Chapter 18 I don't think he has any political opinions -2

Television commentator John Crosby wrote in the New York Herald Tribune: "It is now quite clear to both Republicans and Democrats that Governor Adlai Stevenson is a man The kind of TV personality that he was. This guy is setting an example that not only will be almost impossible for subsequent candidates to emulate, but it will be very difficult for Stevenson himself to keep it." In the eyes of discouraged Republicans, this The race looked a lot like 1948 all over again, only with a different lead.Six weeks into the campaign, the pro-Eisenhower Scripps-Howard newspaper published a desperate editorial on the front pages of all 19 newspapers in its system."Ike's campaign is running like a dry river," the editorial said, because he didn't "come out hard and dry."He said he did not know whether General Marshall had made a mistake. "If Ike doesn't know," the editorial went on, "he'd better find out. Because that's one of the big points of contention in this campaign. Ask any soldier in North Korea today. Mother, father or wife.” The editorial concluded: “We still hold out hope .

That was one of the turning points in this election.It led to a general decline in the level of the campaign, which was regrettable, but it also strengthened Eisenhower's resolve and made him a more combative campaigner, which was a nice turnaround from a Republican standpoint .Around the same time, Stevenson's wit began to generate unfavorable reactions.Louis Cronenberg said that when it comes to important issues, Americans tend to be afraid of humor and try to avoid it.Some electors began to say that the general was right and that the fight for the White House was no joke.Another surprising thing that happened in September was the realization that the intelligence of a Democratic candidate might not necessarily be an absolute advantage, and that some voters might not trust it.The American national character has historically generally disliked the smell of intellectuals.Simultaneously with the downfall of Heath and the rise of McCarthy, there has been a marked increase in political disdain for intellectuals—"long-haired," "good-doing," "high-brow," "double-dome ", "soft-hearted".Now the 1952 election campaign has given rise to another name, a catchphrase of philistine vulgarity which will continue to prevail for the next five years.

The man who came up with the title was John Alsop, the other brother of the columnist Alsop Brothers, the general manager of an insurance company and the head of the Connecticut Republican speaking office. When Stuart Alsop called in mid-September to ask him how he was doing, John replied that it was fine; in New England it seemed to be a good year for the Republican Party.He in turn asked how things were going elsewhere.Stewart said that while most prominent intellectuals supported Eisenhower and opposed Taft, many now supported Stevenson.John thought for a moment.According to his later explanation, he thought at the time: "Although what Stevenson wanted to move, and what he moved powerfully, was people's reason; Eisenhower, being a man and a big man, moved much more powerfully people's feelings." While his brother waited for him to speak, John had in mind the image of a typical political intellectual—a smooth, anonymous, haughty, oval head. "Yeah," he said, "all the eggheads (egghead) can be paraphrased as nerds.—The translators all support Stevenson, but how many eggheads are there?"

Stewart uses it for his column.Neither Alsop took the title as a curse, but they quickly lost control.It fit a need and became a national curse overnight.Louis Bromfield, an intellectual against intellectuals, was one of those who seized on this statement.Before knowing its origin, he wrote: "It seems to have arisen spontaneously among the people." In his view, this represented "a person who pretends to know, who is often a professor or a professor's Disciple," who "knows only superficially about any issue", he is also "feminine", "defiant", "excessively arrogant", a "talker who supports socialism in Central Europe", a "self-important person", Yes, still "a soft heart".If Stevenson were elected, Bromfield predicted, "the eggheads would come back to power, and we'd go down the path of muddled economics, socialism, communism, fraud and insanity."

All of a sudden the campaign turned into a vicious battle.The partisans of both parties descended from the lofty levels established by the leading figures, spammed each other, sometimes insinuating, sometimes exaggerating to the point of absurdity—all excesses that were unseemly, but were not unavoidable in any major election.There was subsequent confusion as to who exactly said what, which is understandable in the heat of the debate, and among some there was even confusion as to who was actually running.From the way Harry Truman behaved, it looked like he was running, and Henry Luce seemed to agree.The president took the train to the Northwest of the Pacific Coast and back through the Midwest, stopping at every station along the way to give a campaign speech and spent two weeks questioning Eisenhower's intelligence and personality. Anthony Liverro of The New York Times said that Truman engaged in "a massive political conflict" with the general, and Arthur Crocker described the trip as "a lasting test of General Eisenhower's integrity." The attack was unprecedented for a man in Mr. Truman's stature." You can read the full story in Time and Life.But you won't find much about the Democratic presidential candidate there. Life magazine had an issue devoted to pictures of presidents and generals, but not a single one of Governor Stevenson.

Ike himself was not responsible for the situation.On the whole, his campaign was as irreproachable as Stevenson's, and his speeches were impeccable.No doubt he later wished to be able to change some of the wording. (On Sept. 3 in Little Rock, he said, "Thank goodness for the Supreme Court.") Everything else he said was naive, and the most memorable was his speech about eggs, in which he Always holding up an egg, expressing indignation that the government would impose a hundred different taxes on this little product of nature without contributing any of its own (as Taft pointed out, The general did not know much about agricultural policy).However, this is hardly demagogic or even exaggerated.Emmett John Hughes went over Ike's important speech carefully with a blue pencil, crossed out words like "reform movement" in domestic affairs, and in foreign policy Cross out words like "liberation."Much of what was left was Eisenhower's righteous outrage.The facts he brings up, may not necessarily be clear, but like his audience, he knows that something is wrong in America anyway, and it pisses him off.

The crowd was on his side now. The chorus of "We Like Ike" is less a call to political struggle than a paean to him.As John Alsop has noted, Stevenson tried to persuade people, but Eisenhower wanted to move them.And he is succeeding.James Reston wrote that the public "liked his few rants about corruption and some of his remarks about America." Later, Marquis Childs wrote that Ike represented "strength, victory, , unwavering confidence. Thousands of men are willing to believe only on trust, only on his face, only on his smile, only on his image of American masculinity, only on the virtues of his family life he."

This is on a much higher level than Karl Monte's winning formula for the Republican Party—North Korea, crime, communism, and corruption.There are many people like Monte in the Republican Party. After Ike became the Republican presidential candidate, he had to accept them all.He could have simply severed ties with them to curry favor with those who were displeased with them.But that’s not how he did it (and, again, to be fair, it’s not how Roosevelt did with Frank Hager or Stevenson with Pat McCarran).We know what the general thinks of those ultra-conservative members of the Republican Party.When Jenner tried to hug him from the Indianapolis pulpit, Eisenhower flinched.He later told Hughes, "I feel dirty touching that guy." On October 3 in Green Bay, Wisconsin, he turned down a photographer's request for a photo of the two of him and Joe McCarthy, he told an audience Said: "Senator McCarthy and I have differences, we are clear to each other, we have discussed it."

McCarthy walked away angrily, though the incident was soon forgotten because the candidate had not publicly broken with the senator when he met him again that day in Milwaukee.As Ike prepared the speech in Milwaukee, he was in high spirits and said to Hughes, "I said, may we take this opportunity to honor Marshall in my own name right here in McCarthy's backyard?" It was thus decided that a tribute to Marshall was inserted into the speeches which had been sent to the newspapers.At this time Governor Walter Kohler boarded a train in Peoria.He convinced Adams and Eisenhower's attaché, General Wilton "Jerry" Persons, that the salute threatened to split the state's Republican power.When they brought it up to Ike, he said, "You want me to take out the part about Marshall?" Adams said, "Yes, General." Ike said, "Well, take that part out." Come out. I discussed that subject at length in Colorado a few weeks ago."

That being said, he hasn't talked about it in that detail.Praising his old boss in Colorado is not the same as going after tail gunner Joe McCarthy in Wisconsin.Milwaukee, as he himself had first discovered, could be a place for good and bad.However, he passed up the opportunity, and the press let the people of the country know why.This is not the first time a general has taken a bold stand and then changed his mind.He had said he would stay in Paris, but then asked for someone to replace him, and he said he would not go to Chicago, but then went again.During his political years it became a frustrating habit of his, giving an impression of weakness to his opponents and disorienting his staff, but that didn't mean he was afraid of McCarthy—he would later To prove that he is not afraid, or that he himself is willing to use dirty and despicable means to campaign.

It was probably inevitable that some Democrats said he was like that.Any election with McCarthy in it would be a sordid occasion.McCarthy himself is trying to do just that.What impact he will have on the outcome of the November election cannot be determined.Some people believed in him, or believed that Eisenhower could treat him better than Stevenson when he entered the White House. Of course, these people voted for him, but there were others who voted for the Democratic Party because they were dissatisfied with his methods. .The outcome of the election was inconclusive.Four Democratic senators ran against him, one of whom was Tydings, and they were all defeated.But at the same time, McCarthy himself did not get many votes.Eisenhower won Wisconsin by 979,744 votes to 622,175, and McCarthy's 870,444 votes to 731,402 were not only short of the general's, but also made him a distant second among the winning state candidates. But he was also a force, and one of his most notable performances was an attempt to brand Stevenson a communist on television. "Alger," he began, smirking as he corrected him, "I mean Adlai."No one else has fallen as thoroughly politically as McCarthy, but many have fallen to their knees — or hips, too.This is presumably because you have to call the Democrats traitors to get elected, or at least the Republicans think so.Even in Green Bay, where Eisenhower had drawn a line between himself and Joe, he felt compelled to add: "I want to make it clearer that he and I are going to purge the government. Those who are incompetent, corrupt, and especially those who are subversive and disloyal to the country are completely aligned in this purpose. Therefore, our differences have nothing to do with the end result we are pursuing, and these differences have nothing to do with the method to be used." His running mate was more forthright.Nixon said repeatedly that a Democrat victory in November would mean "more Alger Hiss, more atomic spies, more crises."He is still whipping the already jailed Heath, and in a major televised address broadcast to the nation from New York on Oct. 13, he again brought up the Democratic nominee's testimony at the trial.He announced that the hundreds of secret documents the Russians had obtained from "Hiss and other members of that group" meant that "the lives of American men were endangered and killed as a result of the activities of that spy ring."He went on: "Mr. Stevenson was the defendant's character witness, or, should I say, Alger Hiss' reputation, his good name. He testified that Alger Hiss was honest Reputation is good both in terms of respect and in loyalty ... This testimony ...  After laying out these facts, this confrontation in which Heath had to remove Chambers' mouth to see if he knew him Later, after getting those papers out of that pumpkin, after laying out all these facts ... Mr. Stevenson voluntarily." Democratic Party spokespeople are now charging that Eisenhower is on the right track toward the November election, while his running mate is on the wrong track.That's how it is, though not by anyone's plan.They are two different kinds of people.Ike is cautious, and as a general, he is not aggressive at all.That's why he's so beloved.He doesn't want to play Stevenson any more than he wants to play McCarthy.By contrast, Nixon was dashing, armed, and aggressive, and if he hurt some good people that fall, it would be fair to say that some Democrats also wounded with knives of. "Nixon Secret Funding!" cried the headline on the front page of the New York Post.The two-line banner heading that appears on the second page reads: Billionaire's Secret Money Allows Nixon to Live a Luxurious Life That Doesn't Match His Salary Leo Katchell Reports LOS ANGELES -- A "millionaire" who worked for Republican vice presidential nominee Senator Nixon's financial gain was revealed today club"…… Catcher, a film writer in Hollywood, got most of the facts wrong, including the amount of money in that funding and its legality.That special bank account is legal in letter and spirit.People in politics seldom have enough money to meet their expenses.Some put their wives' names on government payrolls, or accept exorbitant legal fees, or speak at $100-a-person banquets.Stevenson also established a fund to assist those who left high-paying jobs to serve the state of Illinois.The funds were donated by other businessmen, and, as Stevenson puts it, "there was no question of undue influence because there was no connection between the donor and the beneficiary." Nor was there any connection between the two in Nixon's funding.Donations of no more than $500 a year were made to Dana Smith, a Pasadena lawyer who served as trustee and manager of the funds.Over a two-year period, 76 donors contributed an average of $240 each; a total of $18,235 was spent on recordings of speeches, travel, postage, and Christmas cards sent to former campaign workers.Remember all these uses clearly.Not a single penny was given to Nixon or his wife.Besides, that money was never a "secret".The bank account, and Smith's management of it, was well known from the start.At one point, Nixon shot himself in the foot.In the frenzy of his anti-Communist propaganda, he had become a master of trifles.What's in Chambers' mouth, or what's inside that pumpkin, has nothing to do with Heath's reputation.Indeed, the more unblemished a spy's reputation is, the worse it is for him, since it proves that he has been exploiting the confidence placed in him.That's why Hiss's treachery was so appalling.In that sense, Stevenson's testimony made Heath all the more guilty by affirming the trust in him.But Nixon looked at it the other way around, and his reasoning was: Hiss was a spy, and Stevenson had known him for a long time, so Stevenson was suspected.The reasoning to slander him is: some politicians accept bribes, and Nixon took money, so Nixon is also corrupt. The impact of the Post's revelations on him was amplified by his own sanctity in the campaign.His first reaction to the Post's revelations was entirely in character.As Nixon's train was about to leave Sacramento, a questioner yelled, "Tell them what's going on with the 16,000 yuan!" He immediately yelled, "Stop! Stop!" The train stopped, and He spoke to the crowd, but did not make sense of the facts, and it was a muddle.He said: "You all know the work I do for the United States to investigate the Communists. Since I did this kind of work, the Communist Party, the leftists have tried every means to smear me, even when I accepted the vice presidential nomination. I hope You all know - and I'm revealing this for the first time today - that I was warned that if I continued to attack the Communists and scoundrels in the government, they would stigmatize me..." The people of the whole country are not so easily diverted.Already the CIO was accusing Nixon of being bought off by capital-gain Republicans, "who can tell when something is worth investing in." The California Tax Exemption Commission announced an investigation into the funding.The Democratic National Committee was sending out a letter to newspaper editors reminding them of the criminal code for "bribery or embezzlement by a member of Congress," and Chairman Mitchell wondered when Eisenhower would abandon his running mate.Mitchell's speculation was of little consequence to Nixon.Stevenson declined to pass judgment until the facts were all in.But Eisenhower's opinion is another matter.If the standard-bearer thinks it's okay to say bad things about his vice-presidential nominee, the result will be chaos.The general didn't say he believed that, but he didn't call it absurd either; as the hours passed, the silence on the Ike's special train, the Prospect, grew more and more oppressive. Ike got conflicting opinions.Taft saw no problem with that funding.Hoover issued a statement saying: "If everyone in the city of Washington had the courage, integrity, and patriotism of Senator Nixon, our country would be much better." Trump changed his running mate, how much more printing costs the Republican Party would have to spend, but then went on to say that was impossible. The general himself hesitated.He asked Brownell to bring Senator Nolan back from Hawaii as a possible Nixon successor, and he directed Paul Hoffman to oversee a thorough investigation of the funding.Following Hoffman's orders, 50 lawyers and accountants began a day and night audit.They found it above board in every way.At this time, the reporter in Ike's special car asked him to express his opinion.He formally stated that he could trust Nixon to be honest and that the senator would put "all the facts squarely before the people" in order to clear himself.That was not at all what the vice presidential candidate wanted him to say.Those words sounded like he still had to prove his innocence.The general really thought so.When he drank beers with reporters covering his trip, the reporters asked him, "Do you think the Nixon problem is over?" He frowned and replied, "Not at all." He really didn't know much. Nixon, he said, with whom he only met once or twice, wanted evidence of the senator's honesty -- facts, figures, names, dates.He asked rhetorically: "What's the use of cleaning up the mess in Washington if we're not as white as canines ourselves?" The general's comments reached Nixon in Portland, Oregon.According to Earl Mazzo of the Herald Tribune, had the vote been cast there that night, "Eisenhower would not have gotten a single vote on the Nixon staff." On the side of the vice-presidential candidate was Chotiner and William Rogers Rogers served as Nixon's Secretary of State from 1969 to 1973. . “We had a lot of calls with ideas,” Rogers said later, “and there were only a few of us that day who felt confident that this would work out.” Around the same time, there was increasing pressure to speak clearly to the people on radio and television.Dewey suggested to Nixon that this should be done as soon as possible.Nixon agreed, but he thought he had the right to speak to Eisenhower first.He made a direct call with the special train "Zhenzhan".After a few pleasantries, the senator spoke of Dewey's proposal to him.He said, "I leave it to you." Then he added, "I want you to know that if you decide, now or at any time later, that I should withdraw from the race, you can be sure that I will immediately follow your judgment. ’ Ike said he didn’t think he would be needed to make the decision, and Nixon was pissed off.He was taunted for nothing, and he said he would sacrifice himself for the cause of the party. Of course, the standard bearer could help.He then clearly told the five-star general that he must either make a decision or give way to someone else. Two hours later, Nixon received word that the Republican National Committee and the House and Senate campaign committees had pledged $75,000 for a half-hour radio explanation to the nation.The Barton, Barton, Destin, and Osborne advertising agencies of the Republican Party have hooked up with 64 NBC television stations, 194 CBS radio stations, and 560 common radio network stations.They want to know when the Senator will be ready - and there's a good breakout the next night, after the "I Love Lucy" show.Nixon said, "Impossible." He was going back to California to clear his mind.However, he can be ready on the third night.So it was decided that he would be on camera after Milton Burleigh's show.After United booked the next flight to Los Angeles, the senator was heading to the Ambassador Hotel there to close its doors and prepare. On the way, he pulled out a bundle of United Airlines commemorative postcards from the seat in front of him and jotted down some rough notes: checkers... Pat's fabric coat— What Lincoln said about ordinary people (·) He later explained that he had thought of Checkers, the Nixon family dog, because Roosevelt had cleverly used his dog, Farah, in the 1944 campaign.In Eugene, Oregon, there was a placard reading "No Mink Coats for Nixon," and he thought, his wife really didn't have one.Lincoln's statement is more complicated.Mitchell once said, "If a man can't be a Senator, he shouldn't seek that office." That's a stupid statement.If that statement means anything, only rich people should go to Washington.Didn't Lincoln say that God loves ordinary people because He created so many ordinary people? In fact, Lincoln said "average-looking people."After thanking the crowd at the airport -- a disappointingly small number -- Nixon called Paul Smith, his old professor of history at Whittier College, from the Ambassador Hotel , asking him to check Lincoln's quotes. Something strange happened in the election campaign.Movement came to a halt.The masses have forgotten about the presidential candidates.All attention is on the Republican vice presidential nominee.The television show was interrupted briefly to report that he had a nervous breakdown, and then again to report that he was in good health; opinions grew more and more divided as to what he planned to say.Even Eisenhower was curious.On his instructions, Adams called Chotiner to ask him what exactly he had to say.Chotiner said he had no idea. Adams said, "Oh, come on, you must know, doesn't he have a manuscript?" Chotiner said he didn't.So Adams asked: "What about the press?" "We set up some TV sets for them in the hotel," Chotiner replied, "and we also had some stenographers who took the speech page by page." "I say," said Adams, "we need to know what he's going to say." "Sherman," Chotiner said, "if you want to know what he's going to say, do as I do. Sit in front of the TV and tune in." It is true.The outline of Nixon's speech was prepared but not drafted, and he had not yet decided how to end it.Dewey had suggested to him that voters be required to write letters to the Republican National Committee.That seemed like a good idea, but what they should write...he didn't know himself.All he knew was that the pressure was mounting and that the press was still hostile to him.The Los Angeles Daily News reported: "As long as there is no overwhelming support from the masses . If there is even the slightest suspicion, the issue of corruption cannot continue to be a point of contention in the campaign. In this way, Nixon may well be asked to withdraw from the race." Eisenhower and his cronies did not make that decision, although the general did care about the issue .This question appears to be extremely important. "One thing I believe," the general told Adams, "we can't win if Nixon has to back out." The only thing that interested Ike that evening was taking a seat in front of the television.Before he spoke that night at the Cleveland Town Hall, the manager of the town hall took him three floors up to a seat in front of the TV.Mamie and William Robinson, the publisher of the anti-Nixon-funded Herald Tribune, sat with him, while Summerfield and Jim Haggerty stood against the wall. At the time, Nixon was preparing to leave the Ambassador Hotel for NBC's Capitol Theater studios in Hollywood.The cameramen, the electricians, and the control room crew had been there all day; everyone was getting ready, except the main character, who hadn't decided how to end his speech.He was talking with Chotiner and Rogers about the best way to get his audience to have a say in him—whether to write to him, or to Eisenhower, or to the National Committee—when the telephone The bell rang.The operator said it was long distance and it was a Mr. Chapman. "Mr. Chapman" was Dewey's code word.Nixon put Chotiner on the phone and said the senator could not be found on the phone, but the governor insisted on speaking with him.Nixon had to reluctantly pick up the microphone. Dewey said to him: "Eisenhower's senior advisers had a meeting just now, and they asked me to tell you that their opinion is that you resign from Eisenhower at the end of the broadcast speech. You know, I do not agree with this view, It is my duty to convey this advice to you." Nixon was stunned and speechless.Dewey shook the receiver and said, "Hey, hello, did you hear me?" Nixon asked, "What does Eisenhower want me to do?" Dewey didn't know either, he hadn't spoken to the general directly.Nixon said: "It's a little late for them to pass on such advice to me now." Dewey insisted, "What do I tell them what do you do?" Nixon burst into anger, "Just tell them that I don't know what to do with me. If they want to know, they'd better listen to the radio! And tell them, I know a little politics too!" It's 6 p.m. in Los Angeles and 9 p.m. in the East -- half an hour before the broadcast.After shaving, showering, and dressing, Nixon found that Dewey's phone calls had made him so excited that he couldn't even remember the outline of his speech, which he had to speak with.In the theater, the program manager took him and Pat inside and asked him what he was going to do.Nixon said: "I don't know at all, just point the TV camera at me." When he was about to appear on the TV camera in three minutes, he wanted to stop talking.He said to Pat, "I can't believe I made it through this." She said of course he could, and it was too late to think otherwise; Come over and aim at him."My fellow Americans, I come before you tonight as a candidate for Vice President and as a man whose honesty and integrity have been called into question," he said. He described the purpose and use of that fund.He said the money was used solely for campaign expenses.Since he had never even seen that money, there was nothing taxable or required to declare under federal law.He continued: "Someone will say, 'Well, Senator, maybe you can make that fact up. How do we get us to believe what you're saying -- is it possible that you took some cash? Is it possible that you So what I'm going to do now -- which, by the way, is unprecedented in the history of American politics -- is to tell this TV and radio audience all about my financial affairs at this time. History, every bit of what I earn, what I use, what I have." He started from his youth, and speaking of the present, he said that now he has: A 1950 Oldsmobile; $3,000 title to his house in California where his parents lived; $20,000 title to his Washington house; $4,000 life insurance plus a military policy; no stocks, no bonds , and nothing else. What he owes: $10,000 in California housing debt; $20,000 in debt to Washington Housing; Washington Riggs National Bank owes $4,500; I owe my parents 3500 yuan; Life insurance owes $500. "Well, that's about it," he said. "It's all we have and all we owe. It's not a lot. But Pat and I are satisfied because what we earned Every dime is legitimately earned by ourselves.” By then, he had undoubtedly won the audience over.After five straight presidential campaigns against what Roosevelt had called the forgotten man, the Republican Party had at last nominated a man whom millions of people could count on as one of their own.Nixon discreetly appears as a human being.Although he had been "where the bombs fell" during the war years and was probably eligible for a star or two, he made no claims of bravery.The crux of his speech, however, was a detailed account of his financial situation.It was, after all, a talk about money, and every penny he had, ever had, was laid out as if he were telling his audience something they were familiar with—two years later. Mortgages on cars, houses, a few life insurances.Here's a guy who clearly knows what he's going to have to do to straighten a kid's teeth, fix a boiler, or pay for the next installment on a TV.他巧妙地说，一个像史蒂文森州长那样“继承了他的父亲一笔财产”的人能够参加总统竞选固然是好，但“一个收入不多的人”能够参加竞选也同样是好的，因为他们都会全部记得林肯所说过的关于普通人的话…… 民主党人诽谤他固然操之过急，共和党人说要抛弃他也不免过于惊慌，现在，他却洗清了自己。但尼克松是个劲头很大的人，他不愿意到此地步就停止下来。这是他给全国留下一个不能磨灭的印象的机会——要像布赖恩布赖恩(1860～1925年)，美国政界领袖，主张铸制银币自由，曾作著名“金十字架”演说，有助于1896年民主党总统竞选。——译者所作的金十字架演说和柯立芝对付波士顿警察罢工那样去做——他打算用尽一切办法来利用这个机会。 他对听众说：“我还应该说一说——就是帕特没有貂皮大衣。但她却有一件体面的共和党人的料子大衣，而我常常对她说，她无论穿上什么，都是好看的。 “还有一件事情，或者也应该告诉你们，因为如果我不说出来，他们也要说我一些闲话。在提名之后，我们确实拿到一件礼物。得克萨斯州有一个人在无线电中听到帕特提到我们两个孩子很喜欢要一只小狗，不管你们信不信，就在我们这次出发作竞选旅行的前一天，从巴尔的摩市的联邦车站送来一个通知说，他们那儿有一件包裹给我们。我们就前去领取。你们知道这是什么东西吗· “这是一只西班牙长耳小狗，用柳条篓装着，是他们从得克萨斯州一直运来的——带有黑、白两色斑点。我们六岁的小女儿特丽西娅给它起名叫'切克尔斯'。你们知道，这些小孩，像所有的小孩一样，喜爱那只小狗。现在我只要说这一点，不管他们说些什么，我们就是要把它留下来。” 他说，在全国的联播电视中出现，“赤裸裸地公布你的生活，像我所做的那样”，不是一件容易的事；他这么做是因为他的国家正处在危急中，而惟一的能够拯救他的国家的人就是德怀特·艾森豪威尔。(“你会说，为什么我认为国家正处在危急中·我说，看看记录吧。杜鲁门-艾奇逊执政七年，发生了什么事·6亿人民丢给了共产党。”)他正在接近高峰。时钟告诉他，他在时间上落后了。 “我了解，你们极想知道我究竟是不是还参加共和党竞选，或者退出。让我这样说：我不相信我应该退出，因为我不是一个临阵逃脱的人。顺便说一句，帕特也不是一个临阵逃脱的人。到底她的名叫做帕特里夏·瑞安，她是圣帕特里克节那天出生的——你们知道爱尔兰人从来不是临阵逃脱的人。”事实上她于1912年3月16日出生，圣帕特里克节的前一天，洗礼时命名为西尔玛·凯瑟琳·瑞安。帕特是她父亲给她的爱称。她的母亲是德国人。 他继续说，但是决定不是由他来做的。他已决定——就在他讲话的那一时刻——“通过这次电视广播”把整个问题提给共和党全国委员会去考虑。他要请他的听众协助委员会做出决定：“写信、打电报给共和党全国委员会，告诉他们，你们认为我应该留下或者退出，不管他们怎样决定，我一定照办。” 一个负责安排节目的人悄悄地走入播音室，拼命做手势向他提示，给他的时间差不多到了，尼克松看来好像没有看见他。他的眼睛，继续向着电视摄影机讲下去：“……就让我说最后的一句话吧。不管发生什么事情，我要继续这场战斗。我要走遍美国进行竞选，一直到把那些骗子和那些保护他们的人赶出华盛顿为止。诸位，请记着，艾森豪威尔是一个伟大的人。诸位，他是一个伟大的人，投艾森豪威尔一票，就是为美国的利益投一票——” 讲话结束了。在克利夫兰市，艾森豪威尔转过身来对萨墨菲尔德说：“好啦，阿瑟，你的7.5万元肯定没有白花。” 在卡皮顿剧院，尼克松对那个负责安排节目的人说：“我非常抱歉，我的讲话过了时间。我把节目弄糟了，对不起。”他一面向那些电机师致谢，一面把他的讲话笔记稿收拾起来，叠得整整齐齐——接着，一阵狂怒，把那叠东西用力地扔在地板上。乔蒂纳喜洋洋地走进来想向他致贺，但怎么也安慰不了尼克松。“不，这是一次大失败，”他说，“我不能及时结束讲话。”在更衣室里，他转身避开了他的朋友，哇地一声哭起来。 后来，他又有一次机会回忆那次事情。在他所写的书《六次危机》里，他将回忆起那些被他的雄辩口才所感动的摄影师眼里的眼泪。在他的回忆中，化妆师对他说，“这一回可把他们镇住了，以前从没有过这样精彩的广播的。”而表示良好祝愿的人都抢着打电话来祝贺，使播音室的电话总机应接不暇，“电视台的每一个人都认为那次广播是出乎意外的成功。” 不过那是后来的事。在紧接着演说之后，他老是想着一个念头，那就是在他刚要开始告诉他的听众共和党全国委员会的地址那句最重要的话时，镜头红灯闪烁一下就熄灭了。他的时间卡得不紧使他们没有听到那个地址。而没有通讯地址——他这样推论——他们就无法答复，委员会就根本不会收到函电。当他走近停放在外面的汽车时，一只爱尔兰大猎狗摆动着尾巴跳奔出来。他闷闷不乐地对帕特说：“好吧，我们至少在狗世界里得到了成功。” 在大使旅馆，他发现他的广播演说的影响，实际上是非常巨大的。当他走进门厅时，欢呼声四起。在那里他接到达雷尔·扎纳克好莱坞著名制片人。——译者打来的电话，告诉他那次演说是“我见过的最精彩表演”。在一小时内消息传来说，在全国各地的西方联合电报局门口都挤满了不少的人。他的工作人员开始把全国各地反应的消息一点一滴地汇集起来。按照尼尔森调查数字，在全国的电视听众中，有一半人收听了那次广播。加上无线电听众，听众共有六千万人。其中，粗略计算，就有一百万人打过电话，打过电报或寄出信件。从邮局汇来的小额捐款有6万元，几乎足够付那次广播的费用了。这是一次不平常的个人胜利。尽管在开始时他不知道他引起的影响有多大，但到夜里他就知道，几乎每一个著名的共和党党员都发给了他赞扬的函电，只有一个人是例外的。那就是从德怀特·艾森豪威尔那里没有传来任何信息。 事实上艾克曾致电向他祝贺，但他的来电在雪片一般飞来大批的电报中遗失了，由此而造成的误会，在尼克松和将军的顾问之间的关系中永远留下了伤痕。从克利夫兰传到大使旅馆的第一个信息就是，半小时的广播对艾森豪威尔来说是不够的，他要一次面谈。这一点，部分是确实的。艾森豪威尔确实感到半小时未免太短。为了面子起见，他觉得他们两人应该在次日傍晚，在惠林私下面谈一下，从此就不再提那笔经费的事了。他原来以为在向尼克松的电视演说表示敬慕的电报中，尼克松早已接到他的建议了。尼克松经过这许多难以忍受的紧张的日子之后，结果竟是这样，未免是一个令人痛苦的失望，这使他大发脾气。“他还有什么可以要求我的·”他大声地说。于是，他把秘书罗斯·玛丽·伍兹叫来，口述了一封电稿，向萨默菲尔德表示辞去副总统候选人，叫他们另请高明。在那封电报没有发出之前，乔蒂纳就把稿子拿去撕毁了。尼克松自己也改变了主意，但他们两人都决定，最好是把前往惠林会面的邀请置之不理。尼克松到蒙大拿州米苏拉搭他的竞选专车继续从事竞选。一封不服从上级的电报送到艾克手上：“星期日到华盛顿，在你以后任何合适时候和你面谈。” 在这封电报仍在送发的途中就接到了萨默菲尔德打来的电话。他向乔蒂纳问道：“喂，默里，你们那边事情进行得怎么样·” 乔蒂纳答道：“不怎么好。” “不怎么好，你这是什么意思·” “迪克刚发了一封向将军辞职的电报。” “什么!我的天，默里，你把电稿撕掉了吧·” “是的，我把它撕掉了，但我不敢断定他会不会再写。” “那么，迪克打算飞到惠林去见将军吧·” “不，我们今晚要飞到米苏拉去。” “什么·我的天，默里，你必须说服他到惠林来。” “阿瑟，我们相信你。如果你能直接从将军那里给我们个人的保证，说迪克在将军的赞同之下留在候选人名单上，我想我就能够说服他。否则，我知道我办不到。” 在萨默菲尔德还没有来得及回电话之前，尼克松的一班人就已离开，前往蒙大拿州去。但是，伯特·安德鲁斯从克利夫兰打来的电话在机场找到了尼克松。安德鲁斯提醒他，不能要求艾森豪威尔——一位五星上将和党的领袖，会飞往他那儿和他会面。现在是他该把经费问题忘掉的时候了。新闻界挑剔的人已经把目标转到其他方面去了。《先驱论坛报》评论说：“真相澄清了。”当时也有些不同意的人。沃尔特·李普曼说那些反应“由于现代电子学的扩大作用，纯粹是暴民法则。”而《剧艺报》则认为，那次电视广播是“一场狡猾的演出……利用了'不过是个老实人比尔'和'星期天的女朋友'这一类容易掉眼泪的人的人情味和同情心”。共和党全国委员会已经投了票，以107票比31票赞成候选人名单保持原样。为了强调这一点，尼克松在蒙大拿州终于接到艾克发来的电报：“演说极佳……我个人决定将以个人结论为根据。如能立刻飞来见我，将十分感激。明天我在西弗吉尼亚州惠林。我对你的个人情谊和敬慕都极其深厚，绝未减少。” 尼克松在米苏拉经过几次象征性的出现和两小时的小睡以后就飞往西弗吉尼亚州去了。在惠林的机场上，当他仍在机舱内替帕特穿上共和党的料子大衣时，一个单独的人影离开了下面的人群，飞步走上机梯。那是艾森豪威尔。尼克松感到非常意外，脱口而出：“你来这里干什么，将军·你用不着到这里来迎接我们。”艾克把他的手臂伸出来搂着他的竞选伙伴的双肩，说道：“我为什么不来呢·你是我的人呀。”当他们在机场候机室摆好姿势摄影时，尼克松的眼睛开始孕满了眼泪。 他现在有大批同情者了。表示良好祝愿的人送给切克尔斯一大批各式各样的狗颈圈、手织狗毯子、一个狗窝以及大量的狗粮，足够一年之用。这只长毛垂耳的小狗已成为全国最闻名的家畜了。甚至那些对那篇演说认为遗憾的人都用它作为标准，判断尼克松后来的演说。亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利的《广告报》说：“这个令人作呕的逐步扩散的邪恶祸害竟变成了一个可能成为美国总统的人。”接着，发现在他身上有些可以赞扬的地方，《广告报》的社论作者又在那句话中加上一句：“我们发现自己正在消除我们以前的想法……这个新尼克松使我们高兴。” 艾森豪威尔最重要的两篇竞选演说的第一篇是10月16日的傍晚在底特律市举行艾尔弗雷德·史密斯纪念基金会的晚飧会上发表的。他对外交政策的政治家风度的处理赢得了《纽约时报》对他竞选的支持，而该报以前是一直倾向于史蒂文森的。在他10月24日在底特律发表的第二篇演说中，将军许下诺言，说如果他当选，“我将前赴朝鲜。”杜鲁门把他那个诺言称为噱头，史蒂文森说“如果我当选，我将前往白宫”，这使他的随从听了大乐，但艾森豪威尔却已深深地打动了听众的心弦。那场战争仍然是美国最使人烦恼的问题。毫无疑问，人们感到，随着全国最伟大的军事英雄赴前线进行访问，以后情况必有变化。“实际上，”后来美联社的杰克·贝尔写道，“那场竞赛就在那天晚上结束了。” 但是，双方相互乱骂仍一直继续到竞赛的最后一分钟。到11月第一个周末竟有谣言胡说：史蒂文森是个搞同性关系的人；玛咪是个酒鬼；“艾德莱”是个犹太人的名字；艾克已经死了，但他的随从不肯承认。自从1936年罗斯福与兰登竞选时混战一场以来，这一次竞选运动是最丑恶的了。11月2日那个星期天，一辆贴上史蒂文森特大标签的汽车被挤得从宾夕法尼亚公路掉下沟去，汽车司机被打得昏过去。在密苏里州的乔普林，一个与尼克松参议员没有关系的名叫雷蒙德·尼克松的人接到了三次恐吓电话；新奥尔良市警察局报告发生了11宗殴打案，全部都是政治问题引起的。谢尔曼和雷切尔·亚当斯夫妇在纽约度过选举日。那天傍晚，辛克莱·威克斯询问他们曾到那里去。他们说，在布朗克斯动物园，观看野兽。 “这同竞选运动相比，倒可换换口味。”他说。 “不，”雷切尔说，“变化不大。” 在伊利诺伊州利伯蒂维利，史蒂文森在选举的那一天访问了一所学校，投票站就设在那里。“我想请求你们孩子们，用举手来表明，有多少人想做伊利诺伊州的州长，像我这样，”他说。差不多全部学童都举起手来。“好啦，差不多全体一致，”他说，“现在我想请问所有的州长，是否他们愿意做你们中的一个小孩。”他举起了自己的手。他情绪高涨，充满信心。他的工作人员每人出五元钱作赌，每人用一张纸条写上对选举人票的猜测。他在自己的纸条上预测会赢得381张选举人票，压倒的优胜。其他的人倒没有那么乐观，尽管没有人会认为他会失败。 在前一天早上《纽约时报》头版的大字标题是：据调查结果，选举结果极难确定。那条消息开始说：“既不是共和党的德怀特·艾森豪威尔将军，也不是民主党的艾德莱·史蒂文森州长目前可以认为肯定当选。”这句话是总结《纽约时报》记者进行的第七次全面透彻的调查。那些在四年前预测错了的人，现在十分谨慎小心。民意测验所小心翼翼地记下数量极大的举棋不定的投票者，认为这些流动票可以平均分给两个候选人。结果差不多所有的流动票都投给了艾森豪威尔。那些民意测验所没有注意到或者忽视的是，这些中间派的绝大多数都是新登记的选民。以前不想投票的选民如果前来登记投票，一般都是来投抗议票的，那一次也是这样。这是1932年以来第一次大转向，全国转向了共和党。 艾森豪威尔以33936234票对27314992票取得了胜利。共和党报纸社论作者把那次胜利解释为全国人民赞同自由企业，预言在总统就职日时钟报午的时候，一个讲究效率的企业家政府会把彭得格斯特式政客全部驱走。《芝加哥论坛报》在检查从新建郊区送回的竞选结果报告时，高兴地笑道，新鲜空气对那些从城市选区迁出的人的判断制造了奇迹。那就无疑会改变他们的政见。新郊区的那些年轻夫妇原来是从倾向于罗斯福和杜鲁门一边的街道出身的，现在却转而支持艾克了。得胜的候选人在长岛的莱维特镇得到66%，在伊利诺伊州的帕克福雷斯特得到69.4%的选票。 艾德莱·史蒂文森虽败犹荣。在美国历史上，他所得到的选票比任何一个竞选失败的总统候选人为多——甚至，除1936年的罗斯福和这次的艾克以外，他也比以往任何获胜的候选人都要多。虽然艾森豪威尔在531选举人票中获得442票来结束那次竞选，但是他的胜利和最后三届共和党总统比较起来，给人的印象就没有那么深刻。他的多数低于11%。而那三位则是：28%(哈定)，30%(柯立芝)和18%(胡佛)。此外，尽管他多得选票600万，但是在国会中他仅勉强得到一个共和党的多数。在新的众议院，共和党多数是十票；而在参议院则仅仅是一票。 然而，1952年的选举却像1932年的一样，是一次关键性的选举。民主党仍然是一个较大的党，在登记选民中，比例是5∶3，但登记的意义不大；那些坚定的民主党人的数目——共和党人称呼他们为“机械反应的自由主义派”——已经减少了。你是“为那个人，不是为那个党”投一票，已经成为一句时髦的话，好像那些投过罗斯福的票的人不是那样似的。无党派者的登记当时已增加到超过全体选民20%。在美国国会的历史上，控制权牢固地掌握在共和党和南部民主党联盟手上。那个联盟当初是15年前成立的，当时是为了与罗斯福的法院革新法案进行斗争。它对立法改革所采取的怀疑态度适合了国民新的情绪——保守、自满，尤其是对离经叛道很有警惕。 选举日那天晚上，艾德莱·史蒂文森在斯普林菲尔德他的地下室办公室办理州务，从一个手提小收音机收听选举结果的报告。他已写好了两个声明：一个是对获得胜利表示感谢，另一个是承认失败。那晚9时，当布莱尔走进他办公室的时候，他还满不在乎地问道：“怎么样，比尔，是'A'还是'B'·”布莱尔回答：“恐怕是'B'吧，州长。”“好吧，”史蒂文森说。 1时43分，他抵达利兰旅馆的门厅。他一边高兴地向着那些垂头丧气的义务工作人员微笑，一边走向一排话筒的面前说：“艾森豪威尔将军在战时是一个伟大的领袖，在竞选运动中他是一个精力充沛、英勇无畏的对手。现在他将把这些品质贡献出来，领导我们度过今后的四年。”在宣读了他那封承认失败的电报后，他的眼光穿过人群看向远处。这是一个时代的结束，他们全部都感觉到这一点。摇滚舞音乐一代的民主党人，在他们自己党的几届政府下，都已成长起来。现在，随着改革时代的过去，他们看不见前途。同样，他也看不见前途，但是作为他们的领袖，他还想说一句话。停顿一下以后，他说：“当我走到街上时，有人问我有何感受，这使我想起一个同乡经常讲的故事——那位同乡就是亚伯拉罕·林肯。他说他觉得自己好像在黑暗处绊了一跤的小孩。他说他年纪已经不小，不能哭了，但又觉得太痛，也笑不出来。” 他离开了。千千万万的人发现，至少是当晚，他们不是由于年纪太大而没有泪。在那个灰心丧气的时刻，他们第一次感觉到共和党人20年来所体验过的那种处于在野地位的寂寞荒凉的痛苦——习惯于掌握权力的人一旦处于无能为力的地位时所感到的沮丧。 11月5日星期三那天，在白宫和在利兰旅馆的民主党人起得很晚。但艾森豪威尔将军倒不是那样。他一早起床，飞往奥古斯塔去。那位当选总统把高尔夫球放在对准第一个洞的发球点上时，天色尚早，阳光灿烂。他击出的第一个球飞出差不多有250码，一直落到那条通道。两个身材结实的青年人对他强有力的击球向他致敬，他向在一起的其余的人介绍，这两个人是保卫总统的特工处人员。