Chapter 37 American Secession-1

That winter, nostalgia for the past became a big deal.The big carved Indian portraits displayed in front of the cigar shop sold for as much as 4,000 yuan each, and the "Superman" comic book published in 1938 sold for 400 yuan.An Italian designer has re-promoted Rita Hayworth's sartorial look, sending his models strolling to the rhythm of rock music played by brass pipes in dresses that flare out over shirts.College girls went even further back, donning ankle-length coats circa 1900 and steel-rimmed granny glasses.Wrigley shirts are on display in a 1906 design, and the Hertz ads feature bronze ink and long-outdated Victorian typefaces.Hippies wore Mickey Mouse watches. More than 300 radio stations rebroadcast Orson Welles' Star Wars to celebrate the eve of All Souls' Day.One of the most attractive--and most profitable--shows on Broadway was a revival of the 1920s musical No, No, Nannett.In the first week of the performance, the income reached 35,000 yuan; the ticket price was as high as 25 yuan each; the theme song "I want to have a good time" became popular again.Choreographed by Busby Berkeley.The main character is 60-year-old Ruby Keeler.When she tapped to the tune of "Tea Party for Two," the audience at the opening performance all jumped up and cheered her on.

In 1971, Sears Roebuck's 1897 catalog No. 104 was reprinted, and a reprint preface was written by Perelman and Richard Rowell, which is also an extremely good example of winning with the old. outstanding example.The publisher originally thought that only libraries would buy it to enrich the reference bookshelf, but the result was unexpected. At a price of 14.95 yuan per volume, as many as 200,000 copies were sold.Soon a "Nostalgic Book Club" was popping up here and there, offering collections of old movie advertisements, compilations of porn magazine stories, and the legendary novels of Dick Tracy, Little Orphan Annie, and Buck Rogers.Detective novels by Nancy Drew and Hardy Boyce were also bestsellers.Langkin Symphony Records sells titles titled "Remembering the Golden Age of Radio", "Great Singers of the Big Band Era", "Courtesy of Memory", "The Unforgettable Years", "The Years of Memory" and "The Big Band Era's Great Singers". Theme Song" and other albums of 1930s hits and radio plays made millions of dollars.The most ambitious project in this regard was Time-Life's extensive collection of recordings in stereo of many rock dance names, including Glenn Miller, Harry James, Artie Shaw , Tommy Dorsey, Les Brown, Woody Herman, Charlie Barnett, Jimmy Lunsford, Crowder, Thornhill, Lionel Hampton, etc. , and of course Benny Goodman.

The voice of this age is clear: Americans yearn for the past out of aversion to the present.Despite the many events that took place in 1971, the nature of these events did not make 1971 any better than 1970.Subsequent inflation made the inflation of 1971 seem insignificant, but at the time it seemed almost unimaginable. The sharp rise in wholesale prices in February was unprecedented in 17 years.Overall, the cost of living has increased by 25% in five years.Meanwhile, FBI figures show that major crimes increased by 176 percent in the 1960s.In the previous year, 5.5 million crimes occurred in the United States; in 1960, one-third of criminal activities could be solved, but now only one-fifth of the crime is solved.The spread of sexually transmitted diseases has reached alarming proportions.Gonorrhea became a nationwide epidemic, but there was no vaccine to prevent infection.

Changes continue to alter the face of America at an astonishing pace.The new census figures now available show, among many other things, that the agricultural population fell again by 40 percent as a result of the mass emigration of farmers in the 1960s.The number of people without a fixed address has risen again, and 6 million Americans now live in car trailers.An effective measure to change the urban life pattern is to develop shopping malls in residential areas.The first such mall opened in 1959 outside Portland, Maine, and in the decade since, downtown retail sales have dropped 71 percent.By the second year of the Nixon administration, there were more than 13,000 residential shopping malls across the country, causing an even more devastating blow to downtown stores in the United States.Other ominous numbers -- which the Nixon administration dismissed -- have heralded an energy crisis.Since 1945, gasoline consumption in the United States has quadrupled and electricity use has increased sixfold.

It was a bad year for tradition.Rolls-Royce Motor Cars declares bankruptcy.Henceforth, married Army Women's Service members and nurses can continue to serve after having children, the War Department announced.A bomb sent by the weatherman exploded in a men's bathroom just below the Senate chamber, shaking Capitol Hill.The Roman Catholic Church has announced that 1,400 missionary schools have closed in the past five years. Prospects commemorates National Magazine Week by ceasing publication.A gourmet company known for making high-end soups has closed down after New Jersey health authorities found that its products caused food poisoning, and more than 1.2 million cans of creamy potato soup had to be destroyed.In the Berkeley City Council, radicals captured three of the four vacancies.The Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the defendant cannot be imprisoned because he cannot pay the fine. Since then, the judgment of "pay a fine of 30 yuan or serve 30 days in prison" has never been heard again.

In 1971, the campuses of colleges and universities were relatively peaceful.Kent State's impact is clearly visible. A Playboy magazine survey of student opinion found that only 36 percent said "I'm going to protest now," but even those added "but without violence." A contributor to the California Journal wrote: "Life in Berkeley is depraved, and the sense of hopelessness among drug addicts permeates most of society. We sit together and drink, drink, or meditate on new stereo music...  …and too many people are just looking forward to life instead of living their own life." John Erlich, a professor of social work at the University of Michigan, said: "Many students are pessimistic and dissatisfied." However, Erlich also "Many more students are still ready to commit to social change," says the student. The main difference is that activists are no longer demonstrating on campus.The fanatics (and there are still many of them) are now increasingly concentrated in Washington.The cause of their loudest cry—the war—remains unchanged.If 1970 was the Year of Cambodia in Indochina, then 1971 was the Year of Laos.Moreover, the year dispelled any remaining illusions that South Vietnam under President Thieu was on the way to democracy.

The Gilbert-Sullivan burlesque of the 1971 South Vietnamese presidential election goes all the way back to the 1967 election.That time, the Nguyen Van Thieu-Nguyen Cao Ky partnership won, but with 11 candidates running, they only got 35% of the vote.Ruan Wenshao didn't like that ending.He has been brooding about it, feeling ashamed.It can't be like that this time.So under his instructions, the Vietnamese National Assembly required that candidates who wish to nominate in the future must obtain the signatures of support from 40 members of the National Assembly or 100 provincial and municipal members (if the latter is chosen, the signature of each member of the local assembly) It must also be signed by the governor of the province).

Nguyen Van Thieu had two opponents to deal with seriously: one was Nguyen Gaoqi, and the other was the popular General Yang Wenming.Ruan Gaoqi and Yang Wenming have a gentleman's agreement: do not hinder each other.Yang Wenming also said that if he finds that there is fraud in the election, he will withdraw from the election.Fraud really happened: Nguyen Van Thieu's Supreme Court used technical details to disqualify Nguyen Gaoqi from his candidacy.In a rage, Yang Wenming visited the U.S. embassy with evidence proving President Nguyen Van Thieu’s other relevant measures to manipulate the election. Among these materials, Nguyen Van Thieu informed the governors of various provinces to buy votes and mobilize “the work of those unfriendly public officials”, and written instructions for casting false ballots.Duong Minh then withdrew from the presidential race, explaining that he could not "tolerate this disgusting farce that would deprive the entire people of hope for a democratic regime and hinder the reconciliation of the entire Vietnamese nation."

Thieu thus had no opponents, a situation that pleased him and alarmed Washington.After protests from U.S. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker, Vietnam's Supreme Court obediently overturned its ruling, recognizing Nguyen Gao Ky's nomination as valid and his name eligible for inclusion in the list of candidates.But Ruan Gaoqi also has self-esteem.In addition, he suspects that Thieu's orders to the governors of the provinces have actually made the election a foregone conclusion.As a result, he also withdrew from the race, calling the president "the star of a farce."The elections took place as scheduled, with the comic protagonist receiving 94.3% of the vote and the rest being invalid.Thieu declared that he was deeply satisfied that the people had shown such "shocking" trust in his leadership.But now is not the time for such a costly victory.By the end of the year, the number of American troops in South Vietnam would have dropped to 158,000, and the ability of Nguyen Van Thieu's army to fight independently was highly doubtful.

The most ridiculous thing is that a military operation by South Vietnam in Laos deepened this suspicion, because South Vietnam originally wanted to use this to boost its military prestige.To demonstrate that Vietnamization was feasible, 16,000 Republic of Vietnam troops were ordered to cross the demilitarized zone and enter Laos along Highway 9, cutting off the Ho Chi Minh Trail.This fabulous cobweb of supply channels was then in some places fifty miles wide.Rarely in military history have those who planned an operation been so ignorant of secrecy.In the weeks leading up to the operation, vaunted American officers in Saigon told the press that the enemy had only two options: the North Vietnamese had to abandon their bases in Laos, or keep fighting, and if they fought, they would was wiped out.To promote the fact that only locals were involved in the operation, a "Americans Stop Here" sign was erected on Highway 9 200 yards from the Laotian border.When the reporter pointed out that the code name of this operation "Dewey Canyon II" was an American name, the code name was quickly changed to "Lanshan 719".

Always accompanied by great fanfare, Operation Lanshan 719 was launched on February 8, 1971.The first reports claimed victory.Military journalists knew only that the troops were advancing slowly and met no apparent resistance.An armored force advanced only 11 miles in two weeks.Then came disaster.The enemy attacked with tanks, heavy rockets, a mass of artillery, and four of North Vietnam's most elite divisions.In Saigon, the U.S. deputy commander, Major General Frederick Weyland, admitted that South Vietnamese losses were "greater than during the Tet Offensive."The battalion commanders of Nguyen Van Thieu's so-called 1st Division of the Trump Army, unable to advance, asked to retreat, but were refused because, as Francis Fitzgerald puts it in "Fire in the Lake": "The United States The command and the White House have declared that the RVN will remain in Laos and occupy the Ho Chi Minh Trail until the dry season ends in May, and the RVVN senior officers dare not go against the word of the Americans." Panicked, the infantrymen of the 1st Division abandoned their positions, blew up their guns, and raced desperately through the jungle to the clearing where American helicopters could rescue them.That week, Americans saw panicked soldiers of the Republic of Vietnam clinging to helicopter skids on the evening news on television.Only the intervention of American air power prevented the catastrophe of total army annihilation.By the end of the 45-day campaign, South Vietnamese troops had suffered more than half their casualties—3,800 killed and 5,200 wounded.Eight battalions were out of combat.And the traffic on the Ho Chi Minh Trail actually increased even more.In early April, Nixon told the national public: "I can report to you tonight that Vietnamization has succeeded." Those who criticized him accused him of insulting the intelligence of the people of the whole country. The anti-war movement in the United States inevitably had to respond to this. On April 18, the Vietnam War Veterans Anti-War Association camped under Capitol Hill and set up a picket line in front of the Supreme Court.Presidential Counselor Charles Coulson hastily organized the Veterans for a Just Peace; Reverend Carl McIntyre organized another opposing group—Patriots for Victory—to demand that Nixon abandon his timid Vietnam policy," Use the sword as God wills."Administration officials blamed news commentators for exposing their left-leaning sentiments by not advocating for Veterans for a Just Peace and Victory Patriots, but the situation moved so quickly that both the government and the press followed suit. not on. On April 24, about 200,000 protesters marched peacefully on Washington.Over the course of the next week, a "people's lobby" gathered on Capitol Hill and drafting headquarters to hold members of Congress and military service authorities to make their case.By the end of the month, the demonstrations in the capital reached a climax due to the arrival of the "May Day People" organization.The group, in pursuit of its avowed goal of "deterring government action," employs internationally recognized distress signals. The extent to which the "May 1st people" intend to use violence is different later.The group's leaders point to the image of Gandhi as their ideal.Gandhi's image was printed on the cover of their pamphlets, slogans, insignia and tactical manual, which articulated the principles of organized peaceful confrontation.However, some of their practices were rougher than Gandhi's.The methods they use include throwing rubbish on the road, abandoning cars in traffic arteries, or lying in front of cars and so on.The Washington police, known for being the most lenient in the country, decided to use a moderate attitude to embarrass the protesters. However, this tactic has no chance of being realized.The president issued new directives from San Clemente calling for a more aggressive government response. Nixon chose Attorney General Mitchell as his tactical coordinator for upholding the law.During the heightened days of the demonstrations in November 1969, Mitchell told his wife, Martha, that the Peace Marchers reminded him of the Russian Revolutionaries.Later, at a meeting of lawyers, he argued that the government's right to protect itself must override the people's right to protect personal secrets.The example he chose at the time was that, in his view, the government could, if necessary, tap private telephones without a court order. The May Day riots provided yet another example of how Mitchell enforced the law despite political divisions.According to normal procedures, the police must first fill out a form before arresting a person, stating the name of the defendant, the crime, the name of the police officer who made the arrest, and the time and place of the alleged crime.Faced with the intrusion of 12,000 to 15,000 young people into the capital, many of whom were intent on disrupting traffic in Washington, Mitchell decided to dispense with what he considered cumbersome red tape. On the night of May 1st, the striker of the "May Day People" was listening to a rock dance concert in West Potomac Park near the Lincoln Memorial, when suddenly 750 police officers, wearing steel helmets and waving batons, drove them into the street.Two days later, the massacre began.Law enforcement officials have an overriding task: keep traffic flowing.Police, National Guard and regular Army troops used tear gas and batons to disperse the large gathering of demonstrators.Commandos circled overhead in military helicopters, ready to strike at any moment.On the first day of the raid, 7,200 people were arrested, many of them peaceful pickets and bystanders.This is a record.During the four days, a total of 12,614 people were detained.Those who could not fit in the prison were placed in open-air prison camps surrounded by fences in the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Stadium. The detainees sang "God Bless America" ​​and "We all live in concentration-camps" to the tune of the Beatles' "Yellow Submarine" in mocking tones.Dr. Spock, shivering in a light raincoat, was with them.Abby Hoffman was arrested in New York on charges of being an accomplice to the May Day crowd."I have about as much to do with the Washington demonstrations as I have to do with the Capitol bombing or the Los Angeles earthquake, and I'm probably going to get charged for those things," he said. Injured, covered with adhesive tape."Dude, it's a disgrace to a national monument," he said. Congressional doves were spooked by the demonstrations."The stupid, useless 'riot' has very likely undone months of hard labor by true peace advocates," Tunney of California told reporters. As a result, the court rejected the arrest as a clear violation of the detention human citizenship.The ACLU had anticipated this outcome, but it wasn't entirely sure at the time.The Government believes that law enforcement officials have performed their duties very well.After returning to the capital from California, Nixon told Republican leaders that he thought Washington's police chief had done "an excellent job."He said: "John Mitchell and the Department of Justice have also done a good job. I hope you all agree with this view before you leave here." Mitchell said: "I am proud of the police in the city of Washington. I am so Proud that they held back an unreasonable mob that would take away people's rights." He then compared the peaceful protesters to Hitler's brownshirts. Six weeks after the mass arrests of the "May Day crowd," an obscure headline appeared on the front page of the Sunday, June 13 edition of The New York Times: "Vietnam Files: Pentagon Study Reviews Thirty Years of U.S. Continuing Deepening Involvement".The content of the report took up six pages on the inside, and column by column in densely packed small print reprinted US communiqués, proposals, documents stating positions, telegrams, and presidential orders, all of which related to US activities in Indochina.This is probably the most prominent leak of classified documents ever by any government, and it's just the beginning.The editors said that more things will be revealed in the consecutive parts published in the future. What The New York Times obtained turned out to be copies of documents from a massive study commissioned by Robert McNamara shortly before he resigned as Secretary of Defense.The dossier, which the newspaper dubbed the "Pentagon Papers," was compiled by 35 academics, including analysts from the RAND Corporation think tank, in an office next door to McNamara's.The document consists of 47 volumes of typescript—4000 pages of records, 3000 pages of explanations, totaling 2.5 million words.It's all classified, but not military in nature so it doesn't endanger US troops still in Vietnam; it doesn't include material from the Nixon administration.McNamara's original intention was to figure out how the United States got stuck in the Vietnam swamp.The document does indeed answer this question.Some documents date back to the Truman administration.These documents reveal that many officials are extremely incompetent, stupid, or worse.According to documents, Lyndon Johnson ordered the drafting of the resolution on the Gulf of Tonkin issue months before the so-called Gulf of Tonkin incident.To make matters worse, on the very day in 1965, when Johnson decided to commit American infantry to Vietnam, he said at a press conference that, as far as he knew, “no one had proposed or announced a strategy with long-term consequences.” Clark Clifford, who succeeded McNamara as Secretary of Defense, has not had time to read the study.Henry Kissinger participated in this research work, but he did not see a comprehensive research project.President Nixon didn't even know the material existed until the fateful Sunday morning when The New York Times began publishing the study.Although this did not affect Nixon himself and his direction of the war, he was irritated.He felt that the government's ability to maintain secrecy was crucial.He believes that the fact that his own secrets were not involved this time is not the crux of the problem, and it will be difficult to say next time.And, at a time when he and Kissinger are carefully crafting their Vietnam policy, the documents uncover old sores and raise embarrassing questions about the government's credibility. On Monday, June 14, The New York Times published the second part of the batch.Mitchell called the White House and suggested that the government take the New York Times to court.Nixon agreed.Mitchell cabled the paper to suggest "politely" that it should not be published.He warned that if the editors continued, a court could convict them under the Espionage Act, fine them $10,000 and sentence them to ten years in prison.The government is going to prosecute; because this leak is causing "irreparable damage" to the interests of the national defense of the United States. The New York Times ran the story of the attorney general's threat on its front page, side by side with the third part of the batch. For two weeks, the paper's local newsrooms and courtrooms were scrambled.A group of government lawyers, led by Assistant Attorney General Robert Madian, came to New York federal court Tuesday to seek an injunction against the newspaper editor.A judge, who had been in office for exactly five days, scheduled a trial for Friday and issued a temporary restraining order. The New York Times obediently withdrew, but on Friday The Washington Post began running its story on the documents.Clearly, the Washington Post editors also had the same source.Four days later, the Boston Globe also began publishing the documents.At the same time, the Associated Press began broadcasting documents published by The Washington Post around the world.The newspaper that published the document also included The New York Times. Madian went to court to sue the Washington Post, but the Washington federal judge refused to issue even an interim order.In his view, the government cannot "pre-emptively restrict the publication of material that is historical in nature".The U.S. Court of Appeals issued an injunction against The Washington Post by a two-to-one majority.A New York City court judge declined to issue a permanent injunction against The New York Times, but decided to extend the temporary injunction pending an appeals court decision.Finally, the following Friday, cases 1873 and 1875 reached the United States Supreme Court, which ruled in favor of the press by a vote of six to three.Then, the nine judges offered as many as six dissenting opinions.Nixon's nominees, Berger and Harry Blackmun, were in the minority, along with John Harlan. Madian's contention is that the Justice Department was simply trying to recover the stolen documents as a matter of national security.The suspected thief was not named at the time, but the FBI knew about it.The man was Daniel Ellsberg, a Harvard cum laude who wrote a Ph.D. document".He was originally a hawk, and then, like many other hawks, he became a dove because of events.Because he became an embarrassment to the company, he quit his job at the RAND Corporation and became a researcher at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.He has long hesitated to release the documents.The American invasion of Cambodia finally made up his mind. On June 23, Ellsberg, still in hiding, appeared on television screens at an unannounced location, and he identified himself as the source of the documents.He declared that the United States should be blamed for the tragedy of Vietnam, "In Indochina, without American money, there will never be a war in a year." He said: "As an American citizen, a responsible citizen, I feel no longer Nor can I participate in concealing this situation from the American people. I decided to take this action myself, and I am prepared to bear all the consequences arising from it." On June 28, he surrendered to the Boston authorities and was released on a bail of 50,000 yuan King was released.On the same day, he was charged in Los Angeles with theft of government property and violation of espionage laws.Six months later, 12 more criminal charges were filed against him, including conspiracy.A former colleague of his at the RAND Corporation, Anthony Russo Jr., was also charged, along with a Los Angeles woman who worked in advertising and a former South Vietnamese ambassador to the United States."I didn't steal anything, I didn't commit espionage. I didn't break the law, and I never tried to endanger my country," Ellsberg said. A group of reporters for The Sunday Times of London, after observing and investigating the Watergate incident in 1973, concluded that: "These Pentagon papers were the final blow that brought down the Nixon administration." White House Special Investigations Team - Plumber —Acquiring two former New York policemen, Jack Caulfield and Tony Ulasevich, a pair of Damon Runyon (Damon Runyon 1884-1946), American short story writer and journalist, Specializes in writing humorous novels about the lives of people at the bottom of society in New York City. — Characters described by the translator.They had been hired by John Ehrlichman two years earlier to conduct political investigations; their assignments, first assigned by Ehrlichman and then arranged by John Dean, included investigating the Chappaquiddick Edward Kennedy car accident The case, the situation of critics of the My Lai massacre in South Vietnam, the drinking habits of anti-Nixon senators, the private life of a columnist in Washington, whether the brother of a prominent Democrat has gay relationships, and so on.After the Pentagon Papers case, they first accepted the assignment of "plumber". At that time, anyone who worked with Ellsberg had to answer many questions, and the most likely co-conspirator in anyone's mind was Morton Halperin, because he He directed the compilation of the Pentagon Papers.Halperin had been Ellsberg's friend and later served as Kissinger's assistant.After he left government, he went to the Brookings Institution, a Washington liberal think tank.Charles Coulson believes that Halperin was a source of leaks, and that he may still have classified material there.If so, the material may be housed in his office at the Brookings Institution.Coulson then sent Ulasevich on this reconnaissance mission: The ex-cop returned to report that there was no way to break into the Brookings Institution.According to John Dean's later account, Coulson, a man who refused to give up easily, once said to Caulfield: "If necessary, he should put a Molotov cocktail in that building, and take advantage of the chaos caused by the fire." Time to retrieve those documents." In the eyes of the two former New York policemen, this was too much.They felt that someone should check Coulson's sentimentality.They reported the situation to Dean, and he was on the next plane to San Clemente in no time.Dean told Ehrlichman about the situation, and Ehrlichmann called Washington, but never mentioned the Molotov cocktail.But for Caulfield and Ulasevich, the victory came at a high price.The White House was suddenly not interested in the capabilities of either of them.The work that would normally have been assigned to them in the past was now given to two rising stars of the plumber's class - Howard Hunter and Gordon Liddy.After being snubbed for three months, Caulfield decided to devise a masterful plan for political scouting, which he hoped to sell to the Presidential Reelection Committee.The program's codename was "Sand Wedge Operations." On November 24, Dean arranged for him to meet Mitchell.But the interview was unsuccessful.Caulfield had a premonition that someone else would be found for the job, and as he left he knew he had been right—Gordon Liddy was sitting in the Attorney General's outer office. In the spring and summer of 1971, when Richard Nixon was secretly bugging his White House offices, polls showed that his popularity continued to decline.The president's aides, agonized by the unmanageable Vietnam War, remains the biggest problem facing the country; they debate among themselves how best to reverse the dismal voter politics that characterized the previous fall's midterm elections mood.One thing they all know very well: they need a lot of money.Fortunately, they are much better off than the debt-laden Democrats.The president's personal attorney, Herbert Kambak, is in charge of nearly $2 million in unspent 1968 campaign funds. In January 1971, Kambak deposited the first $500,000 in 1972 campaign funds at the Bank of America branch in Newport Beach, California.Interestingly, the money was deposited in a cashier's check that he had bought with cash at the Pacific Assurance National Bank branch across the street.Even then, he was taking steps to make it difficult to ascertain the origin of donations, because even then he knew that many of the funds used in future campaigns would be of dubious origin. Over the next few months, several sources of payments emerged.The first to appear in March was the dairy industry. In early March, Agriculture Secretary Clifford Harding announced that the price subsidy for "processed milk" - the milk used to make cheese and butter - remained the same as the previous year at $4.66 for 100 pounds.Dairy owners are taking steps to reverse that decision. On March 22, they organized a campaign to bribe Republicans called the Agricultural Political Development Bank and put in $10,000.The next day, 16 leaders of the Dairy Cooperative were invited to the Oval Office to meet with Nixon and Harding.They told the President and Secretary Harding that they were asking the federal government to subsidize higher prices.The next day, they allocated another $25,000 in campaign funds for Nixon.On the third day, Harding changed his mind and changed the dairy price subsidy to $4.93.So the leaders of the dairy industry added a total of $527,500 to the Republican bank accounts. A few weeks later, another source of income opened up.Since the early days of the Nixon administration, ITT General Manager Harold Genin had been trying to thwart a Justice Department task force tasked with preventing a merger between ITT and Hartford Fire Insurance.The Justice Department's staff lawyers were determined to prove a matter of principle: that corporate competition was illegally undermined by a few sprawling conglomerates like International Telephone and Telegraph.Directing the government's action is Richard McLaren, chief of the Justice Department's antitrust division.McLaren reported to Deputy Attorney General Krantinsert; Mitchell is generally believed to have had no involvement in the case, since his New York law firm had been employed by ITT. On April 19, 1971, McLaren and Krantinster negotiated and agreed to appeal to the Supreme Court.Krantinstor called ITT's lawyer and told him of the decision. That same day, Krantinster received a call from John Ehrlichman, telling him that President Nixon had "instructed" him to drop the ITT case altogether.That's impossible, the deputy attorney general said, because he, McLaren and Attorney General Owen Griswold have all been involved in the matter. "Oh," Ehrlichmann replied sullenly, "let's think about it." A few minutes later, Krantinstedt's phone rang again.This time it was Nixon, who began by saying, "You bastard, don't you know English?" He ordered Crantins not to appeal.Annoyed, the deputy minister told Mitchell that he would rather resign than give in; he also thought McLaren and Griswold would join him.A short time later, Mitchell told his deputy that he had spoken to Nixon. "He said, in the antitrust case, you can do whatever you want." The President and the Attorney General have been dishonest about Clendinster.Coulson later said in a memo to Haldeman that he was trying to cut off all correspondence between the White House and ITT because that would "bring the president into this case."And Mitchell had been meeting regularly with Genin over the past year, despite saying he had turned the whole matter over to his deputy.As early as September 1970, Ehrlichmann had written to Mitchell criticizing McLaren's attitude and referring to an "understanding" with Genin. The month after Crantins and McLaren believed they had gotten the government to take a stand on a Supreme Court case, the governor of Kentucky held a lunch at the Kentucky Derby at which the government and the The conglomerate appears to have closed the deal.Among the mediators were Mitchell and Dee Ta Beard, the veteran lobbyist for ITT in Washington.国际电话电报公司同意付出40万元，政府则同意不再提那桩反托拉斯诉讼。在一份写于1971年6月25日的罪嫌严重的备忘录中，比尔德夫人告诉她的顶头上司，共和党人中知道“这40万元来自何处的”只有尼克松、米切尔、霍尔德曼和加利福尼亚州副州长。她说：“我深信我们这项高尚的许诺对于我们有关合并的谈判，最后能够按照哈尔(吉宁)的愿望办理，起了很大的作用。总统肯定已经告诉过米切尔，要他保证公平地解决问题。我们现在不得不忍受的，仍不过是麦克拉伦的小动作……米切尔肯定在帮助我们，但是不能让人知道。” 她在备忘录的末尾写道：“请把这销毁，好吗·”但是，备忘录并没有销毁，次年2月29日当它在杰克·安德森的专栏里出现时，国际电话电报公司的反应是销毁掉同合并案有关的一切其他文件，并且声称此件纯属伪造。然而迪塔·比尔德夫人的备忘录并非一份孤立材料。埃利希曼的信件提供了旁证，其中有5月5日给米切尔的一信，谈到总统和司法部长在一次谈话中，如何就国际电话电报公司一案达到“一致的目的”。当时，发生的某些事件也表明确有其事。5月15日，吉宁向共和党保证提供40万元，7月底，司法部和政府没有通过最高法院，便解决了他们的分歧。允许国际电话电报公司吞并掉哈特福德火灾保险公司。“很清楚，”《财富》杂志评论说，“哈罗德·吉宁取得了某种胜利。” 在政府和试图解决法律问题的人之间还有第三桩交易，其中心人物是罗伯特·维斯科——一个同尼克松家庭有着各种关系而又遭人非议的金融家。维斯科通过总统的兄弟唐纳德·尼克松，为1968年共和党的竞选运动提供了5万元。他同总统的另一个兄弟爱德华的关系也很密切，并于1971年夏季开始雇用总统的侄子小唐纳德做他的私人助手。小唐纳德在有一次谈到维斯科时说：“他是从未对我说过谎话的惟一的一个人。”一个有着如此高贵本家的青年人竟会说这种话未免奇怪，大多数人是不会这么说的。再过不到两年，维斯科便将成为逃脱美国法网的一名逃犯，住到哥斯达黎加，以逃避证券交易所管理委员会对他的控告。他被指控侵吞海外投资公司资金达2.24亿元。 1971年夏初，维斯科便已经出了问题，根据控告材料，他当时便设法让米切尔和尼克松的商务部长莫里斯·斯坦斯帮忙，买通证券交易所管理委员会撤销对他的控告。他们的谅解是维斯科付给斯坦斯25万元的现金，而米切尔，按照控诉的说法，则“为了维斯科，对证券交易委员会施加影响”。后来爱德华·尼克松扮演了代送贿款的角色，他用棕色公文包给斯坦斯送去了20万元(第二次又送去其余的5万元)。米切尔安排维斯科、证券交易所管理委员会主席和委员会总顾问进行了会谈。但不知怎的，证券交易所管理委员会还是继续起诉。 1971年，当共和党的竞选资金正开始源源而来的时候，白宫也在忙于1971年的各种辅助性的政治活动，其中绝大部分都是为了来年的总统选举。比如，他们编集了一份政敌名单，这份名单在科尔森的指导下，编成一本厚达四英寸的档案材料。杰克·安德森、詹姆斯·赖斯顿、简·方达、巴布拉·斯特赖桑、保罗·纽曼、格里戈里·佩克、卡罗尔·钱宁等人都在名单之内。奥蒂斯电梯公司的总经理也包括在内——看来是因为尼克松圣克利门蒂住宅的电梯不好使——此外还有底特律黑人议员约翰·科尼尔斯。在科尼尔斯的名字后写着这么一句批语：“以具有喜爱白种女人的弱点闻名。”1971年9月9日，科尔森选出20个人作为“打击目标”，然而，总统的工作人员中谁也想不出有效的攻击办法。哥伦比亚广播公司的丹尼尔·肖尔(科尔森称他是“宣传上的一个真正敌人”)，在这年夏季受到联邦调查局的审查，但结果只是使白宫感到难堪。罗纳德·齐格勒解释说，肖尔受到审查是由于正在考虑给他安排一项政府工作。 尼克松的几个助手——休斯敦、迪安、考尔菲尔德——想说动国内收入署给他们挑出的纳税人制造麻烦，但都没有成功。署长伦道夫·思罗尔辞职，至于辞职理由，据他当时说，“是我和总统之间的事。”白宫竟荒唐到给国内收入署写了一些匿名信，暗示科尔森名单上的人有逃税行为。也许正是这种恶毒的蠢事，最后不可避免地致使搞阴谋的人到一定时候就会断定某个人在对他们搞阴谋。他们心目中的那个人就是埃德加·胡佛，他办公室的保险柜里存有他按白宫的命令取得的电话窃听记录。罗伯特·马迪安说服胡佛的一名助理偷来了这些记录，把它们锁到埃利希曼的保险箱里。胡佛在1971年7月发现丢了这些记录，十分愤怒。 敢于对联邦调查局局长行窃的人，当然感到对于民主党总统候选人粗暴一点根本就算不了什么；也正是在这几个月里，后来众所周知的共和党“卑劣伎俩”便已开始露头。攻击特德·肯尼迪的邮件是装在伪造的马斯基信封里发出的。一个冒充马斯基助手的人，给美联社波士顿分社打电话，指责肯尼迪是一种“分裂势力”；罗兰·埃文斯和罗伯特·诺瓦克受骗发表了伪造的马斯基备忘录，其中似乎暗示他正在进行一些可疑的活动。1972年12月1日，唐纳德·西格雷梯付给坦巴青年共和党员俱乐部主席50元，说明是要让他用这笔钱在佛罗里达州预选中破坏马斯基和杰克森两位参议员的声誉。这是计划中的第一笔付款，后来由于这个计划的暴露，西格雷梯被取消律师资格，并被判罪入狱。 有些手段是很复杂的。由于设想华莱士以第三党资格参加竞选，对尼克松的危害将会超过任何民主党候选人，因此，采取了许多办法去破坏华莱士的美国独立党。其中最荒唐的办法之一是米切尔和杰布·马格鲁德策划的，要求付给美国纳粹党1万元，用以劝说加利福尼亚州的美国独立党的选民改变党籍登记。这样做的理论根据是，如果有足够的选民转变立场，那么华莱士就会因登记党员人数的不足而失去候选人资格。这一着没有成功，美国独立党在这一时期内实际上增加了六千五百名党员。 另一个阴谋是针对特德·肯尼迪的，在可能和尼克松总统争夺选票的人中，他是一个最强大的对手。在这个问题上的设想是，既然这位年轻的肯尼迪的威望是约翰·肯尼迪的非凡才能的反映，只要贬低那位故总统，就能打击特德·肯尼迪。在1971年9月16日的一次记者招待会上，记者询问尼克松对亨利·杰克逊参议员最近声明的看法，声明的大意是说，如果西贡政权更民主一些，那它的地位就会巩固一些。尼克松回答说：“如果这位参议员的意思是，美国现在应当利用自己的影响去推翻阮文绍，那我将提醒各方有关人士：我们原来进入越南的办法就是推翻吴庭艳政权，并与人合谋杀害了吴庭艳，但是，美国要从越南战争脱身，按我的意见，却不能靠推翻阮文绍。”这是政府中的人第一次指责肯尼迪政府暗中纵容了对吴庭艳的杀害，霍华德·亨特于是从中有所领悟。 亨特一直在仔细地研究五角大楼文件。他对科尔森讲，肯尼迪政府在谋杀吴庭艳一案中的作用，也许可以从当时国务院的电报中“推论”出来。据亨特说，科尔森当时建议他，“对电报加以修改”——篡改电报。亨特用刮脸刀片和照相复印机，伪造了两份电报。一份电报的日期是吴庭艳遇刺的前三天，开头就说，在今天的最高级会议上，不得已做出决定，万一吴庭艳或吴庭儒要求政治避难，你或哈金斯都不要进行有利于他们的干预。科尔森让《生活》杂志的一名记者去找亨特，谈到尼克松的谴责，说“这里面大有文章”。但是，这位记者怀疑其中有鬼，没有上钩。 这一阴谋的失败使亨特在这个月内第二次感到失望。另一次更苦恼的失望起因于前一年的4月份。在猪湾事件十周年那一天，亨特飞往迈阿密去同伯纳德·巴克共进午餐。巴克是个美籍古巴人，十年前曾是亨特的主要助手，现在佛罗里达州经营不动产，生意兴隆。这是一连串具有历史意义的事件中最早的一个环节。接下去就是埃尔斯伯格大量泄露五角大楼文件。第三个环节是四个人——尼克松、基辛格、霍尔德曼和埃利希曼——由洛杉矶乘直升机到圣克利门蒂的途中开始的。这四个领导人对泄密大发雷霆，尼克松认为同阿尔杰·希斯案件相类似，他们商议如何撇开联邦调查局，采取秘密行动，进一步调查。最后决定把戴维·扬从基辛格的国家安全委员会的班子里调出来，让他全部时间同“管子工”一起工作。扬后来把埃尔斯伯格这个球踢给了亨特，亨特又把它踢给了巴克。 但并没有马上就那么做。刚开始，“管子工”在当时看来是不会有问题的地方进行了探索。接近7月底时，他们从联邦调查局按常规传送到他们办公室的一份报告中发现埃尔斯伯格由贝弗利山的刘易斯·菲尔丁大夫给他作过精神分析已达两年之久。胡佛手下的两名工作人员打算盘问这位精神病大夫，但大夫不同意，提出医生和病人的关系是神圣不可侵犯的。亨特想起来，中央情报局有个精神病科，专门编写那些性格使政府特别感兴趣的人物分析材料。根据国会给中央情报局的任务，工作对象是外国人——做得最成功的是，在肯尼迪总统去维也纳同尼基塔·赫鲁晓夫举行最高级会晤之前，关于赫鲁晓夫的分析——但也曾有过一个例外：就是关于“普韦布洛”号船长劳埃德·布克的材料。扬要求中央情报局局长理查德·赫尔姆斯把埃尔斯伯格作为第二个例外人物。赫尔姆斯同意了。8月初，关于埃尔斯伯格介绍写好，送到了中央情报局。 中央情报局谁也对它不满意，它完全不符合“管子工”的想法。中央情报局的精神病专家们似乎对埃尔斯伯格十分敬慕。(“无从发现，此人感到自己行动中有任何叛国性质。相反，他倒似乎是在按照自己认为是更高级的爱国主义要求行事!”)8月11日，扬和埃吉尔·克罗给埃利希曼送去一份关于这材料的意见，说它“相当浅薄”，毫无用处，强调他们相信中央情报局可以写出更好的材料。他们写道：“我们明天同首席精神病专家伯纳德·马洛伊大夫见面，将设法让他明白我们期望的细节和深度。”随后，他们就越过了界限，考虑到进行犯罪活动。他们接着说：“在这方面，我们准备建议采取秘密行动，检查埃尔斯伯格的精神病大夫仍然保存的对他进行精神分析治疗两年的全部病历。”意见书最下边写着“同意——反对——”字样。在同意一词后面，埃利曼草签了自己的姓名字母，还附了一句话：“如果你们保证此事将来不致被追查出来的话。” 正是由于这一条件，限制“管子工”必须使用同白宫没有任何联系的秘密工作人员，才促使亨特吸收了巴克，又通过他吸收了另外两个古巴人——费利佩·德迪戈和欧亨尼奥·马丁内斯。亨特对巴克只是讲，需要他帮着查清一件“关系国家安全的事”，授权的官员“地位在中央情报局和联邦调查局两者之上”。他说，这项任务涉及一个向苏联使馆递送情报的叛国分子。除了俄国人订阅《纽约时报》外，这种说法是完全不真实的。后来，巴克在狱中发觉这种欺骗，认为是不能宽恕的。撇开道德问题不谈(这里边的主要人物当时似乎谁也没有考虑到有什么道德问题)，亨特的粗心大意也实在惊人。他没有告诉巴克不要随身携带亨特的电话号码和缩写地址(“W·H”与“W·House”)，从而使他自己同亨特联系起来。他甚至也没有确实查清巴克的人是否同政府毫无牵连。其实，他们当中的马丁内斯就是在中央情报局领薪金的古巴密探。 同时，亨特和他在这次奇怪冒险中的伙伴利迪都是由中央情报局装备的——这又是违犯该局规章中不得在国内进行活动的条款的。埃利希曼打电话给赫尔姆斯的副手海军陆战队罗伯特·库什曼将军要他全力帮助亨特，但他只说这人“是个忠实可靠的雇员，是有关安全问题的一个顾问”。至于这项任务的性质，埃利希曼也没有具体说明。在他们后来会面时，亨特对库什曼说：“白宫责令他执行一项非常敏感的任务，要他访问一个我们对其思想倾向不甚有把握的人，并从他那里取得情报。”还说，他需要“临时的假名证件”，“某种随身杂物”和“从事一次特种活动用的某种程度的化装”。 在赫尔姆斯批准后，中央情报局技术处向亨特提供了一张社会保险卡和驾驶执照，名字却写成“爱德华·约瑟夫·沃伦”。利迪证件上的名字是“乔治·伦纳德”。还发给亨特一副红棕色的假发和一个类似假牙的装置，以便在打电话时改变原来的嗓音。此外，利迪还得到一架装在烟丝袋里的微型照相机。1971年8月25日，这两个“管子工”飞往加利福尼亚，执行初步侦察任务。这次成就不大。亨特在贝弗利山的北贝德福大道450号菲尔丁大夫的办公室外面为利迪拍了一张全身照片，然后就走进办公室，告诉一位女清洁工说，他是医生，并且给那间房间拍了照。他们两人测定了从那里开车到菲尔丁大夫家，计算了所需的时间，然后就飞回华盛顿。在那里，中央情报局派人赶到机场，把亨特的胶卷取去冲洗。到了白宫，这两名“管子工”说服他们的上司，闯入那位精神病大夫的办公室去行窃是可行的。扬把最新情况报告给埃利希曼，并在一份新的书面意见中建议，说服国会的某个委员会去调查五角大楼的泄密问题。他写道：“我们已经着手在报上宣传埃尔斯伯格的消极形象。如果利迪和亨利的计划进行顺利，十分需要有一个全面的行动计划，用来配合国会的调查。” 闯入贝弗利山住所的预定日期是1971年9月3日，行动的时间是晚上9点。整个行动计划在细节上都是经过精心筹划的，完全和亨特参加猪湾事件时的做法一样，其成果也大致差不多。动手前不久，这几个古巴人用假名登记住进贝弗利希尔顿旅馆。他们中两人穿上送货人的服装，把一个大型衣箱送到北贝德福大道，衣箱上面贴着几条标签都写着“急送菲尔丁大夫”。那位女清洁工让他们进去，他们把箱子搬进去，出门时把门锁打开。利迪在房子外面周围开车打转，注视着爱多疑的警察。亨特带着一架步话机在菲尔丁家周围守望，如果精神病大夫出现而且前往办公室，他便立即发出警报。 午夜前后，古巴人再到医生办公室去，却发现——这对以后出现在民主党全国委员会水门大楼办公室的情况显然是个恶兆——那位女清洁工还是把门又锁上了。他们撬门进去，从送去的箱子里拿出一架照相机和一台聚光灯。他们的计划是要拍下埃尔斯伯格的病历，很不幸，他们找不到它。他们把菲尔丁大夫的文件摊在地板上，但没有发现所需要的东西。他们找到的惟一的东西只是一本写有埃尔斯伯格姓名的通讯地址簿。他们把这个地址簿和扔散了的文件都拍了照，证明他们已尽了最大的努力。白白地折腾了四个小时之后，这几个人返回旅馆。利迪马上从那里打电话给华盛顿，告诉克罗说，干得“干净利索”——菲尔丁大夫肯定不同意这种说法，但利迪的意思只是说，他们没有被抓住，尽可能说得体面些。回到首都后，亨特不得不告诉白宫，他们的任务已完全失败。根据埃利希曼后来的证词，他当时不打算让他们再试一次。埃利希曼还有一个对亨特不利的消息，库什曼将军根据赫尔姆斯的指示，已经打电话来说，虽然中央情报局很愿意帮忙，但再干一次是不能考虑的。“管子工”现在完全得靠自己干了，而干出点什么名堂以表明他们并非白拿钱的压力却越来越大。 白宫策划的第一次行窃行动以后的那个星期，一个悲剧性的插曲强调说明了尼克松执政时期使美国人陷入深刻分裂的一个问题。争执中的一方，持有一套价值观念，认为批评他们的人不开明，不近人情，另一方是批评他们的人，嘲笑开明人士是“纵容主义者”。这个悲剧性事件便是美国历史上流血最多的一次监狱暴动。它发生在纽约州西部的怀俄明县，四周都是装有白护墙板的住宅，红色的谷仓和银白色的高大的青饲料贮存塔的这样一个意想不到的地方。那里有一座占地55英亩，四周围以30英尺高带岗楼的灰色混凝土墙的监狱。监狱四周都是茂密的玉米和黄花菜地。反省院以附近的城镇命名，使用了古代雅典平原的古典名字——阿提卡。 纽约州把阿提卡叫做“改造机构”，但是并没有做出多少改造工作。在院长文森特·曼库西的严厉管理下，院里没有什么职业训练，对犯人更少恻隐之心。稍微违反规章就给关进单身囚室——“包厢”。去囚室的途中在电梯里便会遭到刻意的毒打。一个月只发给他们一块肥皂，一卷手纸。如果他们在一百度高温，他们通常叫做“加尔各答黑洞指加尔各答的一所拥挤的监狱，据说1956年由于暴动，监狱里的英国囚犯一夜之间有123人被杀死。——译者”的金工车间干活，一天也只给25美分的报酬。最丑恶的莫过于监狱当局的赤裸裸的种族主义。2254名犯人当中，75%是黑人或波多黎各人，而383名狱卒则全是白人。看守人员公开偏袒白人犯人，嘲弄黑人，把自己的警棍叫做“黑鬼棒”。 监狱长曼库西对鼓吹民权的人士的回答是，他管理的是一所对安全至关重要的机构，阿提卡监狱的犯人中，有一些是全国最冥顽不化的。This is a fact.另一个事实，并且是个凶兆，则是其中有不少属于一种新的犯人品种，即认为自己是帝国主义社会受害者的好斗的黑人。事实上，其他监狱的狱长常常把闹事的自称革命者的犯人送到阿提卡监狱来。他们来时，就偷偷带进了乔治·杰克逊和埃尔德里奇·克利弗的著作，利用进行体育活动或做礼拜的时间，举行秘密集会，散发自己在牢房里写出的煽动性小册子。一个名叫“楞哥儿”查理斯·克劳利的犯人写道：“如果我们不能像人一样活着，至少也得像男子汉那样死去。”有一首暗中传观的诗是这样开头的： 如果我们非死不可——也别死得像猪猡， 我们被追捕并关在耻辱的笼牢， 发疯的饿狗在四周狂吠， 拿我们的不幸命运开玩笑。 1971年7月，一个自称阿提卡解放派的好斗的犯人组织，给纽约州教养专员拉塞尔·奥斯瓦德递送了一份要求改革的声明。这是一个明智的行动。奥斯瓦德曾彻底改革威斯康星州的监狱制度，赢得了刑罚学家的广泛称赞，洛克菲勒因此任命他出任现职。他任职才只六个月，已和曼库西在几乎每个管理问题上都有争执。劳工节美国及加拿大法定的劳工节日，时间是每年9月的第一个星期一。——译者过后，奥斯瓦德给犯人放了讲话录音，要求给他时间，以便进行深刻改革。除其他问题外，他保证采用“有意义的通过职业训练恢复就业资格的办法，办职业教育夜校，和提供更完备的法律书刊”。 奥斯瓦德的表示也许失之过迟。暴动发生后狱警发现牢房的日历上9月9日这个日子全划上了大圈。7月，好斗的犯人已告诉奥斯瓦德，他们认为，“没有必要把我们的要求加以戏剧化”，但是过了一个月他们改变了主意。起决定性作用的似乎是8月21日乔治·杰克逊死在圣昆廷。8月22日清晨吃早饭时，阿提卡监狱的黑人绝食表示抗议。“那情景不可思议已极，”一个看守事后说，“没有人拿起饭盘或调羹，没有人吃东西。他们只是一个个列队走过，走到自己的座位坐下来。他们凝视着前方，一声不吭……我们还注意到，几乎每个人身上都戴了点什么黑色的东西……这使我们惊恐异常，因为像这样的事情，要做许多组织工作，要有很强的团结力量，我们没有想到他们组织得这样好。” 两个革命者(后来查明为主要领导人)赫伯特·布莱登和“理查德兄弟”克拉克传播福音式的讲话，变得愈加刺耳了。他们都是纽约人，都是黑人穆斯林，都被判有武装抢劫罪。布莱登和乔治·杰克逊一样，是自修的，学的是历史和哲学，由于在曼哈顿的“坟场”拘留所领导了一次暴动，被送来阿提卡。克拉克是从一所中等严格的监狱转送到阿提卡来的。那里看守说他曾鼓吹“用暴力打翻这所牢狱”。他的家人注意到，到阿提卡后他仇恨情绪越来越大。有一次，他的妻子来看他，他说：“喂畜生，喂畜生，这里就是把我们当成畜生的。”