Chapter 36 Picky Brain-2

The judge couldn't take it anymore, and he said to the bailiff: "Take this defendant to the room over there, and teach him a lesson according to the rules." After a short pause, when the court resumed, the Black Panther was gagged and handcuffed together. The metal folding chair was carried in.This did not stop him from speaking.He hit the chair with his leg shackles and shouted in an inaudible voice: "This means I protest." He was moved to a wooden chair and his mouth was gagged even tighter.When the court reconvened, he somehow spat out what was in his mouth and yelled at the judge: "You fascist dog, you son of a bitch!" Abby Hoffman and Rubin jumped up and shouted, Kunstler asked the judge: "My lord, when are we going to stop this medieval torture? It's a dirty disgrace to the law... At this moment, I am extremely ashamed as an American lawyer. Judge Hoffman, who had repeatedly said that he believed both Kunstler and Weinglass were responsible for the wrongdoing of their employers, interrupted angrily to say, "You are the one who should be ashamed." Yes." The next week he ordered the gag removed, and when Searle continued to interrupt, he was sentenced to four years in prison for contempt of court.Those remaining, then, became known as the Chicago Seven.

Nor were they tamed.Davis accused the judge of falling asleep while he was on the witness stand - His Honor warned him that his rudeness "will be dealt with appropriately at some point in the future".Abby Hoffman walked into the courtroom on his hands instead of his feet, and at the same time called Judge Hoffman a "tyrant", a "Nazi", and a "disgrace to the Jews", causing chaos in the courtroom. The bitterest exchanges were between the court and the defense's lead counsel.The judge specifically directed Kunstler not to demand that Mayor Daley — who had insisted on a trial despite the Justice Department’s concerns — be declared a hostile witness in the presence of a jury.The lawyer did as usual.And he pointed a finger at Daly and asked him if he had called Senator Abraham Rybicoff such obscene expletives at the party convention that the judge nearly suffered a stroke.At one point, Abbie Hoffman lifted his shirt.The judge said: "Let the record go, this man exposed himself in court." Kunstler said: "Your Excellency, I recall that President Johnson showed the scars on his stomach on television for the whole country to see. Yes." "That may be why he is no longer President," Your Honor replied.When the lawyer was reprimanded for laughing a few times, he said, "Well, sir, what's the big deal about laughing? Sometimes we can't help laughing." The judge said, "Oh, yes, I See if you can't bear it."

Later in the trial, the court's hostility towards the accused's side became very explicit.For two days, Hoffman refused to let them use the toilet in the hall, saying that the public toilets in the prison were good enough for them.One day he said that the court session would start half an hour earlier the next day.Kunstler asked him why, and he got the answer: "Because the court is tomorrow at 9:30." The lawyer commented, "It's exactly like a child saying, 'Because, because.'" The judge said: "Let the record Remember, in front of the jury, Mr. Kunstler compared me to a child." The lawyer was very emotional in court, often laughing or crying.Sometimes he hugged people tightly, and he kissed Weinglass and one witness, the Reverend Ralph Abernathy.Each time Judge Hoffman pointedly said, "For the record, Mr. Kunstler kissed the man." Later interrogations showed that his request to put these episodes on the record was not for nothing.

Witnesses for the defendant included Pete Seeger, William Styron, Judy Collins, Norman Mailer, Julian Bond, Priest Jesse Jackson, Terry Southern and Ginsburg Some people here, such as Norman Mailer and Ginsberg, are well-known writers in the United States. —Translator, At the insistence of Prosecutor Furlan, Ginsburg read some of his poems about homosexuality and masturbation, apparently because Furren thought it would offend the ten female jurors.Kunstler and Weingglass argued that the violence at the Democratic convention was instigated by Daly and the Chicago police. Much of the evidence against the "Seven Defendants" came from informants who mingled with the antiwar demonstrations in Lincoln and Grant Parks and took everything they heard literally.A policewoman in plainclothes testified that Abby Hoffman had yelled, "We need a lot of weapons. Get some rocks, bricks, rocks. Break the bricks into two—it's easier to hide, and women Can handle it.” A plainclothes policeman said that the defendants deliberately created violence as “the first step of the revolution.”A Chicago official told the court that Abbey had told him, "If the municipality is smart, it should give us $100,000 to fund our festival. Better yet, give me $100,000 and I'll do it." Get out of town." The official interpreted the words as an attempt to blackmail.

After almost five months of testimony and argument, the jury retired; the judge, apparently with great pleasure, proceeded to contempt one by one.The matter took him two days, much of which was taken up by the defendant's shouting.When Kunstler heard that his principal employer and his co-lawyer were being taken away—Weinglass was sentenced to two months in prison—he staggered back and forth in the courtroom and finally lost his strength. Sitting down, he whimpered and said, "Judge, I have ruined my life at your hands. Tell me about my problem. Tell me about my problem. Convict me immediately, I really don't want to stay here any longer." It is." The judge finally sentenced him."No lawyer has ever said to me what you said to me in this trial," he said. He sentenced Kunstler to four years and 13 days in prison.

The jury denied all defendants conspiracy, but found Davis, Dellinger, Hayden, Hoffman and Rubin all guilty of crossing state lines to incite riot.The judge sentenced them to five years in prison each, fined them 5,000 yuan each, and ordered them to pay legal costs—an additional 50,000 yuan.But the judgments did not take full effect.In less than three years, a U.S. appeals court overturned the verdict.The appeals court recognized the constitutionality of the controversial anti-riot law — the so-called Rapp Brown Act — in a 2-1 vote, but still reversed the decision, citing Judge Hoffman's "hostile" conduct , because it was "clear from the beginning of the record" that he was "against" the defendant's side.

Far from justifying the prosecution, the Chicago Seven turned out to be the forerunner of a series of judicial disasters unprecedented for the government.Immediately after this case came the Harrisburg Seven, the Camden Seventeen, the Seattle Seven, the Kansas City Four, the Evanston Four, the Pentagon Leaks, and the Gainesville Eight. trial.In all these cases the defendants were heretics in the eyes of the established order, and in each case the defendants were ultimately acquitted by a jury, a judge, or an appellate court.Hostility to informers and judicial prejudice are the two common threads that run through the cases.Moreover, as Martin Arnold noted in The New York Times: "Despite all evidence to the contrary, people generally believe that governments are capable, and when governments send ill-founded and often weakly worded cases to When it came to court, people got mad at it."

The real source of the riots attributed to the Seven Defendants was the Vietnam War, which continued to divide and bruise the country in 1970.At the beginning of the year there had been hopes of improvement.The news from Saigon in the first four months was somewhat encouraging.U.S. forces under General Abrams avoided major combat with the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese.Nixon was reducing the U.S. troop force from 543,000 to 340,000 and promised the nation that another 60,000 disgruntled troops would be withdrawn by May 1.But the end of the war still seems far away.In Paris, Communists rejected Nixon's five-point peace proposal, saying, "Our rejection is firm, total, and absolute." Chief U.S. negotiator David Bruce rejected a Communist proposal, saying It is: "Old wine in new bottles."

The death toll in the United States was only 25,000 during the Chicago protests and demonstrations two years ago, and it has surpassed the 44,000 mark.What stood in the way of a breakthrough in the negotiations was Washington's public announcement that 200,000 US troops would remain in Vietnam for many more years.In the United States, among the South Vietnamese, among the combat troops, war weariness was becoming more and more evident.The grievances of the U.S. Fourth Division refused to go into battle unless threatened by cornered officers; The badge of peace is worn alongside identification tags; marijuana leaf smoking is estimated to be as high as 80 percent of U.S. military personnel, and overdose deaths from hard drugs have nearly tripled.What makes all this seem worse is the incompetence displayed at the highest echelons of the US military.American paratroopers carried out a daring attack on a prisoner-of-war camp in Shan Tay, 23 miles from Hanoi, where 70 to 100 US Air Force pilots were believed to be held.The attack was supposed to be a success, but the intelligence agent made a mistake - all the prisoners of war were evacuated first.During that same week, U.S. Air Force aircraft bombed North Vietnam for 24 hours.The Pentagon initially said the sorties were part of a "defensive response" to protect unarmed U.S. aircraft.Later, it changed its tune and admitted that it was an attack on some supply bases.In fact, the astonished people of the whole country later learned that the targets of the bombers included hospitals.

The White House declared that abandonment of the Saigon government was out of the question, since the Communists were said to have a list of three million Vietnamese to be "dealed with" in a "blood bath."Whether such a list exists is doubtful, and more and more Americans are ready to abandon the regime of General Nguyen Van Thieu.The South Vietnamese also seemed disappreciative, even hostile, to their American ally.Rioters in Saigon burned a Nixon mock-up, chanted "Down with the Americans," and accused the United States of delaying the war.In an ominous sign, some Buddhists set themselves on fire using kerosene and matches, as some monks did before Diem was overthrown.David Chang, the son of a South Vietnamese politician, was on a lecture tour in the United States. He told the audience that the American resentment soldiers and the South Vietnamese soldiers who fought alongside them had only one thing in common, and that was mutual hatred.

At the same time, the claim that the Americans were fighting the war to defend a democracy in Asia was becoming less and less tenable.David's father was arrested and imprisoned for opposing Nguyen Van Thieu and became one of more than 80,000 political prisoners of the South Vietnamese government.Americans on the battlefield reported the torture and indictment of critics of the government by the lynching courts, which continued despite the Saigon Supreme Court ruling that they were unconstitutional.And Thieu's claims to America's wealth seem never-ending.After almost a decade of Washington's generous support of Saigon, he continues to say that he needs more American equipment, takes longer to train his troops, and needs more and more money.He said that if he can't get all this, he will not be responsible for all the consequences. The last thing Americans want to happen this year is another war in another Southeast Asian country, but the South Vietnamese government just let this happen.The U.S. Air Force has actually been bombing Communist bases in eastern Cambodia for more than a year, though few people know about it.On orders from the White House, B-52s bombed the jungle shelter there 3,630 times.The Joint Chiefs of Staff wanted to put the Army in there a long time ago.Nixon hesitated, knowing that Prince Sihanouk, the Cambodian head of state, would protest the breach of his country's neutrality.With the help of double accounts and strict secrecy, the news of the B-52 attack can be completely blocked.Once U.S. troops cross the border, secrecy can be difficult. But on March 18, the situation in Cambodia changed dramatically due to a coup.Realizing that his government was threatened, Sihanouk was asking the Soviet Union to assist him in trying to get 40,000 Viet Cong and North Vietnamese troops out of his country when Cambodian General Lon Nol took over.Lon Nol is a rightist, and he would never condemn the joint march of the United States and South Vietnam to drive out the Communists who entered Cambodia.Six weeks after the coup, Nixon told Americans on television that the operation was already underway.The purpose of this operation was to destroy the Vietnamese nerve center, barracks base and underground arsenal on the "Parrot's Beak" northwest of Saigon. "For five years," the president said, "neither the United States nor South Vietnam has attacked these sanctuaries because we were unwilling to invade the territory of a neutral country." 14 months of bombing. The military value of invading Cambodia is disputed.While the invasion was still underway, Nixon called it "a colossal achievement—far exceeding its intended effects."The Pentagon claimed that the Viet Cong would need six to nine months to recover from the damage. Someone asked Nguyen Van Thieu about this, but he said: "I said they will never be able to recover. Cambodia has been a The second North Vietnam is a huge rear.” Saigon’s U.S. Military Assistance Command in Vietnam claimed that a total of 15 million rounds of ammunition, 72.5 million tons of food and 25,000 guns were seized this time; enemy soldiers died 11 285 people were captured, and 2156 people were captured.The casualties on the Confederate side were 1138 killed and 4911 wounded. But now Cambodia is being dragged into the war.The communist army, originally lurking in Parrot's Beak, responded to the attack by chasing Lon Nol's army westward, occupying half of Cambodia, threatening the capital Phnom Penh, and establishing a new safe supply route in the Mekong valley.In this way, Washington is entangled with another regime that is even more defenseless than Thieu's.Some of the goals of Cambodia during this expedition were not realized, entirely because of the unrealism of these goals.Francis Fitzgerald wrote in "Fire in the Lake": "American officials talk of plans to occupy the enemy command headquarters for South Vietnam, as if there existed in that jungle a reverse Pentagon, in which the Navy Marine guardsmen, generals, generals, green baize-top conference tables, etc." No such command post was found, because, of course, there had never been such a command post. The most damaging of the Cambodian adventure is the domestic impact on the United States.The public outcry against this new involvement was so strong that the Senate finally clamored that only Congress had the power to declare war, and passed a bill requiring the withdrawal of American troops from Cambodia by July and the simultaneous cessation of attacks there. air support.The intensity of the reaction on college campuses surpassed all previous protests.By the end of May, a total of 415 post-secondary institutions had suspended classes.This was the first general student strike across the country in U.S. history, and it was completely spontaneous.By the end of the semester, 286 schools remained paralyzed, while another 129 schools in 43 states announced that classes were reopening, but many classrooms were empty. Over the weekend of May 9-10, more than 100,000 students made their way to Washington.The White House was transformed into an armed barracks, fronted by a barrier of city buses lined up side by side.The president's initial reaction was condescending, referring to the protesters as "vagrants" in casual chats with some Pentagon ministers.He later decided to strike a conciliatory gesture.On Friday night that week, he took his valet and a group of secret agents to the Lincoln Memorial to talk to the students who slept there. "I feel as much about this as you do," he told them.In order to get together, he talked about football in the United States and asked one of the students (a Californian) if he liked surfing.A team of reporters for London's Sunday Times wrote: "Two Americas meet and immediately drift away from each other in a state of mutual incomprehension." The president was equally puzzled by a letter from Interior Secretary Walter Schickel.Schickel was once a conservative entrepreneur, but he was also a father of six sons.He protested that the government was alienating youth.He was particularly outraged by Vice President Agnew's attacks on youth.Nixon's public response was reassurance, assuring the secretary that administration officials would no longer speak in that vehement tone.But Schickl made a colossal mistake.His letter was published by the newspapers before it reached the Oval Office.On the eve of Thanksgiving, Nixon called him to the White House and fired him, citing a lack of "mutual trust."Within hours, an aide to Haldeman arrived at the Interior Department with a list of those to be purged."We want you to resign, we want you to leave the building by five o'clock," the six senior officials were told. If that counts as rough, there are campuses where actions are even rougher.A Revolutionary bomb blew out the side wall of the Army Mathematical Research Center at the University of Wisconsin, killing a physicist, injuring four, and causing $6 million in damages November 1973, 27-year-old Carlton Lewis Armstrong was convicted of the bombing and sentenced to 23 years in prison.His defense attorney was William Kunstler. .At Mississippi State University, where students are predominantly black, students and police confronted the police in front of a dormitory building. Police officers eventually opened fire, using a large number of buckshot guns, machine guns, rifles and armor-piercing guns, killing two students and injuring them. Tragic outcome for nine people.A presidential commission, run by former Pennsylvania Gov. William Scranton, called the 28-second shooting sequence "an unreasonable and unreasonable overreaction," but a local grand jury blamed the students, claiming that "someone Going to ... participate in social harassment and rioting, and when law enforcement officials are called in to restore order, they should be prepared to be injured or killed." In an eventful year, it wasn't just Mississippians among Americans who thought students deserved to be attacked, and it wasn't just blacks who were victims.In May of this year, Manhattan hardhat construction workers carrying flags rushed directly into a group of anti-war demonstrators, which became a very popular event; the White House praised them, which was also considered a beautiful strategic move.Hostility against youth has deep roots.Older Americans are disgusted with almost every aspect of the younger subculture: their long hair, their printed overalls, their loud music, their language, their gestures, the names of those rock and roll rallies In itself, what "Cream", "Stone", "Scared Railway" and so on.The most offensive of these are hard drugs.College students (and teens blindly imitating them) post obnoxious hallucinations of bleed-out colored and distorted images; they talk nonchalantly about how narcotics detached, aroused, attuned, energized , addictions, shocks, erratic thoughts, and melancholy; they separate adolescents from their parents in the name of rock and roll concerts, ostensibly dancing, and sometimes downright sinful activities. Woodstock became the pinnacle of rock and roll raves.Only 18 of the 48 major music festivals predicted for next year have taken place, reports John Mothland, assistant editor for Rolling Stone. "The main reason," said Mosland, "was political. Whenever a music festival was announced in a certain place, the city council and police department in that place tried to come up with some kind of emergency decree." , making it impossible to hold a convention.” The administration took this step with the approval—often because of their entreaties—of the population; in some places the population had heard and seen enough of the behavior of this subculture. Too much, and they certainly don't want this kind of celebration to take place in their own backyard.They thought it was justified, some by hearing something about the infamous 1970 rock dance concert, the Powder Ridge Music Festival in Middlefield, Connecticut. In reality, the Powder Ridge concert was so far from being an event that it didn't go as planned.The promoters signed up 25 bands to perform at the 300-acre ski area.But four days before opening day, a civic committee convinced a judge that their small settlement had no need to put up with the noise, the joints, the naked teenagers, and the Viet Cong flag.The judge issued an injunction.Thus the band members were sent away, but it was too late to deter the audience; the rally was advertised in many underground newspapers as far as Los Angeles, and large crowds were already on the journey, and by the first weekend in August On Friday, 35,000 people arrived.No show will await them, no food and drink, no adequate sanitation.Powder Ridge was a disaster waiting to happen, and it finally happened. The heat was blinding and the teenagers stripped naked after pitching their colorful tents.They swam naked on their first day in a small pond near the ski lodge, but so many people defecated in it that by Sunday the pond was declared a health hazard.The bearded, bald Dr. William Abruzzi, who volunteered his services, had a great concern for sanitation, but that was not his chief concern; his chief concern was anesthesia.Drug dealers prowled through the crowd, peddling joints, cocaine, heroin ("For a buck and fifty cents you can have incredible magic"), barbiturates, "Come on fast," LSD hallucinogens ("Who wants to buy ·Let’s talk about the product first, then promote the brand”).State troopers apprehended 70 drug dealers who left the crowd, including one with $13,000 in their pockets, but most of them got away.Because the peddler charged very high prices, teenagers who couldn't afford it could drink the "electric water" in the vat for free. There was everything in it, and anyone who walked by would always beg him to throw some drugs in it.Abruzzi blamed this bastard mishmash for the thousands of drug-taking accidents he had seen, more people taking drugs than Woodstock, and the total number of people participating there was more than ten times that here.Every Middlefield resident can tell a story of drugged-up youngsters running amok. Obviously, Powder Ridge had nothing to do with the anti-war protest movement, but critics of the matter argued that the youth subculture was an indivisible whole whose aspects reminded others of others.The most memorable and powerful symbol of the university backlash shortly after Nixon announced the invasion of Cambodia was the massacre at Kent State University, which did not begin as a protest.By all accounts, the first stages of unrest there were going to happen anyway.Unlike Columbia and California, Ohio State-Kent has no tradition of rioting.Football is still a big deal at Kent; students ring the victory bell in the campus square whenever a game is won.There is a classmate dance in the school, and there is a small pub in the town for chatting and drinking beer.Truth be told, the unrest on that sweltering Friday night began with a beer-drinking event. Students poured out of a bar to dance in the street.An irate motorist hits the gas pedal and appears to charge them.Several drunken students climbed into cars, smashed their windows, set fire to trash cans, and smashed shop windows.The police in Kent, on orders from the mayor of Leroy Suteran, drove the troubled students from the tavern.As they drove the students toward the campus, they blasted away a group of diehards with tear gas.The next day, a small number of political activists at Kent State University got permission from the university to hold an evening mass meeting.Of the nearly 20,000 students enrolled, about 800 attended the conference.They shouted at faculty members and campus police: "One, two, three, four, we don't want your dick war!" The crowd turned the meeting into a demonstration.They got out of control, broke up a dance, and torched a lit railroad light through a window into the single-story ROTC house across the square.When the fire brigade came to the scene, the protesting students threw stones at them and chopped off the water hose with a machete.The house was completely burned down. Mayor Suteron called the National Guard for help without notifying school authorities.Governor James Rhodes immediately dispatched a team of 500 armed with M-1 rifles, Colt revolvers, and tear gas.Students stopped them by spraying gasoline on trees and setting fire to them, but by midnight on Sunday, the fire was out and everything appeared to be under control.At this time, Governor Rhodes came to the campus.Rhodes is one of Ohio's Republican primary candidates for the Senate on Tuesday.He was clearly far behind in the possible votes - and he still lost in the end - but he was still making a last-ditch effort to turn the tide.The University of Kent looks to be taking advantage of the situation.He called a press conference and declared a state of emergency; of the students he said: "We will use all means of enforcing the law to expel them from the University of Kent . . . The Shirts refer to the German Nazi Party; the Night Knights (see above) and the Self-Defense Corps are American civil reactionary organizations.—The translators are all worse. They are the worst kind of people we shelter in the United States." In fairness to Governor Rhodes, it should be pointed out that the indiscriminate attacks on students heard by the National Guard did not come from Rhodes alone.Attorney General Mitchell attacked belligerent elements on campuses, calling them gangsters; so did President Nixon and Vice President Agnew, whose widely quoted quote was: "The troublemakers among the younger generation are just A bunch of rascals who don't deserve the title of America's youth." Mayor Suttron made provocative speeches at the University of Kent, and Brigadier General Robert Canterbury of the National Guard literally incited riots.Now that the roots of evil have been planted, they will inevitably escape the consequences at noon on Monday.Classes had resumed for the day, and the campus seemed peaceful at first.Several students struck the victory bell at noon, and about 1,000 students gathered in the campus square for a peaceful demonstration, with about 2,000 others watching.At this point two jeeps arrived, and National Guardsmen in them yelled through a loudspeaker: "Get out of the square area. You have no right to assemble." The students made insulting gestures, threw stones at them, and yelled: "Get the pigs off the campus! We don't want your wars," Brigadier General Canterbury told reporters. "These students need to be taught what law and order is." Sylvester Dell of the National Guard Major General Corso, in full view of his troops, picked up several rocks and threw them at the students. It was about 12:15 at this time.Two combat squads of the National Guard fired tear gas at the dense crowd of students. Several students threw the tear gas back, but none of them hit the target.Another group of students started to run away, and a team of about 100 people chased them between the two buildings.These National Guard members suddenly found that they were surrounded here. There was a row of fences in front of them, and students on both sides were throwing stones at them.Their situation wasn't really that serious; the stones couldn't fall on them, and many onlookers were still laughing.By this time the guards ran out of tear gas and started retreating up a small hill, looking back uneasily.The situation is dire.The National Guard can do anything -- they bayoneted three students last weekend -- and their M-1 rifles are loaded with live ammunition.According to a presidential commission headed by former Pennsylvania Governor William Scranton, "the Guards were all but a thumb on the safety catch and a forefinger on the trigger." It was later suggested that a group of Guardsmen had the intention to open fire on those who offended them.Some photos showed a dozen or so Guardsmen huddled together in what witnesses described as a "cluster."Another piece of strange evidence is a tape recorded on the spot.A single bang can be heard from above before that pathetic 13-second volley.The shot was fired by Terrence Norman, possibly as a signal or out of panic.Norman was a nominal "freelance photographer" who was actually a whistleblower employed by the CIA (and most likely also by the university, which also had secret agents).Norman was carrying a pistol, and some bystanders reported seeing him draw it and fire it, either before or after the critical moment.What is certain is that when the guards reached the top of the hill at 12:24 p.m., they knelt down and aimed their guns at the students—students were hundreds of feet away from them, with no way of harming them—as if on orders The shooter (Brigadier General Canterbury, who was with the guard, was turning his head the other way).There was an eerie silence after the shooting.A girl screamed in the silence: "My God, they're going to kill us!" Thirteen students were shot, and four of them—none of them militant, but one ROTC cadet—were killed.A gushing stream of blood gushed from the head of one youth and soaked the textbooks he was carrying; another youth tried in vain to stop the bleeding by pressing a cloth against a friend's stomach.The guards did nothing to help those who were wounded by them. Since the incident, no one in the Guard has been charged for the murder.Although Attorney General Mitchell declared that American education is experiencing "the saddest semester" in history, he said: "The most obvious sign of social unrest is the gunshots on college campuses." Although 300 federal investigators Bureau personnel conducted investigations and studies and concluded that the Guards were not in any danger of being harmed at the time. Afterwards, the Guards were only planning to attribute the incident to a group of threatening mobs that did not exist. The Department of Justice blatantly refused to form the Federal Congress jury.This dragged on for a long time until March 1974 when eight indictments were issued. At the time, an Ohio grand jury acquitted the guards and instead indicted 25 others, including the president of the student body.In the end, although no one was convicted, there was a widespread perception that the victims deserved what they did.This perception was reinforced by President Nixon's suggestion that violent protests beget violence; this incident, he said, "should serve as a reminder once again that when grievances become violent, tragedy can ensue." Scran "The 61 shots fired by the guards certainly cannot be justified," the Commission said. Vice President Agnew called their report "food for thought" and said that the responsibility for the incident lay with "the University Administration Building. students on the steps and in front of the teachers' lounge."Any other explanation, he said, would be "the most irresponsible scapegoating". The campus riot over Nixon's announcement of a military adventure in Cambodia was the main link in a chain of events that culminated two years later in the question of the wiretapping of the Democratic National Committee office building in Watergate, Washington.The first link was a May 19, 1969, story in The New York Times signed by William Beecher, the paper's Defense Department reporter.The report began: "According to Nixon administration sources, American B-52 bombers bombed Viet Cong and North Vietnamese supply depots in Cambodia for the first time in recent weeks, but there was no protest from Cambodia." Nixon panicked.他感到他最担忧的东部权势集团报刊的不负责任的行径现已得到证实了，而当《纽约时报》刊载出在同俄国进行限制战略武器会谈中美方进行准备的技术细节时，他感到他的担忧再度得到了证实。按照宪法，对比彻和他代表的报纸，他不能有多少办法，但是他至少可以设法从他自己的政府中清查出是谁把这保密资料透露给新闻界的。他同基辛格进行磋商，基辛格草拟了一个13人的名单，其中包括他自己的国家安全委员会的五名助手，因为他们也知道秘密轰炸柬埔寨的内幕。遵照总统的命令，联邦调查局对他们的电话进行窃听；四个发表了泄密材料的新闻记者的电话也给安上了窃听设备，这四人是：比彻、《纽约时报》派驻国务院的赫德里克·史密斯、哥伦比亚广播公司的马文·卡尔布和伦敦《星期日泰晤士报》的亨利·布兰登。这是白宫首次进入可疑活动的半明不暗地区，但结果毫无所得，比彻的消息来源始终没有被发现。 总统对胡佛的联邦调查局和里查德·赫尔姆斯的中央情报局的工作效率开始有怀疑。在1970年5月发生的一些事件之后，他的怀疑更加深了。尼克松坚信大学风潮是外国煽动者策划的，很可能是古巴人、埃及人和东欧人。他要中央情报局把他们查出来。经过广泛的调查研究之后，该局报告说，所有的煽动者都是美国本国人。总统把同样的任务交给联邦调查局，该局所得结果仍完全相同。椭圆形办公室仍然不满，于是命令增加更多的电话窃听装置，并且采取新招儿，闯入可疑的办公室和住宅进行搜查。这些活动由一个新的国内安全小组来指挥，这小组包括全国最高级的情报人员：胡佛、赫尔姆斯、国防情报署和国家安全局的两位领导人。他们的行动命令要由29岁的印第安纳州律师、总统演说撰稿人汤姆·查尔斯·休斯敦来草拟。 四位情报单位的领导人于1970年6月5日在总统办公室里集会，同总统一起照了相。总统告诉他们，他要他们组成一个委员会监督国家安全，由胡佛担任主席。他们得在8月1日开始行动。这期间，休斯敦当与联邦调查局局长草拟行动计划。在他们两人开头的一次会晤中，胡佛向休斯敦解释客观情报工作的历史发展情况，企图使这位年轻律师别那么热心于非法的计谋。休斯敦不耐烦地回答说：“我们谈的不是已死亡的过去，而是活生生的现在。”除了电子侦察和秘密入户搜查之外，他的计划还包括要拆查信件、在各校园里吸收更多的人充当联邦调查局的告密者，要求中央情报局对居住国外的学生和其他美国人进行侦察。 作为一个律师，这个印第安纳人完全知道，入户搜查以及他称之为“邮件采访”等行为都是严重罪行，但他不管怎样还是要照样干。他曾写道：“这些技术的使用显然是非法的，等于是盗窃行为。这种做法也是非常冒险的，如果被揭露出来，将会弄得非常难堪。不过，这也是最有成效的办法，这样就能够获得以任何其他方式所不能获得的情报。”他辩论说，这样它带来的好处的价值，“便超过了所冒的风险”。胡佛对此不同意。在休斯敦的报告上，这位局长批注说，他不愿意担任小组的主席，甚至也不愿充当小组的成员。休斯敦感到难堪。他于7月初给霍尔德曼送去一份备忘录，对联邦调查局长的批注加以评论说：“他的反对意见一般是前后矛盾和毫无意义的——大多不过是表示担心事情被公众知道后使情报界(也就是胡佛)感到难堪。”尼克松于7月23日在这个年轻律师起草的一份“决策备忘录”上签字，批准了他的计划，但是胡佛看到以后，向米切尔提出抗议，米切尔于是同总统进行了讨论，总统就把整个这件事搁置下来。休斯敦十分不满，于这年秋季辞职回家，到印第安纳波利斯去操律师业。他的情报工作任务委派给了白宫的一位新手，总统顾问约翰·韦斯利·迪安三世。 下一年春季，《纽约时报》开始刊载新泄露的五角大楼的消息，尼克松断定他的政府已守不住秘密，决定采取措施，并决定越过胡佛。于是，总统设立了一个特别调查小组，小组的任务——照他自己后来的解释——是“在有关安全的泄密问题上堵塞漏洞和对其他有关国家安全的敏感事件进行调查”。 日后将使总统布置的潜入窃听事件成为本世纪以来美国最大的一件丑闻的一批人，原来还互不相识，这时已开始脱离政府的工作，可以接受新的任务了。霍华德·亨特由于美国驻马德里大使认为他是一个阴谋家，不同意任命他担任那里的副站长，他在中央情报局的官运已在走下坡路，到州立肯特大学惨案发生的时候，他已经辞职了。四个月之后，小詹姆斯·麦科德辞掉了他在中央情报局的职务，而在这之后八个月，财政部辞退了戈登·利迪，理由是他在全国步枪协会一次大会上未经批准发表了一篇赞扬私人拥有枪支的演说。 来自基辛格班子的一位32岁的律师戴维·扬，在总统办公大楼地下室16号房间成立了特别调查组总部。《纽约时报》刊载了一段简明新闻，报道扬同他的一位同事小埃吉尔·克罗在从事泄密的堵漏工作。扬的一位亲戚看了报纸后对他说：“你为白宫搞堵漏工作，你祖父在世一定会为你感到骄傲的。他就是一个专门堵漏的管子工。”戴维于是在他的新办公室门上钉了一块牌子：“扬先生——管子工。” 共和党领导1970年进行的中期选举是在按照理查德·尼克松第一次竞选运动的总顾问默里·乔蒂纳定下的原则进行的。这个原则很简单，那就是，美国人投票只是为了反对某个候选人，而不是拥护哪个候选人。有心追求总统职位的人，按照乔蒂纳的教导，对自己的竞选纲领满可以不必认真考虑，而对他的竞选对手的经历、观点、作风和私生活中的最见不得人的方面，要尽量予以猛烈抨击。如果他找不出对手有什么事情，那就捏造一些。对总统持批评态度的人在谈到“那个老兄尼克松”时，就是指的这种策略。这年秋季，共和党的策略是要把所有党提名的竞选人，都变成“那个老兄尼克松”。这将是第一次花费1亿美元竞选费的国会选举，而共和党主要的急先锋将由总统顾问布赖斯·哈洛称之为“充满了电的阿格纽”的副总统来担任。 的确共和党需要拥有某种推动力才行。上一年11月，盖洛普民意测验赞成尼克松的人数达到68%，但是自从那时以来，由于通货膨胀日益恶化、柬埔寨问题、卡利案件和失业人数继续增长，赞成他的人数已不断下降。年初时候，尼克松就告诉共和党的领导人，如果失业率达到5.5%，那他们在11月的选举中就将失败。失业率后来上升到5.8%，年底之前达到了6%。限制战略武器会谈进行得不错，3月里签订了禁止核扩散条约，然而，这些成就和政府关于岁入的分享计划，都没有在选民中引起多大兴趣。政府的福利改革计划也缺乏吸引力。尼克松保证要保留学童就近上学不开汽车接送，在南部深受欢迎，但是却激怒了北部的黑人，而随着黑人中产阶级的出现，黑人选票已越来越举足轻重了。到11月，美国将有13位黑人国会议员、81位黑人市长和镇长、198位黑人州议员和1567位黑人地方政府官员。 白宫认为让副总统按照乔蒂纳教导进行竞选可再适合不过了。他刚到华盛顿的头一年，在讲坛上特别活跃，一共发表了77次重要演讲，他的听众人数很多而且对他的讲话表示欣赏。1970年一次盖洛普民意测验，在最受人敬重的美国人中他被排在第三位，仅次于总统和比利·格雷厄姆。固然，明尼苏达大学11位教师曾向他呼吁，不要“把温和主义者赶到极端主义者一边去”。参议员乔治·麦戈文曾经把他叫做“制造分裂的有害影响”，共和党的弗朗西斯·萨金特州长曾公开宣布他为马萨诸塞州所不欢迎的人。但是大学教授和麦戈文都已被认为是政府的天然仇敌，而居民中有三十万大学生的萨金特的那个州，一向被看成是联邦中最自由主义的一个州。不论怎样，总统在就职演说中呼吁美国人“停止互相大声对骂”，政府成员中很早就有人不理会这呼吁，其中就有阿格纽。(“我打算在一片喧闹声中让人听到我的讲话，”这位副总统曾说，“即使我必须提高嗓门也行。”)而中产阶级的美国人对阿格纽式的装腔作势，有意哗众取宠的腔调却大为欣赏： 有些报纸清除垃圾的方法，是把它印出来。 要求参议员富布赖特提出关于外交政策的意见，等于要求“波士顿掐脖子暗杀犯”为你按摩一下脖子。 如果说表示异议就会使美国人民两极分化，那我说，现在正该是来一个积极的两极分化的时刻了。 暴力行动得逞，就会滋长进一步的暴力行动，而永久不停的暴力行动，最终将产生极残酷的对抗。 我们这个时代的弊病，在于一种矫揉造作和自我虐待狂的复杂的思想状况——认为我们的社会准则是虚假的而模糊地感到心神不安，认为爱国、诚实、美德、勤勉等似乎都出了点什么问题。 阿格纽于1970年秋季到32个州去游历演说，行程共3.2万英里。他于9月13日在加利福尼亚州棕榈泉举行的记者招待会上，号召选民们把民主党人作为“激进的自由派”加以抵制，从而为自己的竞选运动定下调子。后来，他把“激进的自由派”一词压缩成为“激自派”，并解释说他所指的这种政治家可以肯定“几乎每次投票都会违反法律和秩序以及代议制社会的利益、都会反对美国的外交政策”。他对自己本党内跃跃欲试的人并不都表赞同——“我不得不把争取获选的一位共和党人归入上述的一类，那就是纽约州的参议员古德尔”；对反对党提名的人则一概加以谴责：“民主党的候选人是一批纵容一切的候选人，他们倾向于迁就混乱局面，讨好不法分子。”他那满篇长字的无聊议论，还由总统的两位演说撰稿人——威廉·萨菲尔和帕特·布坎南——加以润色。依靠这两位的生花妙笔，他把参院的鸽派斥为“搞叛卖的议员”和“被娇惯的奇才”。民主党提名的全部候选人被统统称之为“否定一切的吹毛求疵的头儿脑儿”、“卑怯的骑墙派”、“动摇的代理人”、“遁世的左派”和迎合“以知识分子相标榜的愚蠢时尚”的“绝望的、歇斯底里的历史多疑病患者”。说到他那浮夸的词句，他说自己喜爱用隐喻和押头韵，“但是我并不需要什么花招来使我的话为人所理解。我只是简单说明美国当前的问题是什么事”。 总统同他是一致的，在历时23天、先后到过22个州的17240英里的巡回竞选演说中，唱的是差不多完全相同的调子。每次演说，他都采取攻势。同阿格纽一样，总统不为自己的政绩辩护，不谈任何目标，不提出任何理想，那都是违背乔蒂纳规定的原则的。他只是一味攻击学生、麻醉毒品、争取民主社会大学生协会、暴乱者、逃避兵役的人、烧国旗者、搞同性关系者、罪犯、男女乱交和淫书淫画等，而把所有这些，都同民主党人联系在一起。投票的前夕，共和党把总统最刺耳的演说之一在电视上重播出来而使情况达到了高潮。前一个星期四晚上，在加利福尼亚的圣何塞，示威者曾用鸡蛋和石块打他的轿车，企图砸碎窗玻璃，还敲打汽车车门。“你不能不看到他们的面容，”当时跟随他的一个助手后来说，“看到他们脸上的仇恨——他也不能不感觉到这一点了。”《时代》杂志特别提到这次事件受到了“一切负责和半负责方面人士的谴责”。然而事过之后，总统在菲尼克斯的讲话中，似乎把这个事件归罪于所有批评他的人。他发誓，“任何一伙暴力恶棍都不能阻止我出去同美国人民谈话”——言外之意是，民主党人正设法要阻止他——而关于持异议者，他说：“他们不是什么浪漫派的革命者。他们同样是一些一向为害善良人民的恶棍和土匪。”他最后说：“我们的处理方法，新的处理方法是，要求制定新的强硬的法律，使和平势力能有新的力量以对付美国的罪恶势力。” 选举前夕重播的这篇演说的质量，同演说的基本思想一样，是杂乱粗糙的，有时简直是语无伦次。这次重播历时15分钟。接着的一刻钟由缅因州参议员埃德蒙·马斯基自己付费使用，他的讲话是为另一党所作答辩。马斯基态度平静，说话极有分寸——也具有毁灭性力量。谈到尼克松和阿格纽恶意诽谤民主党，指责该党不忠于国家，他说：“这是撒谎，美国人民也知道这是撒谎……竞选政纲只有两种……恐惧性的政纲和表示信任的政纲。一种政纲说：你们已被种种可怕的危险包围着……另一种说：世界是一个令人困惑和变化莫测的地方，但是我们可以按照人的意愿来对它加以塑造……因此，明天你们投民主党的票，就是为表示信任而投票……表示信任你们的同胞……尤其是表示对你们自己的信任。” 马斯基指出，人人都是相信法律和秩序的；民主党对政府提出的控制犯罪的议案在表决时完全赞成。但是，关于种族间的紧张关系、环境污染和经济问题怎么样·关于全国的团结又怎样呢·他说：“有些人设法利用我们共同的不幸，来为党派利益服务，但他们不是靠提出更好的解决办法，而是靠使用空洞的恫吓和恶意的造谣中伤。”他号召选民们拒绝支持他们。 选民们真这样做了。民主党人在众议院里增加了12个席位，把他们与共和党的差数扩大到253对180。共和党失去了11个州长职位。他们原来在州政权方面是以32对18领先；现在削减到29比21。和1968年相比，民主党候选人的平均票数增加了3%。共和党于选举运动初期，原希望多赢得参议院8个席位，以便重新获得参议院的控制权。那时看起来，这似乎是可能的，因为民主党在参议院里拿不准的席位两倍于此数。等情况澄清以后，大家看到共和党不过只得到其中两席，有一席有无价值还十分可疑；在康涅狄格州，一位保守的民主党人托马斯·多德被一位开明的共和党人小洛厄尔·韦克取代了。 为了给选举的结果尽可能的涂脂抹粉，尼克松声称获得了“思想上的胜利”，他指出艾伯特·戈尔在田纳西州、约瑟夫·泰丁斯在马里兰州和查尔斯·古德尔在纽约州的失败；在纽约州，保守党候选人詹姆斯·巴克利已经以仅仅39%的选票，获得了一次具有三重意义的胜利。但是所有这些由于艾德莱·史蒂文森三世在伊利诺伊州和约翰·滕尼在加利福尼亚州的胜利，以及政府大力支持的乔治·布什在得克萨斯州的失败全部抵消了。最使白宫感到沮丧的，是已出现对1972年大选不利的恶兆。除在田纳西州外，著名的共和党的南部策略结果一无所成。在南部以外共和党也失去了一些关键性的州议院。尼克松—阿格纽的特殊努力在新泽西州、威斯康星州、北达科他州、佛罗里达州、内华达州和新墨西哥州都遭到失败，在对下一届总统竞选可能起决定性作用的几个大州——加利福尼亚州、宾夕法尼亚州、俄亥俄州和密执安州——也都搞得很糟。 开明的共和党里彭协会的主席，把这次结果总结为共和党“自1964年以来最糟糕的一次表演”，而且对于尼克松所作的解释，他说：“尼克松愈是声明说他现在拥有了一个起作用的思想方面的多数，他就愈不可能在1972年拿国会做替罪羊了。”选举之后，共和党的州长们在爱达荷州太阳谷集会时常说的一个笑话是，他们其实是应当在死谷集会的。两年之前曾经使总统获得大量超额票数的印第安纳州的州长说，连他在该州的处境也很不妙了。新墨西哥州长警告他的共和党同志，共和党“在选举中之所以失败了，是因为它的策略完全是消极的。”专栏作家罗兰·埃文斯和罗伯特·诺瓦克写道：“理查德·尼克松的总统的威望，于1970年秋季……降低到了最低点。”事实上后来还继续下降了。这年冬季，盖洛普民意测验说明美国人赞成总统的比例，从56%降到51%，又降到50%，又降到49%。在哈里斯民意测验中，马斯基赶过尼克松，领先了3%；随后的几个月里，这个差数扩大到5%，继而又扩大到8%——47%比39%。《新闻周刊》提出了尼克松可能只能做一任总统说法。 正是在这种背景之下，尼克松同他的一些主要顾问们聚集到比斯坎岛来进行一次事后检查——其中一位反映出主人对体育运动行话的爱好，把这次聚会叫做“对比赛计划的审查”。感到特别忧虑的米切尔说，总统的行径让人觉得他好像是在“竞选县执法官”。大家都同意两年之后，决不能再重复这次的表演。从现在起，尼克松必须显得是超然于党派斗争之上，作为总统进行他的工作。共和党全国委员会的新主席将由来自堪萨斯州的参议员罗伯特·多尔担任，他是共和党的一位铁杆干将。 但这还不是这次聚会所做出的最重要的决定。如一位参加会议的人事后所说：“我们知道自己是处于一场非常激烈的战斗中，所以我们决不能把这项任务委托给委员会里的那批小心翼翼的老油子们去干。”稍后，另一位又说：“所作的决定是把党派政治从他妈的白宫里清扫出来弄到街对面去搞”——街对面就是离白宫150码的宾夕法尼亚大道1701号的一座钢铁和玻璃结构的高楼。在那里，独立的“总统竞选连任公民委员会”于1971年3月在这座高楼的二层楼上开设了备有全新家具、时髦室内装饰和深橙色丝绒地毯的办事处。在约翰·米切尔辞掉司法部长来接管这个办事处之前，它一直由霍尔德曼的亲信杰布·斯图尔德·马格鲁德负责。马格鲁德的保卫科长将是小詹姆斯·麦科德。他的顾问是戈登·利迪。这个委员会后来所有的共和党人和民主党人都叫它“克里普”原文CREEP，本为“总统竞选连任公民委员会”的英文名称的缩写。但creep本身作为一词又有“爬行”或“令人厌恶的人”等意。 — translator.