Chapter 21 Rectification setback -2
Nearly hysterical, the foreign minister cried, "This is terrible, terrible!" Nixon looked out the rear window.As he later recalled, he saw Pat chatting with Mrs. García Lutin, "as if it were nothing more than a traffic jam in the Hollywood Expressway one afternoon," and he felt immediate relief. .Pat's driver was also calm, pushing his car against the one in front so the mob couldn't get close to the vice president through the rear window.Nixon saw that the demonstrators were not interested in Pat's car.Anyway, that's the only consolation.The violence has been going on for 12 minutes, and now it seems that there can only be one outcome.
They were in the car when they heard a ringleader outside, riding on someone else's shoulders, shouting an order.The car started shaking.Anyone who knew anything about the mob--and here, of course, they did--knows that this is a sign of the worst possible situation.When the thugs couldn't break into the car, they shook it back and forth, trying to overturn it, set it on fire, and burned everyone in the car to death.The window on the Nixon side was open.Sherwood and another agent, sitting in the front seat, drew pistols.
At that moment, around 12:45 noon on May 13, 1958, Richard Nixon knew that he had little chance of escape and that the actual situation was more dangerous than his own estimation.Four blocks away at the Bolivar mausoleum, a group of American scouts, including a Secret Service agent, the embassy military attache and the vice president's executive assistant, had arrived to learn about the arrangements for the wreath-laying ceremony .These people were all terrified.About 6,000 to 8,000 people gathered in the square, turning around angrily.Here, as at the airport, the security police have disappeared.It was not police officers but angry demonstrators who were waiting on all strategically valuable corners of Sucre Avenue.These people made no secret of their hostile attitude towards Americans.The embassy military attache in uniform was kicked, spat at and shoved.The window of a station wagon belonging to the embassy was also smashed.The advance team was terrified and immediately sent three coded warning calls through the radio equipment arranged in advance at the Caracas Police Headquarters.
The convoy led by Nixon had already started to disperse when they encountered the third roadblock.The drivers of the cars behind would have turned around and gone down the side street if they could find their way out, leaving the surrounded Vice President of the United States and his security forces to their fate.The situation had become so chaotic that it is still unclear exactly how Nixon escaped.According to his own recollection, the driver of the truck carrying the journalists "finally managed to ... cut the car into the traffic coming from the opposite direction, opening a path for us like a cover for a dribbler. Our The driver pulled over to the other side of the road, and Mrs. Nixon's car followed." But the Herald Tribune's Mazzo, who was in the truck at the time, remembers that when the violence began When the murderous climax was about to start, "a few Venezuelan soldiers came. They opened a gap in the middle of the traffic jam. Mrs. Nixon's car followed closely behind."
At this time, these cars were still driving towards the Heroes Cemetery Square.When he reached the last street approaching the plaza, the Vice President told the driver to turn into an alley and head in the other direction.The Minister of Foreign Affairs yelled: "We cannot leave our guards!" Nixon said: "If we are going to rely on such guards to protect us, it is better to have none." Once they were out of danger and entered another street, Nixon Get the driver to stop right away so I can talk to Pat and take stock of the situation.The lead car was in dilapidated condition; the windows were smashed, the fenders smashed, and everyone in the car was injured in some way.However, no one was seriously injured.Both ladies were unharmed, and there were no demonstrators on the road from here.So they drove directly to the American embassy complex, which sits atop a steep, easily guarded hill in an exclusive Caracas neighborhood.Here, Nixon took his first midday nap in his 12 years in public office, a night of exhaustion.The rest were busy arming the hill into a fortress.In addition to a detachment of the Marine Corps and special agents in the embassy, another 60 American soldiers were transferred in. They are all American instructors in the Venezuelan army.All telegrams, letters and packages sent to the embassy must be strictly checked by security personnel.Secret arrangements were made to have Nixon leave Caracas nine hours earlier than originally planned, at 3:00 pm the next day.Guards were also deployed at Maikteiya Airport to prevent possible attacks on the vice president's plane.
At this time, in Washington, orders had been issued for an extraordinary rescue mission.Since President Eisenhower had no information about Nixon's situation at that time, he only knew that the most unimaginable situation would occur, so he sent six destroyers, a guided missile cruiser, and an aircraft carrier to transport the marines by helicopter to Venezuela.At Guantanamo Bay and Puerto Rico, a thousand Marines and paratroopers were ready to go, as were Air Force fighters and bombers.All this Nixon himself knew nothing about.Dulles had telegraphed him to tell him these things, but the telegram, like some others that day, never reached its destination.In a quiet room in the embassy, Nixon and his wife were dining together alone, when the ambassador suddenly ran in.He had just learned from news reports that there had been an astonishing new development in the situation.The Pentagon announced in a communiqué at 6:05 p.m. that "forces are being mobilized so as to be ready to cooperate should the Venezuelan government request assistance."
Doing so has delivered an unexpected propaganda gift to the extremists in Venezuela who direct the mob.These men, who had been universally condemned, were now all but forgotten when the United States dispatched this fleet and aroused great fear of North American imperialism throughout Latin America.Nixon and the ambassador quickly issued a joint statement saying that everyone there was safe and that no outside assistance was needed.The next morning, after telecommunications traffic returned to normal, the president called the vice president, who again reassured him.
Fifteen thousand people cheered Nixon as he stepped down the gangway at Washington National Airport.Eisenhower and all the cabinet members also came.Nixon made a short speech, saying that the greatest joy of going out was coming home, and that most of the people he met on his South American travels were friendly.
The Lima and Caracas experiences were both a test and a temper for the vice president, but the event's impact on Nixon's reputation, while strong, was short-lived.A month later, in June 1958, a Gallup poll showed him for the first time ahead of Adlai Stevenson and close with Kennedy.This was his most popular period in the 1950s.By the end of that autumn, that would be a thing in people's memory.The Republican Party is in trouble, and so is the politician he leads them.
There are few things that please the average person in society more than to catch a gentleman doing something he's been telling others not to do, and something like that happened the month after Richard Nixon returned from Venezuela. It's even rarer if it happens so suddenly.The one symbol associated with this scandal is as memorable as any that arose in the 1940s, a time of bureaucracy.Because not only was 1958 the year that produced hula hoop dancing, big TV quiz shows, and Alec Guinness teaching the Japanese how to bridge the River Kwai at a movie theater near your house, but it was also the year of the vicuña coat.Before that summer, perhaps one in 10,000 Americans could tell you that the vicuna is a small galloping four-legged mammal that lives in the Andes from Ecuador to Bolivia. It is caught in large numbers in order to obtain its lustrous soft fluff, which can be woven into beautiful clothing.But by July 4th of that year, every taxpayer knew that a vicuña coat on a man was what a mink coat on a woman—warm, handsome, stylish, and a status symbol .So taxpayers will know, if for no other reason than that all the Democrats running are talking about vicuña coats.
Curiously, no one has ever been able to say exactly how much vicuña is in a vicuña coat, although this is one reason why the government is interrogating the manufacturer, Bernard Goldfein; It says "90% wool, 10% vicuna," but it's actually mixed with nylon.This, and other aspects of the story, were later muted by the testimony that the White House had intervened in Goldfein's rescue and that he, out of gratitude, had managed to have one of his The highest quality, $500 coat hangs in the closet of U.S. Presidential Assistant and former New Hampshire Governor Sherman Adams.Other expressions of gratitude from Goldfein included the gift of a $2,400 oriental rug purchased by Adams from Macy's, from 1955 to May 1958, when the Adams family lived in Boston's posh Sheffield rug. At the Raton-Plaza Hotel, he paid them 21 times in cash, with a total of 3096.56.He also paid Adams' bill for his stay at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in Manhattan.At the time, Goldfein deducted all of these huge favors as business expenses on his tax returns.
According to the Internal Revenue Service, the expenses are deductible, so long as Goldfein did derive some "normal and necessary" benefit or benefit from the sale.That was the case, and he could present evidence.The relationship between the two of them is very close.Goldfein made 43 long-distance calls to Adams over a six-month period, roughly once every four days, according to phone records reviewed by the court.In addition, Adams made numerous calls to and about the textile manufacturer. On December 30, 1953, the chief of staff had called FTC Chairman Edward Howley — who relied on Adams for the job — to inquire about the charges against Goldfein for falsely labeling textile materials. Where did this wind come from? On April 14, 1955, when the manufacturer was again under scrutiny over the issue, Adams used his position to arrange a meeting with Goldfein at Howley's.At the time of the meeting, Goldfein blatantly used his friend's name to bluff. "Give me Sherman Adams' number, please," he ordered to a secretary, so loudly that it could be clearly heard in the office next door. "Sherman, I'm at the FTC," he said into the microphone, "and everyone is treating me well here."
The following year, Adams also asked White House special counsel Gerald Morgan to ask SEC lawyers for classified information on the commission's investigation of Goldfein's East Boston company, in violation of the commission's rules.Later, Boston Post publisher John Fox became his particularly deadly witness.He said Goldfein had always used his friendship with the presidential aide as a talisman for his shady dealings.Fox's words are sometimes not convincing. For example, he said: "He once told me that as long as he could hold Sherman Adams in his pocket, he could do that." Fox further testified: "I Ask Mr. Goldfein what's the... trouble, he told me, they're suing him for false labeling." Then "out of sheer curiosity," Fox asked him if Adams had brought the FTC up. In charge, Goldfein "told me he was in charge."
On that rare afternoon in June, the aide to the president was in Holderness, New Hampshire, when the first fascinating revelations about the relationship between Adams and Goldfein were filed into the files of the House Select Subcommittee on Legislative Oversight. Commencement speeches at boys' high schools on "what the Bible says we will be asked on Judgment Day."Adams has long been interested in what happens to the guilty on Judgment Day.Democrats see him as a stern moralist who has always expressed a deep aversion to mink coats, refrigerators and the abuse of power during the Truman administration.In a memorable speech in January 1952, the government at the time was described as: "The Cowshed of Augeas." According to Greek mythology, King Augeas had a large cowshed with 3,000 head of cattle. , never cleaned in 30 years. ——Translator, claiming that Eisenhower will definitely eliminate this corruption.He added: "Only this man can do that. Just look at the people around him to convince us of that."
Conservative Republicans loathed Adams, too.They remembered that Adams had accused Taft of stealing Republican delegate votes in Texas. "Thou shalt not steal," is one of the Ten Commandments of the Bible. — the translator he shouted, pointing at them.It seemed to them that this was the guy who had made a nasty remark about Secretary of the Air Force Harold Talbot simply because Talbot had solicited a deal for Air Force letterhead for his own office equipment company.One of the greatest ironies of the Goldfein revelations is that every one of the White House secretaries (one of whom was located just 75 feet from Eisenhower's desk) accepted this Grants from textile manufacturers range from 35 to 150 yuan.This alone would have led to their immediate dismissal by Eisenhower's chief of staff, who had been warning them not to accept any improper solicitations, before that.Now it was impossible for him to reprimand them.In the West Wing of the White House, the Oval Office staff all walk lightly and speak in whispers, as if someone in the President's family is seriously ill.
How on earth did this happen? Adams' life, as his 82-year-old father puts it, has been "as solid as a silver dollar and as square as a brick."His wife Rachel jokingly called him "iron and impartial".In the White House, if he used the public postage stamp in a private letter, he must pay the full amount, and insisted that he should also be charged for his private phone calls.Until recently, he used letterhead that read "Governor Sherman Adams of New Hampshire," with a "former" added with a typewriter.He always arrives at the office at 7:30 every morning—this is also the case in New Hampshire, where his habit of getting to work on time, rain or shine—is well known—and any White House staff member who arrives after the office is open, He'll be heard sternly yelling, "You're late for work today!" When on the phone, he never wastes precious time saying "Hello!" or "Goodbye!"As soon as the other party picked up the microphone, he immediately started talking, and hung up immediately after speaking, and he didn't care about the other party's half-speaking.Adams was trusted by the president more than anyone else.Every piece of paper, every visitor, and every question to be decided that was sent to Eisenhower's desk, he had to personally check in advance, and give Ike a clear reference. For example, he would send a A short list of names suggesting those who may be selected for a particular position in the Cabinet. "Anything I'm going to do," the President once said in a press conference, "he's going to have to do it to some degree." How could Adams, who never betrayed the great trust of the President, talk to Berner? You can't get away with a guy like de Goldfein.
The answer to the question lies primarily in the fact that there are two Bernard Goldfeines.A Goldfein was that dastardly, cunning manipulator, constantly at odds with the government, but extremely good at exploiting every connection available.It was this Goldfein that House committees were interested in.And this man Adams had never met.The Goldfein Adams had known since World War II was a self-made, unassuming, people-pleaser immigrant, an unpretentious businessman eager to use his wealth for good.In Adams's words, he was "an upright and honest citizen, honest and trustworthy."It would be absurd to say that he would have descended into ulterior motives.There's no need for him to do that, he's already rich.Among the businesses Goldfein controlled were six textile mills in Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts and two real estate companies, the East Boston Company and the Boston Harbor Development Company.He donates 50,000 yuan to charities every year.He lives with his wife and four children in a stylish home in the Boston suburb of Chestnut Hill.
When New Hampshire Senator Norris Cotton introduced Goldfein to Adams, he said that he was a public-spirited millionaire who had never migrated to the South in pursuit of cheap labor and low tax rates like some other textile merchants.Adams inquired and found that Goldfein was generally regarded as a reliable businessman with a good reputation among his peers; he also treated his workers well, paid them higher wages, and never had any disputes with the textile unions. .He also convened a fraternity of representatives of labor and executives, attended by the governors of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Massachusetts.In addition to Cotton, Senator Frederick Payne of Maine, Speaker of the House John McCormack, Mayor of Boston John Hines, and John Stillman and Morris F. Tobin was also a friend of Goldfein and a person who spoke well of him.
Some of these friendships, too, were not so glamorous, according to congressional investigations into Goldfein's courting activities.The house Cotton lived in was owned by Goldfein, and Payne was able to buy the house because Goldfein lent him 3.500 yuan as an advance payment for the purchase of the house without interest, and the money has never been paid. return.His relationship with Fox began when he broke with convention and offered The Post a $400,000 loan in exchange for an editorial in which the paper endorsed Massachusetts Gov. Paul Dever for re-election.Recently, the relationship between Goldfein and Fox has tended to sour, which may be why Fox exposed him when he testified.
Goldfein and Adams have been in close contact since their friendship.Rachel Adams and Charlotte Goldfein are also very good.The four of them often spent weekends together—Adams said in his memoirs that Goldfein was “a very funny man”—while the young Solomon Goldfein was barely keeping up at Dartmouth College. When he was in school, it was "Uncle Sherman" who gave him a severe lesson, so that he could go on the right path.Knowing these situations, it is more understandable to send some gifts.They often give gifts to each other. The Goldfein family has an oil painting given by Rachel, and a gold gould watch worn by Goldfein is engraved with "She A. to B.G. 1953.1.20 .”Adams was surprised to hear that Goldfein had deducted his hotel expenses on his taxes.In his impression, those rooms were rented by a company of Goldfein for a long time, and if Adams didn't live in them, they would be vacant there.As for some of the favors he had done for Goldfein, he said he saw nothing improper about it.He hadn't given him any advice.He also didn't know that he was violating FTC regulations by giving information to his friends.In any case, he only did this for the convenience of his friends.Any businessman swayed by the Washington bureaucracy, if asked, would do the same.
The White House reporter stared at Haggerty and asked: "Does this indicate that the government has changed its previous attitude on the issue of not taking advantage of senior officials?" He evaded: "I don't understand what you are saying. Meaning... this is a personal friend, if that’s what you’re talking about.” They still asked mercilessly: “Can a personal friend do this?” He again took an evasive attitude: “I only speak as the governor. based on that letter. It is what it is.”
The aide's inability to understand the possible explanations for his relationship with Goldfein stemmed in part from his inability to understand what others thought of himself.Adams knew Adams was honest, and that was the way it was.Nor could he doubt that his friend was equally honest.Those close to the ex-governor believe he was killed by Horatio Alger (1832-1899), an American author of children's stories, written by Horatio Alger, who traveled from Lithuania. There are 109 kinds of novels, all of which are based on the theme of poor children getting rich. ——The immigrants on the translator's fortune road are confused.Adams' New England upbringing had given him no habit of squandering his own money, yet he could not resist the generosity of a spendthrift.In this way, Adams slipped into the mud puddle unknowingly.
On June 7, a full week after his relationship with Goldfein was revealed, Adams also admitted to being "not careful enough" when he testified before the subcommittee.He said: "If... I have ever committed any behavior that could arouse the slightest doubt in others, I can only say that this mistake is a mistake in understanding, not a mistake in intention." Is it enough to admit that.He made this concession only because he found it no longer helpful to sit inside the gates of the White House and issue statements attacking those who accused him of "spoofing and insinuating".Newspaper editors, always alert to the morality of government officials, reminded readers that on May 4, 1956, President Eisenhower said:
If a man comes to any branch of this government ... claiming to have some kind of privilege because he is a member of my family, or my friend, or because of some connection with the White House ..., he will be thrown out immediately ... …I don't believe anyone on my staff will commit misconduct.However, should any such incident occur in any part of this Government, as soon as I become aware of it, I shall ask him to leave immediately.
Now, two years and 55 days later, Eisenhower repeatedly stated in front of 257 journalists at the Indian Treaty Hall: "No one who knew Sherman Adams had ever had any doubts about his integrity and honesty. And no one believed he could be bought.” Adams was accused of being cautious, a word he used himself."Right now, people in the White House have to be extremely cautious ... there must be no more carelessness," Ike said. But one misstep does not mean losing a rare presidential aide, especially in a situation like this:
I personally like Governor Adams, I admire his talents.Because of his integrity in both personal and public affairs, I respect him and I need him.
I admit that he lacks the necessary caution in this matter...but I have no doubt that he has been a valuable public servant, efficient, diligent, and tireless in a difficult job.
Ike and Haggerty worked on the statement together.Haggerty thought it was good, and believed that this would relieve Adams of the pressure.It was only afterward that the president's press secretary was horrified to see the extremely ill-advised "I need him" line in the statement.In doing so, the president gave his critics an excuse to portray him as an old man incapable of running the country without a right-hand man, and he imposed White House rules on himself that any staff member found to be misbehaving would be punished. Immediate dismissal - exceptions are allowed.
The president's words effectively vouched for Adams' confidence in his friend and benefactor, Bernard Goldfein.Now, it mostly depends on the attitude of the person Adams is not cautious enough to get along with.This was followed immediately, and it completely ruined Adams.Several subsequent hearings on Capitol Hill turned into farce.As the meeting began, Goldfein strode into the House subcommittee chamber with a 25-page briefing in hand.Goldfein had released the full text of his speech to the press at 7:00 a.m., three hours before he was scheduled to testify, much to the chagrin of the House committee.Now in a dark blue suit and a blue silk tie marked Burger & Gore, he began to read his speech with poise and triumph.He then took off his gold watch, handed it to the committee members ("I hope it can be returned") and explained: "The watch I am wearing now has the engraved 'To Burr Go.' on the back. - That's Bernard Goldfein - 'Shea Ya Gift' - That's Governor Sherman Adams - The date is 'January 20, 1953', the date we all know Yes, that is the date of the inauguration of President Eisenhower." At this time, Rachel Adams, who was sitting in the auditorium, couldn't help being stunned.She only knew now that over the years, this friend of theirs had been introducing himself to many strangers, including some officials of the federal government.
The next scene was even more lively. Among the people who came to help the eager millionaire was Mildred Pepperman, a secretary who adored him; a group led by Roger Robb the lawyer who cross-examined Robert Oppenheimer relentlessly in court; Tex McClary, a press liaison in Manhattan; A press liaison featuring caviar, free whiskey and "press receptionist" Bia Duprey.Duprey was a Boston beauty whose most prominent campaign was to convince reporters not to mistake her bust, waist, and hip measurements (35, 22, and 35 inches, respectively).In addition, there is a New York propagandist, Jack Lotto, who calls himself "the former chief reporter of the International News Agency", but in his news release, he writes the name of his client as "Bernard Go Delphin".Late one night, Lotto caught two detectives bugging his office in the next room.One of the pair, Baron Ignatius Sacklet, a private investigator who had been working for the subcommittee, was immediately fired.The other was Jack Anderson, Drew Pearson's interview assistant, who Pearson refused to fire Anderson."I need him," he said.
On the first page of Goldfein's speech, McClary printed a sentence: "You must succeed!"McClary also underlined what should be emphasized in the speech.Goldfein was too emphatic in reading those passages, screaming desperately.McClary also wrote "here can drink a glass of water" every few paragraphs in the speech.Unfortunately, he forgot to check the committee room beforehand.There were no glasses at all, only paper cups, and as a result, his client was bewildered, looking around furtively from time to time.But neither McClary nor anyone else can be held responsible for the all-too-bad impression Goldfein created.He acted exactly like a nasty, mean, double-faced crook, because in reality, he was a nasty, mean, double-faced liar.
With a raspy, imperious voice, he described how he had climbed to his present position in the predatory world of New England textiles and real estate.Eisenhower and Adams knew nothing about the world.In their minds, the so-called entrepreneurs are people like George Humphrey.Goldfein was of a different kind altogether.He brandished the watch and said Fox was a reputation-destroyer.But when the committee's lawyers questioned him about his violations of the federal corporate regulator's rules, he strenuously denied what he had said in the past.No, he has no records: "I don't care about paperwork." Ask his secretary; "After all, I'm not an accountant. She is." Miss Perman immediately opened her mouth to explain why there was no record, but Rob stopped her loudly: "Don't tell me, don't tell me, don't tell me!" He gave some advice on how to get to "those vast federal administrations, where a little man would be utterly bewildered without the guidance of a friend."
At this time, the subcommittee had caught him telling a lie.In his opening speech he stated explicitly: "The first time my textile mill got into trouble with the FTC was in November 1953. Before that, neither I nor anyone in our company had ever had no dealings with the Federal Trade Commission in connection with such matters." This statement is important to his defense, and to the credibility of Adams' statement, because it means nothing more than that, only in the FTC's November 1953 He was so baffled by the accusation of false marks that he needed Sherman Adams to explain what was going on.And now subcommittee investigators are presenting evidence that Goldfein was accused numerous times by the Federal Trade Commission in 1942, and every year since, of labeling his goods with Quality is higher than actual quality.At the hearing, Goldfein timidly replied that it was just a paperwork problem, saying it was a "small matter" and therefore unlikely to be known to him.The commissioners did not challenge him.They know there are other articles below.
Among the issues that Goldfein and Pepperman evaded on the grounds that they were not on file was an unaccounted sum totaling $776,879.16, a collection of bank checks and promissory notes drawn on The earliest date is 1941, but it has not been extracted until May 8, 1958.Black market people like to keep such checks because, among other conveniences, they have no time limit.In addition, this kind of bill only has the name of the bank staff, not the name of the payer.Finally, there is another point. Government officials who are afraid of revealing their secrets and dare not cash them can be used as collateral for borrowing.
Goldfein declined to answer questions about his checks and promissory notes, saying they were irrelevant to the case.Committee lawyers countered that it was simply not true to say it was unrelated because 30 such notes that had been cashed were for congressional legislative branch staff.That's when the minutes came up with the names of people close to John McCormack and Styles Bridges.Goldfein replied: "These checks are sent at Christmas to some people who have to work overtime in various offices at Christmas. If this kind of thing should not be done, I will I wish someone had told me clearly."
The committee clearly told him that it is inappropriate to form a company or use a false name to form a partnership for a while and withdraw from the partnership for a while, and it is not appropriate to refinance the loan. It is wrong to give politicians, big and small, so that they are in debt to others, and it is wrong to incur an unbelievable number of lawsuits (89 in Boston alone).As for stealing property from one's own company and defrauding other shareholders, that is not only wrong but criminal, and there are many such things.
As the interrogation progressed, Goldfein increasingly acted for the audience, bluffing and yelling while answering questions.He argued vigorously that his violations were trivial, that he had been the victim of a dead letter of the law—forgetting to send the annual report to the Vermont secretary of state, for example, and failing to fulfill his responsibilities as a corporation chief. legal liability.As with most accounting frauds, the circumstances of the crime were sometimes difficult to uncover, but Goldfein's scams were mostly easy to understand.He has repeatedly pocketed huge sums of money belonging to the shareholders through his secretary who holds important positions as the company's treasurer and director.The techniques used are varied.有时叫一笔借款，有时叫买卖佣金，有时叫偿付一笔并不存在的开支(例如，当地一家房地产公司的案件中的25475元)。有时甚至什么借口也没有，一大笔钱就那么没有了。无论是戈德法因，还是佩珀曼小姐，对40年代末期支出的一笔为数8.9万元的款项，谁也无法做出交代。她若无其事地说，银行“过去常把账记错，这可能就是他们弄错了”。每一笔收支的来龙去脉都要记清很困难，因为她和她的老板每天都要经手几十万元的流动资财。但有一点对戈德法因来说不很美妙：这些细节都无关紧要。不管怎么说，很显然他对政府欠了比他在报税时所说的数字大得多的钱在1958年的这次审问之后，戈德法因以藐视国会罪被判处徒刑一年，罚款1000元。判决暂缓执行，以观后效。 .
后来，亚当斯在谈到他与戈德法因的关系时写道：“我对他的买卖方面的详细情况，很少、甚至根本不知道。在立法监督委员会进行审讯揭露出一些事实之前，我根本不知道他欠税的事；他的东波士顿公司在账务上发生问题的事，我也根本不知道。”当然，谁也没说过他是知道的。问题确实是认识上的问题。但不可避免的结论仍是：艾森豪威尔的办公厅主任受了骗，这有损于总统职位的荣誉。他必须辞职。这于公于私都是一个悲剧。亚当斯对白宫来说是一个十分难得的人才，令人不解的是，他怎么竟会和一个骗子长时期维持那样的社交关系。戈德法因在自己的不端行为被揭露后，那种满不在乎的态度是惊人的。甚至在亚当斯给他同联邦贸易委员会主任安排了一次见面以后，他仍然什么也不管，一直到他的公司有三家都以因标签不实的违法行为受到了“勒令停业”的处分。友谊在他看来只是一种单方面有利的交易。他用一条地毯、一件大衣和三千元的旅馆费用，换来了亚当斯的名誉扫地。戈德法因的一个朋友曾说：“他满嘴标榜结交的要人名字，嗜酒如命，他的缺点是话说得太多，标榜结交的要人名字太多，送钱送礼太多。”现在他所惹起的一系列事件，只能以亚当斯的名字从白宫的花名册上除去告终。
亚当斯的名字并没有马上除掉。艾克的这位行政官员太宝贵了；他不经过一番斗争，是不会轻易放走他的。白宫的另一位工作人员解释说：“亚当斯从1952年起就一直跟随着总统，他比谁都更了解总统的思想情况。他和总统讨论政策问题的时候比任何其他的人都多。总统已做出过一些什么政策方面的决定，有哪些政策问题要暂时搁置下来等待适当的时候再处理，哪些问题他已加以否决等等，这位前州长全都心中有数。任何一个新人要想发挥像亚当斯一样的作用根本不可能。而且，这个新人也永远不可能获得亚当斯所有的那些知识。”
在发生这一危机——这事实际已成为一个危机了——第二周之后，艾克和亚当斯都以为事情很快就会过去的。总统特意让哈格蒂发表一个声明说：“州长现已回白宫办公。”那也就是说，亚当斯仍留在白宫了。
接着就出现了戈德法因的那出闹剧。当众议院8月13日表决，确认亚当斯的朋友犯有藐视国会罪的时候，这位州长也就完了。一大批社论作者和漫画家，在一些过去在两次总统竞选中都支持过艾森豪威尔的人的带头下，对亚当斯发动了全面的进攻，随着夏去秋来，战火更越来越激烈了。这个威胁对亚当斯来说虽然是吵闹得最凶的，然而，却仍是次要的。问题的核心是政治性的。
民主党的愤怒几乎只照例来一套——“谢尔曼·亚当斯的说教，我实在听厌了。”艾德莱·史蒂文森说。但来自共和党的指责却使艾森豪威尔和亚当斯深感意外。其实，他们是不应当感到意外的。这一年是选举年。力争获得加利福尼亚州长职务的诺兰要总统“仔细考虑考虑，亚当斯的作用是否已遭到严重损害，因而已变得有害无益了。”犹他州的阿瑟·沃特金斯则更为直言不讳了。他说：“用总统和亚当斯两人确立的较高的道德标准来衡量，从现在已发生的问题中，我们似乎只能得出一个结论，那就是，亚当斯先生的作用，即使没有被完全破坏，也已遭到严重损害了。”
1958年第一次民意测验的结果，从9月8日缅因州的选举中已可看出。在那里，民主党的口号是“缅因佩恩，败局已定。”假如这是事实，那是很重要的；其结果将被认为是反映了选民对戈德法因的道德观的态度。因为这位缅因州的参议员六年前从戈德法因那里得到过3500元，对这一问题，他始终未曾做出令人信服的解释，而他的对手，44岁的埃德蒙·马斯基州长却在这个问题上大做文章。最后结果使白宫里的人大吃一惊。共和党已登记的选民竟有2万人未参加选举，这实在令人难以相信。马斯基不仅成了缅因州第一个深得民心选举出来的民主党参议员，而且他所得到的领先票差比他原来预期的还要多出一倍。共和党的候选人名单随同佩恩彻底失败。于是民主党赢得了州长职位，缅因州三个国会议员中的两个席位，还赢得了州议会中的12个席位。参议员马格丽特·蔡兹·史密斯说：“我们遭到了彻底失败。”哈格蒂说：“总统的看法和我一样。我们是一败涂地。”共和党全国委员会主席米德·奥尔康则说，这结果应该“使我国每一个共和党人都警觉起来，紧急动员准备投入11月4日必须全力以赴的斗争。”
这主要只是使他们更加坚决地要求艾森豪威尔撤销亚当斯的职务。华盛顿的记者团预言，“缅因一完，亚当斯也就完了”。奥尔康的电话整天响个不停。戈德华特说，他恐怕“危害已经造成，无法补救了”。在民意测验中迟迟没有表态的诺兰说，艾克的那位助理应“立即”辞职。正竞选参议员的纽约州国会议员肯尼思·基廷更补充说，“国家的利益”要求他辞职。
亚当斯已成为众矢之的，这一点他自己也知道。越来越大的压力使他无法忍受，他只得请几天假，和雷切尔以及杰里和艾丽斯·珀森斯夫妇一道，到加拿大东南部去钓鱼。当不幸的消息向他传来时，他们正在景色秀丽的米拉米奇山谷中。
原来尼克松去见了艾克，从几乎所有参加国会竞选的共和党人那里给他带去了一个令人痛苦的信息，那就是，他们感到亚当斯仿佛是下到海里去的一个铁锚，正在把他们全部拖下海去。总统也答应重新考虑这个问题。接着，奥尔康报告说，该党的主要捐款者都表示，在“亚当斯拆的烂污”得到彻底擦清之前，他们将不再捐款了。这时共和党全国委员会正要在芝加哥开会。艾森豪威尔要奥尔康再去摸一摸党内的意见。当这位主席神情沮丧地回来时——宾夕法尼亚州的理查德·辛普森扬言，如果亚当斯再留一个星期，他就将带头去造反——总统屈服了。他说这事是他担任总统期间做出的一个“最痛苦、最困难、最伤心的决定”，而且他也不愿自己下令解除他的职务。他对奥尔康说：“这事只得由你去办了。这是你的工作，是我让你做的最不讨好的一件工作。”
与此同时，亚当斯发现，就是在那人烟稀少的米拉米奇乡间也不够偏僻，无法藏身，加拿大的记者们也老问他什么时候辞职。看来人们现在要问他的就只有这个问题了。据亚当斯回忆，这时格里·摩根从白宫给他打电话，说：“他认为，我应回到华盛顿来，因为尼克松、米德·奥尔康……想跟我谈谈。”他明白他们的意思：“所以，我就回去了。”第二天上午8时，亚当斯来到自己的办公桌边，等候着打发他走的蒙眼罩和最后一支香烟此处以枪毙犯人时的情况作比喻。 — translator.
尼克松告诉亚当斯，共和党的大部分候选人和政治领袖为了自保一定会声明与他脱离关系，这会使他无法待下去。奥尔康讲了约一小时，主要讲共和党捐款枯竭和全国委员会内部已有人准备造反的情况。亚当斯面无表情地坐在他的大皮椅上，扬着头，眼睛盯着天花板，嘴里衔着眼镜的一支腿架。最后，他无力地点点头，同意离开白宫。
尼克松在他的《六次危机》中，追述了1958年的选举如何“在公众的心目中实际消除了我在加拉加斯获得的成就，却建立起了一个和我的名字有关的失败的形象”。朋友们劝他避开那次竞选运动，因为共和党是注定要失败的。杜威还说：“你为共和党候选人做的工作实在不少了。”但艾森豪威尔对他说：“我敢拿我一年的薪金打赌，我们不论在众议院还是在参议院都不可能得到胜利。”尼克松写道，总统出于“个人和政治上的考虑”，不愿卷入可能使他以后无法同国会在工作上通力合作的政治斗争中去。因此，“如果必须有一个人来为这次全国性的政治运动承担主要责任，我是责无旁贷的。”
我决不能袖手旁观，听任我共和党的同志遭到惨败。为了尽一切可能避免那样一场灾祸，我只能不惜拿我的政治威望来冒险，虽然我非常清楚，像1954年一样，我们有可能失败，而且我将因为这失败成为主要的攻击目标——我最后总共在25个州进行了全程约2.5万余英里的竞选活动。
这里对共和党竞选运动的性质和总统在最后两周参加竞选时所表现的热忱都略而未谈。尼克松的进攻策略过于狭窄，极其富有党派之争的性质。他警告说，民主党是“社会主义”和“左翼极端主义分子”的避风港。他指责民主党人“采取退却和姑息的政策”，嘲笑“引起战争”的“艾奇逊外交政策”，而为共和党政府的“军事实力和坚定外交”感到欢欣鼓舞。总统一开始十分惊愕，他对白宫的记者说，他对“这类事情”感到遗憾。但因这话激起了保守派的抗议，他又忽然彻底改变立场，转而公开赞扬他的好斗的副总统：“任何人也不能干得比你更出色了。”到10月底，艾克的心情已和尼克松完全合拍。他公开保证，“只要我还是总统，就决然不容许对共产党的侵略行径姑息”，宣称“所谓的导弹差距现正迅速缩小”，并把民主党人称做“政治激进派”和“自命由由派”，“一心只想着……滥花钱——你们的钱。”
在11月4日那天，共和党人的头顶上天塌了下来。他们在参议院失掉12个席位，众议院失掉48个席位，竞选州长的21人中13人都失败了。诺兰落选了，俄亥俄州的约翰·布里克也出人意外地失败了，甚至一向坚定不移地支持共和党的佛蒙特州也给失掉了。这就使得106年以来，第一次由一个民主党人作为该州代表参加国会。尼克松在总结全国选举结果时说：“这是一个已经控制了白宫的党所遭到的历史上最惨重的失败。”
有三个人的竞选引起了全国的注意。在马萨诸塞州，约翰·肯尼迪的领先票差竟达874608票——比该州任何职位竞选时出现的任何差额都大，也比1958年任何一个参议员获得的领先票差都大。巴里·戈德华特在亚利桑那州和民主党浪潮抗衡却以决定性优势重新当选。甚至更使人有印象的是，洛克菲勒也以压倒多数获胜，领先票数高达50万。一家电视公司的评论员说：“这次选举中的最大得胜者是纳尔逊·洛克菲勒，最大的失败者是理查德·尼克松。”11月9日，纽约的当选州长洛克菲勒乘飞机南去，到他的委内瑞拉的庄园上去休息。在迈克蒂亚机场，六个月前尼克松夫妇受到加拉加斯唾沫洗礼的那个地方，记者问他对尼克松有什么想法。他回答说：“Not engonadaqueverconNixon”——“我跟尼克松毫无关系。”