不愿将事实全盘托出，是因为担心损害委员长日益衰落的命运。现在国民党已经接近垮台，今后美国不必再支持中国大陆上的政权。”他建议总统就近五年来美中关系写一个详细的报告，以便在国民党倒台时作为政府的白皮书发表。 这次杜鲁门同意了，指示他尽快写出白皮书，然后交给自己审阅。 所谓白皮书，是一个国家的政府、议会等权力机构为某项重大问题正式发表的报告书或文件，封面各有惯用的颜色，白色的叫白皮书，蓝色的叫蓝皮书。美国政府惯用白皮书。 艾奇逊立即付诸行动，物色了一批富有学识和专长的精英组成一个写作班子，在沃尔顿·巴特沃思的领导下工作。精英们已经为怎么写白皮书讨论过两次了，有人觉得如果写的内容是为杜鲁门总统近几年对华政策作叙述、解释和辩护的话，将使总统和政府显得太尴尬与被动。 那么，怎么写这本白皮书呢？以什么作基本内容呢？ 这次与家人看电影，由英国良种马的镜头联想到蒋介石是一匹劣马，全力描绘蒋介石这匹马之“劣”，就是这份白皮书的基本内容。他很高兴，中断了看电影，出来打电话给主持写作小组的巴特沃斯先生，为这本白皮书定了基调。 白皮书写好后，还要选择一个最合适的时机发表。 在司徒雷登来电报告其离开中国的日期后的7月29日，白皮书送交杜鲁门总统审阅。杜鲁门很快就看了，写了一个简短的声明。像卖假药的人须强调所卖的是真药一样，总统在声明中强调：“此时发表这份坦率和翔实的报告，其主要目的是为了保证我们对中国和整个远东的政策将有以情报根据和明智的舆论为基础。” 美国国务院选择了驻华大使司徒雷登离开中国三天之后的8月5日发表了题为《美国与中国的关系——特别是1944年至1949年间的关系》的白皮书，以及艾奇逊国务卿7月30日就对华关系问题给美国总统杜鲁门的信。 美国政府这份白皮书的正文分八章，洋洋万言，并有233个附件，叙述从1844年美国强迫中国签订《望厦条约》以来，直至1949年中国人民革命在全国范围内取得基本胜利时为止的中美关系。白皮书特别详细地叙述了抗日战争末期至1949年的五年期间，美国制定与实施扶蒋反共政策，千方百计地反对中国人民，结果遭到失败的经过。其中大量披露了有关国民党如何腐败、堕落和无能的材料，借此说明中国共产党在中国取得的胜利主要是国民党的无能，从而为美国制定对华政策的错误洗刷和辩护。它说蒋介石是自招失败，美国的任何新政策和额外的援助都无法挽回蒋的行动所造成的损失，美国人将所有失败的原因统统推卸给国民党，但却没有解释和提出“美国政策被蒋缠住不放的原因和补救方法”，也没有作出必要的历史反省。 艾奇逊国务卿在其信中沮丧而坦率地承认：“不幸的但亦无法逃避的事实，是中国内战之不祥的结果非美国政府的控制所能及。美国在其能力合理限度内，已经做的或可能做的一切，都不能改变这个结果。”他并说，这份白皮书“是关于一个伟大的国家生平最复杂、最苦恼的时期的坦白记录”。 那个时候，在这本有名的白皮书发布的前后，在美国政坛上流传着一则笑话。因为美国名字叫“约翰”的人不少，华盛顿就有人曾经把美国扶持的蒋介石政权在中国的失败归咎于四个“约翰”——约翰·谢伟思、约翰·戴维斯、约翰·费正清和“约翰”（蒋）·介石。其中，谢伟思与戴维斯是主张往延安派美军观察组及援助中共的外交官，费正清是在对华问题上说话比较客观公允的有名汉学家，也有外交官的头衔；第四个“约翰”，就是蒋介石了，因为“蒋”与“约翰”的发音近似。有一次，在堂堂国会辩论对华政策问题的时候，有人在发言中一本正经地说起了它，惹得相互对立的两党议员们顿时都哄堂大笑不止。 其实，“四个约翰”的笑话，极为形象地概括了美国政府的白皮书洋洋万言的内容。 司徒雷登对国务院发表的白皮书极为震惊 他被安排住进华盛顿附近的一个不显眼的饭店里。 他独自呆在饭店的客房里，空荡荡的，除了听收音机、看报纸，就是靠在沙发上闭着眼睛回忆往事了，所回忆的几乎都是有关中国的人和事。他父亲去世后已经葬在杭州。他有一个儿子在华盛顿附近的温彻斯特当牧师，偶尔来探视，也有国民党政权驻美大使顾维钧或是驻联合国代表蒋廷黻等来寻访，才打破难耐的孤独与寂寞。过去他每次回国述职，作为美国驻华大使，行程都安排得满满的，八呼九拥，频频奔走，出席各种活动，与新闻界、国会议员、银行家、企业家等各界人物会面，为蒋介石国民党政府呼吁、张罗援助，那个时候好热闹矣。现在怎么啦？ 他无非是个被丢失了中国的美国驻华大使。 他心里在寻思：他们为什么要对我这样做？ 司徒雷登乘飞机离开南京后，经冲绳、夏威夷，回到美国、在冲绳的时候，他还发表了一个声明，说什么只要中共新政权保持中立，美国就会与其保持经济往来，然后会考虑给予承认。但国务院闻讯后立即说他多嘴，他这一讲话没能在美国国内传媒上发表。他刚刚到达华盛顿，一下飞机，就被来接机的人迅速从机场接至国务院。美国远东事务局局长沃尔顿·巴特沃思建议他离开华盛顿十天半月，待总统和国务卿接见后就去隐居数月，要闭门不出，不要接见不必要见的来访者，避免同新闻界和公众接触。这使他感到很懊丧，离开中国时就是灰溜溜的，回到了自己报效的国务院却似乎被人视作犯了错误的人员。不久，杜鲁门总统和艾奇逊国务卿接见了他，听他汇报了中国的局势，也并没有明说他有什么错，只说他在华甚为操劳，年事已高，此次回来要好好休息。 之后，他就被安排住进这个僻静的饭店，不在公众场合露面了。 司徒雷登对国务院发表白皮书是不赞成的。 当他最初听说国务院要发表关于中美关系的白皮书时，“心中就十分不安”，等他见到了篇幅特别长的正式文本后，他“不但深感不安，而且极为震惊”。因为在他看来，“在两个国家仍然保持着友好关系的时候，由一国政府发表非难另一国政府的报告，就像这份美国政府发表的非难中国及其国民政府的报告摘录那样，是迄今闻所未闻、见所未见的。” 他一口气将白皮书全文看到底，越看越感到惊诧不已。书中直接引用了许多应该属于绝密性质的文件，其中就有好些他从南京的大使馆里发回的报告。这些秘密谈话、机密情报以及属高度机密范畴的使馆的主张、建议和计划，使他越看越感到恼火与惊骇不安。因为机密文件的公开，暴露了一些中国人、美国人和他自己的言论观点，使他陷入非常难堪的处境之中，他还担心会给那些提供情况的人带来严重的后果。 他真不明白，艾奇逊他们为什么要这么做？国务院为什么要这么做？ 他在回忆录里记述说： 所有这一切，将对美国、中国、美中关系产生什么影响呢？……这对那些提到了名字、引用其言论的中国人会有什么后果呢？这对那些被一字不改地重新发表其观察、估计和建议报告的美国人（其中包括我自己）会有什么影响？这对美国的外交和领事官员将来的呈文会有什么影响呢？ 司徒雷登一眼就看出美国政府发表的白皮书所起的作用： 它是要告诉全世界，依美国政府看来，国民党人已在“内战”中失败了。它不承认美国政策有什么错误，而将一切责任全部归咎于中华民国政府。白皮书声称，美国政府对那些“不幸的后果”没有任何责任。它暗示美国对民国政府的支持以及对该政府的生存所应尽的义务已经了结。 司徒雷登在中国生活的时间很长，又在中国社会大变动的近几年出任关键的美国驻华大使，亲身体会到美国对华政策的各种弊端与复杂矛盾，极为熟悉内幕真相，因而不赞同美国国务院如此对待国民党政府，将在中国失败的一切责任统统都推给国民党政府。有时，他也将这种不同的观点表露出来了。于是，他就免不了越来越受到华盛顿当局的冷遇。 后来，他被允许在哈特福德神学院基金会与新泽西州拉维斯中央长老会作了两次演讲，但讲稿都须经国务院审阅、删改和批准。这种做法是以前从没有过的，实际上就是封住他的嘴巴，不准他公开发表与政府口径不一致的有关美中关系和对华政策的讲话。 10月间，在新中国宣布成立后，美国国务院召集了一次远东事务专家会议，来研究对策。参加开会的有主管远东事务的官员及研究或熟悉远东事务的专家，当时还有美国驻华大使头衔的司徒雷登也参加了这次会议。 在会上，大多数美国官员与专家都认为国民党政权完蛋了，美国不应再去关注它的命运，有的人甚至提出将这个包袱甩掉。与会者除了谴责蒋介石政权的腐败与无能外，还讨论了是否承认共产党的新政权的问题。 司徒雷登却有他自己的看法。他认为：“尽管国民政府有种种弱点和缺点，但那个政府毕竟是在美国民主思想的鼓舞下通过革命的热情建立起来的。这些年来，它一直受到国内持不同政见者，尤其是共产党的攻击；在国外，又遭到别的国家，尤其是日本外交上的压力和武装侵犯。它从未有过和平与安定的时期，无法去考虑改革与国计民生的问题。” 他这样发表与白皮书相悖的观点，就更加受到冷遇了。1950年年底，朝鲜战争爆发半年后，美国国务院通知司徒雷登，他被不定期地重派到国务院。但他已经不想再参与政府的工作了。他在美国没有一个家，就在华盛顿西北部远离闹市的郊区买了一栋房子住了下来。 从1949年底开始，他的心脑血管相继栓塞，中风偏瘫。晚年时，他并没有什么私人积蓄，幸而靠“义子”傅泾波的一家悉心照料他，他的儿子也只是偶尔来看一看。 1952年11月28日，司徒雷登给杜鲁门总统写了一封信，辞去了美国驻华大使的职务。从此在家一边养病，一边闭门写书，几年后，出版了一本《在华