Chapter 28 Zhou Enlai and Deng Bin's earnest exhortations at the time of parting

The evening when the clouds burn.The British liner bound for Hong Kong is an hour away from anchoring.A bearded businessman in a robe and mandarin jacket came to Deng Bin's secret starting point. "Grand Hu!" Deng Bin cast his surprised gaze over Zhou Enlai's face.Zhou Enlai took off his top hat, and his majestic face looked much thinner these days; his eyes were covered with bloodshot eyes, a shadow appeared around the eye sockets, his thick eyebrows and full beard were covered with dust; Wrinkled and cracked, it seems that the shape of the mouth has also widened; the forehead is slightly wrinkled, and it has lost its former smoothness and roundness.Not only did his face show sleep deprivation and physical fatigue, but there was an indescribable worry in his deep eyes.

"The differences between us and them (referring to the Far East Bureau of the Communist International) are getting bigger and bigger." Zhou Enlai's voice was low and hoarse, "Our internal understanding of the direct revolutionary situation of armed riots is also inconsistent. The climax and the direct revolutionary situation are the same thing. The Politburo held two days of meetings, and nothing was resolved, so it was decided to send people to Moscow to report to the Communist International.” Zhou Enlai, a non-smoker, took out a cigarette from the cigarette case in Deng Bin's hand, lit it and smoked it.

"Who are you sending to Moscow?" Deng Bin asked. "I'll go. The Far East Bureau also appointed me to go." Zhou Enlai said. "How long will it be?" "Hard to say." "Who will be in charge of the military after you leave?" "The Politburo has decided that the Ministry of Military Affairs and the Military Commission will be merged into one, directly under the Politburo. I will leave Baishan as a member of the Standing Committee of the Military Commission." "..." Deng Bin sighed uneasily, and stopped talking.Why did the central government send Zhou Enlai to Moscow at this time?It is conceivable that serious disagreements occurred within the top leadership of the central government.When reporting Guangxi work to the Central Committee, Deng Bin had seen that members of the Politburo Standing Committee had different opinions on the discussion of Guangxi work; he also knew that the contradiction between the Central Committee and the Far East Bureau had developed to a very acute level.At this moment, what Deng Bin is most worried about is what will happen to the military leadership after Zhou Enlai leaves the Military Commission?So far, under the leadership of Zhou Enlai, under the leadership of the Military Commission, after more than a year of struggle, the National Red Army has overcome the serious difficulties in the early stage and achieved remarkable development.And under the auspices of Zhou Enlai, a unified order was established. The Red Army has thirteen armies from the first army to the thirteenth army, with a strength of about 64,000 people and nearly 30,000 guns. There are 15 rural revolutionary base areas in southern Jiangxi, western Fujian, Hunan, Hubei and Jiangxi, Fujian, Zhejiang and Jiangxi, Honghu, western Hunan and Hubei, Hubei, Henan and Anhui, and Zuojiang River.The revolutionary guerrilla warfare led by the party expanded to 12 provinces and hundreds of counties.

At that time, few people in the top leadership of the CCP could see that the three main forces of the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army—the Red First Army, the Red Second Front Army, and the Red Fourth Front Army—had begun to take shape during this period.These are all difficult to separate from the guidance and support of the Central Military Commission under the auspices of Zhou Enlai. At the same time, in the exploration of actual struggles, Zhou Enlai paid more and more attention to the construction of rural revolutionary base areas: the self-sufficient natural economy has lasted for thousands of years in China, and the pace of urbanization is very slow. In terms of population ratio, The peasants are like an ocean, but the urban working class is like an island in the ocean.By the eve of the birth of the Communist Party of China in 1921, there were only two million industrial workers in the country.The succession of regimes in China is almost always the result of peasant uprisings.

Zhou Enlai further clarified: The hometown of Marxism is Western Europe, where capitalism is developed, where the "city-centered theory" is naturally a feature of the proletarian revolution.The Communist Party of China believes in Marxism. According to general principles, cities should also be regarded as the bastion of revolution.But in fact, there is a huge "gap" between China and the West in the starting point of the revolution. The young CCP has not fully realized this, and dogmatically regards the "city center theory" as a golden rule. After the KMT and CCP rebelled against each other in 1927, the CCP was forced to move to the countryside and start anew. However, the CCP leadership did not immediately realize that the vast countryside was the focus of its work and the source of its strength. Two methods.As for the rural Red Army, at most it is regarded as an auxiliary force to cooperate with urban riots.Since then, those Red Army leaders who advocate rooting in the countryside, such as Mao Zedong and Zhu De, have been labeled as "peasant consciousness", "narrow empiricism", and "Marxism in the valley". There is no big climate, and developing to the countryside is "heretics."

Zhou Enlai pointed out in his report at the Second Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China: They (the Trotskyites) thought that China, like Western European countries, could rule the country with the economic power of big cities, so successful riots in big cities could affect small cities and villages; In China, however, there is no single big city whose economic power can rule the whole country.Therefore, if the Chinese revolution is to succeed, it must have the Red Army, and it must have the help of the vast Soviet area. At the end of 1929, in a letter of instruction to Zhu and Mao’s Red Army Front Committee, Zhou Enlai put forward the thesis that “the Red Army came first, and then there was the urban regime”, and confirmed that “this is a characteristic of the Chinese revolution and a product of China’s economic foundation”. If someone doubts the existence of the Red Army, he does not understand the reality of the Chinese revolution, and he cancels the concept. ——This is in harmony with Mao Zedong's military thought of "encircling the cities from the countryside".

——Obviously, this is Zhou Enlai, who is merciful, compassionate and wise, and has a better understanding of China's national conditions after three Shanghai workers' armed uprisings, the Nanchang Uprising and the Guangzhou Uprising that shocked China and the world. Needless to say, Zhou Enlai was also obsessed with the "City Center Theory" of the Third International at the beginning, but he was not as obsessed with it as Li Lisan and Wang Ming.The repeated setbacks of urban riots adjusted his thinking frame: Shanghai is not Munich in Bavaria, the Presidential Palace in Nanjing is not the Winter Palace in Petersburg, and the sticks in the hands of workers are not the cannons on the "Aurora" warship. The red flag of the urban riot army fluttering in the wind over the Shanghai Customs Building seen through the telescope of the Third International is nothing but a mirage.He found that the cities do not favor the Communist Party so much, while the backward and remote rural areas where the enemy’s ruling power is weak are the best place for the Communist Party to use.

Since the central government moved to Shanghai, he has done a lot of fruitful work.mainly: First, rectify the party organization that was almost dismantled by the enemy, restore and develop the party's secret work in the areas ruled by the Kuomintang; Second, guide the armed struggle in various regions, strive to expand the Red Army and the revolutionary base areas in the countryside, and place this work on an increasingly important position; Third, lead the security work under severe white terror, eliminate traitors, and ensure the safety of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China;

Fourth, carry out the struggle against Right liquidationism. It should be said that the working line of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China during this period was basically correct, and it played a key role in the historical process of the Chinese revolution from serious setbacks to revival. Another worry Deng Bin felt was the extremely dangerous environment in which the central government was located: The Kuomintang spy organization has been trying its best to use various methods to search and destroy the CCP's organs at all levels, and to capture and kill the party leaders.Within three years after the failure of the Great Revolution, many important leaders of the party, such as Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee Secretary Chen Yannian, Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee Acting Secretary Zhao Shiyan, Central Political Bureau member Luo Yinong, Central Political Bureau alternate member Peng Pai, Central Military Minister Yang Yin, etc. Betrayed, arrested and sacrificed.

On November 14, 1928, the Standing Committee of the Central Committee decided to set up a special committee composed of Xiang Zhongfa, Zhou Enlai, and Gu Shunzhang to lead the Central Special Section. Zhou Enlai devoted a lot of effort to this.As early as the spring of this year, under the direct leadership of Zhou Enlai, with Chen Geng and others in charge, the first anti-espionage relationship-Yang Dengying (also known as Bao Junfu) was established.Yang is a close friend of Chen Lifu, the head of the Kuomintang intelligence system, and a special commissioner of the Kuomintang Central Committee in Shanghai.Yang's social relations are complicated, and he has contacts with various parties and factions, people from foreign concessions, gangsters, and all kinds of religions.Some people call him "the veteran of the four dynasties" because he has connections with the Kuomintang, the Japanese, the traitors, and the Communist Party.Chiang Kai-shek started to establish a spy organization in Shanghai, and Chen Lifu recommended Yang Dengying to take charge of this matter.However, Yang Dengying sympathized with the revolution, and he provided a large amount of information to the CCP, which played an important role in preventing the destruction of the party's organs, rescuing arrested persons and eliminating internal traitors.

At the beginning of 1929, the Special Section of the Communist Party of China took advantage of Yang Dengying's relationship and introduction to dispatch Li Kenong, Qian Zhuangfei, Hu Di, etc. to infiltrate the KMT's high-level secret service agencies. Qian Zhuangfei also served as the confidential secretary of Xu Enzeng, director of the Party Affairs Investigation Section of the KMT Central Organization Department. , Made a major contribution to the defense of the Party Central Committee. The most abominable thing about doing underground party work in Shanghai is that there are traitors among themselves. They not only sold their own souls, but also sold the party's cause and the lives of many communists. Deng Bin clearly remembered that in April 1928, he had encountered two of the greatest dangers: one was when He Jiaxing and his wife returned from the Soviet Union rebelled and betrayed Luo Yinong, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Party Central Committee.At that time, Deng Xiaoping went to meet Luo Yinong. After finishing his work, he just left through the back door when the patrolmen from the front door rushed in, and Luo Yinong was arrested immediately.After Deng Xiaoping went out, he saw a teko man dressed as a shoe shine at the front door and pointed his finger gently, implying that something happened to him.The difference between before and after is less than a minute.Soon, Luo Yinong was killed by the Kuomintang. Another time, when Deng Xiaoping, Zhang Xiyuan, Zhou Enlai, and Deng Yingchao lived in the same house, a special officer suddenly sent a notice: the police found this secret place and wanted to search it.Zhou Enlai immediately led Deng Yingchao and Zhang Xiyuan to move elsewhere.But Deng Xiaoping was not there at the time and had not been notified. Just as the police were searching inside, he knocked on the door.Fortunately, Teko had an insider inside and promised to come and open the door.When Deng Xiaoping heard that the voice was wrong, he turned around and left Deng Bin also learned that in late August when he left for Guangxi last year, Bai Xin, the former secretary of the Central Military Commission, defected to the enemy and betrayed Peng Pai, Yang Yin, Yan Changyi, Xing Shizhen, Zhang Jichun and others who were holding a meeting of the Military Commission. Comrades Yang Yin, Yan Changyi, and Xing Shizhen were brutally murdered In the same month, Dai Bingshi, a traitor, made a report, and the Kuomintang Songhu Police Headquarters sent military police to surround a secret agency of the CPC Central Committee and arrested seven comrades on the spot. There is also Huang Dihong, a first-year student of the Whampoa Military Academy who rebelled and betrayed Zhou Enlai and his meeting place. Thanks to Zhou Enlai's delayed meeting for some reason, he survived the danger. Some traitors have also betrayed Li Lisan, Li Weihan and other leaders of the Party Central Committee. Because the CCP’s Special Section personnel were more vigilant and transferred the leaders in time, the enemy’s capture plan fell through. Although these heinous traitors did not escape justice in the end and were severely punished by the iron fist of "Red Terror" (the slogan of Operation Teko at the time), the extremely dangerous political environment in which the central government was located cannot but be worrying. Heavy Zhong. "Mr. Hu, does the central government have any plans to move to the countryside?" Deng Bin asked with concern. "I have exchanged opinions with Baishan and Tesheng on this plan, and discussed it at the Standing Committee, but the understanding is not unified. The Far East Bureau even objected, saying it was 'escapeism'." Zhou Enlai's tone was a bit veiled Sentimental, but he pointedly pointed out, "These notions all stem from incorrect estimates of the political situation, fearing that once the reactionary forces gather, the Red Army will be wiped out." Deng Bin grabbed a brand new sun hat that was about to set off, flicked the white brim, and said angrily: "The reason why they don't agree to go to the countryside is because they are obsessed with the big cities, think the countryside is bitter, and lag behind! " Zhou Enlai: "This issue is just one aspect of disagreement with migration" Deng Bin said: "Looking at the current situation, although the warlords will gather together to 'encircle and suppress' the Red Army, there are also many conflicts among the warlords due to competition for territory and salary sources. It is precisely in the cracks that it seeks to survive, seek development, and expand its own armed strength." "Your analysis is correct!" Zhou Enlai highly appreciated Deng Bin's judgment, "A warlord is a warlord, and there has never been a strong alliance between them. What they want is money and their own interests, so Chiang Kai-shek used high-ranking officials and rich Lu bought them, which was more effective than guns, and he succeeded many times." Deng Bin said quickly: "All roads lead to Rome, but if we want to achieve our goal, we must find a right road!" "Yes! There was the rural Red Army first, and then there was the urban regime—my point of view is based on the experience of Zhu and Mao in carrying out the armed separatist regimes of workers and peasants. Moreover, their experience is unique in China, and it has never been seen before. , unheard of." Zhou Enlai's eyes were full of excitement, but there was also a trace of indescribable pain that he secretly forbeared. "Those 'liquidators' will oppose this view together with the 'city centerers'." Deng Bin is full of sincere sympathy and understanding for Zhou Enlai's situation: it is difficult and difficult to explore the road that no one has taken before. Often painful. Exploring is like entering the ancient prehistoric mountains and forests, covered by clouds and fog, full of dangers, the road ahead is bleak, full of swamps, how many pioneers died in the middle of overcoming thorns and thorns!The dead have gone to sleep, where will the living go?Perhaps the route of advancement has deviated from the goal, but who is more praiseworthy for the success of the latecomers than the exploration of the pioneers? "The current situation is not only not optimistic, but also very serious." Zhou Enlai's tone was gloomy, revealing a sense of guilt.He is ready to take responsibility for the current dire situation.His character does not allow all mistakes and faults to be blamed on Li Lisan, Xiang Zhongfa and others. "Baishan and the others have thought hard about this. International and internal pressure often force them to swear!" Therefore, Zhou Enlai had to go to Moscow in person to report to the Communist International and state the truth.During this period, due to the extremely dangerous political environment and the various setbacks suffered by the party after the failure of the Great Revolution, some unstable elements in the party turned from pessimism and disappointment about the future of the revolution to embarking on the road of right liquidationism.They preached: the Chinese revolution has failed. Chen Duxiu said in "Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Issue of the Chinese Revolution": "The bourgeoisie has won, gained political superiority over all classes, and obtained concessions and help from imperialism." ——Arguing that the Chinese bourgeois democratic revolution has come to an end, and that Chinese society is already a so-called society in which "capitalism is dominant and will develop peacefully", and that the Chinese proletariat should wait until the future to carry out the "socialist revolution". Conduct a legal campaign with "National Assembly" as the central slogan.They opposed all kinds of struggles led by the CCP and slandered the Red Army movement as the so-called "rogue movement".Many of them were former leaders or important cadres of the CCP, such as Chen Duxiu, Peng Shuzhi, Zheng Chaolin, Yin Kuan, Wang Zekai, Ma Yufu, Cai Zhende, etc. At this time, they still retained their identities as members of the Communist Party, and some of them still served as local leaders. The position has a certain influence within the party.What's more serious is that they organized secret factions within the party, disseminated secret publications and leaflets, created ideological confusion and disputes, and colluded with the international Trotsky opposition to carry out activities to split the party. In the autumn of 1928 and the spring of 1929, the Trotskyists among the Chinese students studying in Russia were sent back to China successively, and small Trotskyist groups of various names were established in Shanghai, Beijing, Hong Kong and other places.This poses a direct threat to the survival and development of the secretive CCP. On October 5, 1929, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China passed the "Resolution of the Central Committee on Opposing Opportunism and Trotskyist Opposition in the Party" drafted by Zhou Enlai.The resolution made a systematic analysis of the entire line of the opposition and its serious harm to the party, and made a decision: if party departments at all levels find such small organizations, they must be disbanded immediately; Those who disobey the party's strategy and resolutions should be expelled from the party. Chen Duxiu, the leader of the opposition, thought that he had contributed to the founding of the Communist Party of China. Therefore, Zhou Enlai, Xiang Zhongfa, Li Lisan, etc. all talked to him to help and rescue him. Look at these current leaders. The "Resolution" on October 5 issued a serious warning to him: "Comrade Duxiu must immediately obey the Central Committee's resolution, accept the Central Committee's warning, work under the Party's line, and stop all anti-Party propaganda and activities." However, Chen Duxiu and other Trotskyists did not accept the warning from the central government, rejected the work assigned to them by the central government, and continued to carry out anti-party propaganda and non-organizational activities within the party.This forced the central government to take organizational sanctions against them. On November 15, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee passed the "Resolution on Expulsion of Chen Duxiu from the Party and Approval of the Expulsion of Peng Shuzhi, Wang Zekai, Ma Yufu, and Cai Zhende from the Party of Jiangsu Provincial Committee" drafted by Li Lisan and revised by Zhou Enlai.Then, the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee expelled Zheng Chaolin, Yin Kuan and others from the party. In the face of the enemy's white terror and bloody massacres, in the face of the informers and sabotages of the traitors who defected to the enemy, in the face of the danger of "Left" blind movement from the international and within the party, and the separatist activities of the Right sect entrusted to Chen's liquidators He is calm in the face of chaos and has his own opinions. With his superb resourcefulness and fighting art, he and the central government are safe and sound.But his eyes are in the boundless ocean of life, looking for those reefs that are enough to sink the boat of revolution. Zhou Enlai said during the rectification movement in Yan'an later: "Through the training of the Great Revolution and the White Terror, my confidence and determination in the revolution have been strengthened. I have never been discouraged in my work, and I have never been timid under the open oppression of the enemy." In the special environment of Zhou Enlai, the tenacity and self-discipline and self-examination spirit formed after thousands of tempers, which are difficult for ordinary people, became an important part of Zhou Enlai's character and played an extremely obvious role in his later life. Until Zhou Enlai's death, scholars at home and abroad always had different opinions on his character, his survival, struggle, leadership art, and his extraordinary perseverance in bearing humiliation without hesitation, in public or in private: In "The Biography of Zhou Enlai", Xu Jiexing believed that Zhou Enlai in his childhood could coordinate the relationship between his mother and brothers and improve family unity.As a result, he developed superhuman endurance and survivability, "becoming the undisputed master of the art of survival in the 20th century, and during his more than 50 years of revolutionary struggle, he was able to withstand the tests of imprisonment, illness, and political struggles at home and abroad. As a result, he has been at the pinnacle of China's power and has become an indispensable leader of the Chinese Communist Party." Overseas scholars believe that Zhou Enlai had many chances to become China's number one leader in his life, but he retreated bravely and was willing to take the second place. After Wang Ming, Bogu, Zhang Wentian, and Mao Zedong; in 1945, he retired after Liu Shaoqi; in 1966, he retired after Lin Biao and even planned to retire after Wang Hongwen. ——Zhou Enlai is well aware of the harshness of these struggles, and it is not an easy task to survive in this kind of grinding disc where left and right are interchanged.Instead of fighting for the supreme leadership, he gave it up to others. This seemingly lack of desire to rule, leader, and power is certainly his noble character, but on the other hand, he may well know that the top leader is a risky place. The situation is changing, and any slight mistake will become a historical sinner and ruin his reputation. Some scholars feel sorry for Zhou Enlai's character of not striving for fame and fortune or high position.They explain it from the philosophy of power struggle or from the meaning of survival competition: some think that although Zhou has many great qualities of a leader, he lacks two points: one is the lack of independent decision-making ability; means.Some people think that Zhou's character reflects the attitude of humility in traditional Chinese philosophy - "A humble gentleman is humble and self-effacing." Fading reputation and love.Some believe that "it is Zhou's incomparable upright spirit that makes him an important role in troubleshooting, resolving disputes, and taking care of everything."Some also believe that Zhou has always been careful to avoid asserting any personal power, and has always been an enthusiastic worker in his efforts to implement and implement the policies of the state and the revolutionary regime.His humble attitude belies an indomitable will, and his self-absorbed dedication makes him an indispensable assistant to Mao Zedong. Richard Nixon said: Zhou Enlai, a volcano covered in severe ice.Without Mao Zedong, the fire of the Chinese revolution would have been difficult to ignite; without Zhou Enlai, the Chinese revolution would have been reduced to a heap of ashes. At this time, Zhou Enlai was unwilling to get caught up in the disputes between right and wrong, but he couldn't get rid of these disputes between right and wrong. During the period of the KMT-CPC cooperation in the Northern Expedition until Chiang Kai-shek's Qing Party raised the butcher knife against the Communist Party, he realized a Reason: Any united front is only a temporary alliance, a synthesis of contradictions rather than a solution to them.However, the contradictions within the CCP need to be resolved! "Hu Gong, you can't always take too much responsibility for others, and you can't do everything yourself like Zhuge Liang. How can you live long if you eat less?" Worried and sad, only Deng Bin, who has a sharp mind and a quick mind, can empathize most. "There is a poem that says: 'The yellow dust is full of beards and beards, and the white hair has not returned'. When you go to Soviet Russia, you must take good care of everything!" "Of course, of course," Zhou Enlai couldn't express his feelings for this kind of brotherly comfort, and he pondered for a long time before saying, "I will try my best to win the understanding of the Communist International, eliminate misunderstandings, and get more support." "The most worrying thing is that after you leave, someone will use the big stick of the Communist International to command blindly. Once losses are caused, no matter how regretful they are, it will be irreparable." "Yeah, I have learned a lot!" "You'd better go and come back quickly. The central government can't live without you." "I will come back as soon as possible." Zhou Enlai put the top hat on his head. Deng Bin also put a sun hat on his head. "Xiaoping, we are all surprised and saddened by Comrade Xiyuan's misfortune. Your eldest sister (referring to Deng Yingchao) said that Xiyuan's death made them lose a good girl. I have already informed Li Qiang that he will be responsible for the burial This time, when you return to Guangxi, the task is even more difficult, because once you unfurl the banner of the Red Army and the Soviets, not only will you be attacked by the Guangxi faction, but Chiang Kai-shek will also dispatch troops to carry out a military campaign against Guangxi.” Deng Bin nodded and said sincerely: "I am very grateful to 'Grand Hu' for his understanding and support for my work in Guangxi. After I go back, I will convey the instructions of the Central Committee to the former committee." Zhou Enlai: "The focus of political education should be on the Eighth Army of the Red Army. I deliberately didn't mention Li Mingrui's question at the meeting, and finally approved your request to introduce him to the party. But I don't know Li Mingrui directly. I don't know if he will Are there repetitions?" "Li Mingrui is a rare general. He is very bloody and intelligent. As long as he finds the way, he will go to the end without hesitation!" "That's good! Let all the soldiers of the Seventh and Eighth Red Army see the bright future we are fighting for, and at the same time be prepared for hard work and even bloody sacrifice. China has a vast territory and there is a lot of room for maneuver. The Red Army only needs to With the correct guiding line, operational principles, and development strategy, it can exist for a long time and grow stronger. Don’t underestimate yourself and ignore the great influence on the country.” "What Hu Gong said is exactly what Zhang Yunyi, Wei Baqun, Lei Jingtian and others talked about when we planned the uprising." "The terrain of the Zuo and Youjiang Rivers is complex, which is conducive to guerrilla warfare. The 'Sixteen Characters' tactic summed up by Zhu and Mao can be used as your reference." Zhou Enlai relished that "the enemy advances and we retreat, the enemy is stationed and we are disturbed, and the enemy is tired I fight, the enemy retreats and I chase" the sixteen-character tactical strategy was explained.Prior to this, he had forwarded the guiding principles of guerrilla warfare including this tactic to the Second Red Army and the Sixth Red Army led by He Long and Zhou Yiqun in the name of an instruction letter from the Central Military Commission. Zhou Enlai took out his pocket watch to check the time, his expression suddenly became very heavy and solemn, and he looked at the burning sky outside the window with deep eyes: "Wait a few more days, and the Central Committee will move to Jiangxi, where Zhu and Mao are!" It was clearly a deliberate decision by Zhou Enlai! "Good! I agree very much, the sooner the better!" Deng Bin said. Zhou Enlai then gave the opportunity face to face: "According to the current strength of the Red Seventh Army and the Red Eighth Army, it is best for the Red Eighth Army to move closer to the Red Seventh Army, concentrate its strength, and form a fist to deal with the enemy's attack that may be dozens or even hundreds of times stronger. Offensive. If it is really difficult to gain a foothold, you should move to the periphery during guerrilla warfare to realize the prospect of joining the Red Army of Zhu and Mao." Deng Bin nodded solemnly and did not speak for a long time. It's time to go.The two shook hands and looked at each other with tears in their eyes. Zhou Enlai suddenly hummed in a low voice the "Marseillaise" that everyone is familiar with. Of course Deng Bin knew that Zhou Enlai had written the lyrics of this song in Paris, France.He hummed along with "Hu Gong": The proud son of my motherland, go to the army!What day is it today, the sun and the moon are shining again!Tyranny and our enemies, the blood flag has been raised high!Don't you hear that the defeated soldiers from all over the world are clamoring, wanting to kill us all, wanting to wipe out my wife and my son in order to be the king.Arouse the people of our country - Moerma, Lierbing, and the whole team, marching desperately!Libi's dirty blood is regarded as dung, and it is used to help me plow. The two were intoxicated in this deep, majestic, sad and indignant singing.This song once filled the blood of those Chinese prides who were looking for hard in the land of France, and ignited the fire of belief in saving the country and the people!Singing it today, it adds a kind of tragic feeling of going through the wind and rain for life and death! "Xiaoping, I wish you the best of luck!" "Hu Gong, please take care of yourself!"