Chapter 17 I don't think he has any political opinions -1

Not only did Eisenhower have no political opinions, but he also had no religious beliefs, no obvious guiding principles, and seldom expressed public opinions on most of the major issues of the time.For the second time in four years he has been offered the most powerful job in the world, but the people who suggested him have no idea what he would do if he did.True, when he was president of Columbia University, he once said conservative things like, "If all Americans wanted was security, they could go to jail."At the same time, he used his prestige to win public opinion to support the foreign policy of Roosevelt and Truman. His achievements, including his current position as the commander-in-chief of NATO in Europe, were achieved while representing the Democratic administration.All his fellow-citizens may rest assured that he was a strong, decent, magnanimous man, who commanded the respect of the statesmen of Europe; Found in their leaders, for example, a penchant for joking in dialect and casual clothing, most notably the Eisenhower jacket.

He turned out to be a Republican, though it took agonizing weeks to resolve that issue.Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, shortly after returning from France on January 6, 1952, told reporters that the general would be open to a Republican nomination and that he would not deny Lodge's words.But it turned out that he almost denied Rocky's words.The very next day, in Paris, he declined to explain his party affiliation to reporters, saying only that the senator gave "an accurate account of the general trend of my political beliefs and of my record as a Republican voter."He avoided answering questions about accepting the request to come out and campaign.He warned that he was upset by the people who did it for him.While “there is no question that American citizens have the right to organize in pursuit of their common beliefs,” on this particular issue, they are drawn to people who do not share their beliefs.He added: "I will never ask to be relieved of my present position in order to be nominated for political office, and I will not participate in the activities of those who want to elect me before the Congress."

Obviously, he closed the door.But then he opened the door a crack.If he had no choice, he would naturally respond to the call for a role "beyond my present responsibilities."For Adams and Lodge, that was enough.So they set about campaigning for him.Among those who were convinced at the time that Eisenhower would be the Republican nominee—and that he would soon forget his pledge to stay in Paris—was Harry Truman. On January 20, Governor Stevenson spoke at the annual Downtown Union banquet in New York.He arrived in Washington at 4 p.m. the next day for a meeting to survey the mines, but found the room at the Metropolitan Club full.A room was reserved for him, however, at the Roger Smith Hotel.While checking in at the hotel, he received a letter from the Blair Hotel informing him that the President wanted to meet with him that evening.At 11:15 p.m., Stevenson returned to his hotel feeling dizzy.He called a friend and said, "I'm Adelaide, and something unbelievable just happened to me. Would you please come to the hotel immediately and talk about it?" When his friend arrived at the hotel, he was undressed. Blouse and shirt."I just got back from the Blair Hotel and the president asked me to save the world from Dwight Eisenhower," Stevenson said.

In Truman's memoirs, he wrote that he told the governor: ... I will not be running for President again, I think he is the most suitable for that office ... I told him what I think of the presidency and how it has developed into the most powerful and greatest office in the history of the world .I asked him to accept the position and told him he could be nominated for President if he agreed...but he said no! He was clearly stunned. Stevenson reminded Truman that he had announced his candidacy for re-election as governor and that "the highest office offered by the people of Illinois should not be considered a second-best consolation prize."He is responsible for his two young sons, who have been practically abandoned by their gregarious mothers, and too much publicity could affect their lives.In addition, he doubted whether he had what it takes to be president.He might be more qualified after another term as governor in Springfield, but not now.Of course, Stevenson did not say that it was a difficult year for the Democratic candidate, but he must have thought about it; how much damage.

Eisenhower, on the contrary, thought—as he watched the Democratic convention on telecast that summer—that if he had known the party would nominate a man of Stevenson's character, he would have Stay in Paris and not return home.Like thousands of others in the United States and around the world, Dwight Eisenhower was infected by the charm of Adlai Stevenson.From the outside, the governor was unremarkable: he was short, bald, and smiling, but he was arguably a political genius.Everyone can feel his integrity and dedication to the public at once.His wit and wit have won him bipartisan admiration.No 20th-century statesman, Franklin D. Roosevelt or John F. Kennedy included, won such a devoted following among liberal intellectuals.He speaks in a way that evokes a lyrical sense of America's past and vision of its future.Stevenson aspired to the ideals of Lincoln, and there was silence as he directed his audience toward them, and to the young and idealists of his party he became a religion of the year .Just as Wendell Wilkie did 12 years ago, he made his fellow man pause to think about what he stood for, and eight years later, the lamp he held so high and for so long is another A younger Democratic candidate lights the way forward.

Truman refused to accept his retreat.The next morning, January 22, shortly after the president had breakfast with Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois, news of Stevenson's visit to the Blair Hotel spread across the country.The horrified governor was surrounded by swarms of reporters wherever he went.His name appears on all the speculative articles written by syndicated columnists, and his portrait was featured on the cover of Time magazine, which said: "Whatever the truth behind the rumors, it's clear enough that it's not easy for the Democrats. Said it was a cold season, and Adlai Stevenson was hot politically, and Harry Truman felt the need for some warmth." Asked by the press if he would agree to be called up to run, Shi Stevenson felt himself having an ideological struggle.He asked some of those close to him how a man in good health and already engaged in political life could refuse the greatest honor and the greatest responsibility in American politics. His answer to reporters was as negative as possible, "A modern The Congress "could not "call a man up for election against his repeatedly expressed will".In fact nothing like this has happened in 72 years. In January, Stevenson thought it was unthinkable for that to happen again.

After six weeks, he wasn't so sure. On March 4, he met with the president again—at his request, according to Truman's memoirs, but at Truman's invitation, according to Stevenson's papers.To avoid encouraging a burgeoning presidential campaign, the governor flew to Washington under the name of one of his aides, William McCormick Blair.During a gas stop in Louisville, his old friend Barry Bingham, publisher of the Louisville Courier-Journal, urged him to let the people "judgment for themselves on the basis of his past record of public service."Stevenson smiled and said, "Well, you really can't help me!" He reiterated to Truman at the Blair Hotel that re-election as governor of Illinois was his greatest hope.But the president couldn't help him much, writing later: "I found in Stevenson a man who could safely transfer responsibility for the leadership of the party . . . Consider it his responsibility."

On March 29, 1952, the governor attended the annual Jefferson-Jackson Day dinner hosted by the Democratic Party, attended by 5,300 Democrats, at the National Guard training facility in Washington.Other guests included the Achesons, and during the dinner Alice Acheson asked her husband if he thought the president would reveal his campaign plans in a post-dinner speech.Impossible, replied the Secretary of State flatly; it would be premature for him to announce his continued campaign, and if he decided not to, he would not announce it before this audience, which would disappoint many.It turned out that Alice Acheson was the first person outside the Truman family to get the news.She sat next to the president, and as the time for his speech approached, he showed her the final page of his speech.In his speech, he wrote in his own hand that he was determined not to run for the next presidential election. "It's just you, Beth, and me here," he said, "knowing about it." She was disturbed and wanted her husband to come and talk him out, but he shook his head. "Shortly afterwards," Acheson wrote, "he surprised us by announcing it. The party was entirely unprepared to find a new leader, and the pool of available candidates appeared to be few."

It was Saturday night.On Sunday, Stevenson appeared before a packed studio audience on the then televised "Meet the Press" program.The heaviest questions center on his testimony in the Heath case.The key part of the testimony is brief: Q: Do you know anyone else who knows Mr. Alger Hiss? Answer: Yes. Q: From what those people have said, what is Alger Hiss' reputation for integrity, loyalty and honesty? Answer: Yes. Q: Specify whether he has a good or bad reputation for integrity. Answer: Yes. Q: Be specific about whether he has a good or bad reputation for loyalty. Answer: Yes.

Q: Specify whether he has a good or bad reputation for honesty. Answer: Yes. In cross-examination by lawyers representing the government, he testified as follows: Question: During the year 1935 until 1938, did you visit the home of the accused Alger Hiss? A: No, I have never been a guest at Mr. Heath's house. QUESTION: Prior to 1948, did you hear that defendant Alger Hiss took classified documents from the State Department in 1937 and 1938 and gave those documents to people who were not authorized to see and get them? Answer: No. QUESTION: Prior to 1948, did you hear reports that the accused Alger Hiss was a member of the Communist Party?

Answer: No. But after two years of McCarthyism, mundane material like this is still being turned into political slurs.Newly-elected California Senator Richard Nixon said Stevenson "was a witness to the character of Alger Hiss" and "defended Alger Hiss" when Nixon first addressed the issue. At the time of the speech, the governor was virtually unknown outside of Illinois, and in Hansard his name was misspelled as "Stephenson." .Republican Senate candidate from Illinois, Everett Dirksen, took the same tone at the time. ("What would he say?" Stevenson asked. "Will he lie?") And the Chicago Tribune editorial commented that the governor should have avoided testifying because to testify "would mean He's willing to stand with Alger Hiss." Now on "Meet the Press" TV, Stevenson said: "I'm a lawyer, and I think it's a citizen's duty, especially a lawyer's duty, to testify honestly and willingly in court -- this It is the most basic duty of a lawyer. I think that if a man engaged in political life, in a criminal case, is too timid to say what he knows or hears about the accused, for fear that the accused will eventually be found guilty, This is extremely unfortunate for Anglo-Saxon justice. It is extremely cowardly." In response to other questions, he repeated: "I'm definitely running for governor. I want to run for governor. I'm not seeking any other office. I don't have any other ambitions." Lawrence Spivak asked: "Governor, studio audience So much, does it give you a sense of what some people in China think about this matter?" Stevenson smiled. "It's too much of a prize," he said. "I don't think it hurts a man to have a prize—that is, if he doesn't take it for granted." What he did not say was that the Carnegie Foundation had voted in favor of Alger Hiss as chairman of the foundation, not agreeing with his resignation during the trial, and among the trustees of that foundation was Dwight Eisenhower. Eisenhower won the New Hampshire caucus on March 11, with 44,494 votes to Taft's 35,820 votes; Behind him, 106946 votes were automatically cast.News from Paris said that these two results had persuaded the General to "re-examine" his "political attitude."In short, he was packing his bags and heading home. Kefauer gained more and more Democratic delegates, embarrassing the president in one state after another; but the Republican primary, after the initial enthusiasm for Eisenhower, was not smooth sailing for anyone .Taft beats General in Nebraska, Warren in Wisconsin, and Statsen in Illinois by more than 700,000 votes; automated votes put Eisenhower in third . On April 15, the general won by defeating Taft in New Jersey.He had another victory in Pennsylvania, and Governor Dewey's support ensured he had a large number of New York delegates.He got 20 delegates in Kansas but only one in Kentucky, and the other 19 went to Taft.Taft also won in Indiana. On June 3, in the final two-state caucus, Warren won in California, while Taft defeated Ike in South Dakota.Nationally, Taft aides estimated 588 votes in the convention -- 604 needed to be nominated. In early April, Eisenhower claimed that his "accidental becoming a political figure" had interfered with his military duties, and he called for his removal.The White House immediately agreed to his request, appointing General Matthew Ridgway to replace him in Paris.Ike's campaign kicked off on June 2 in his hometown of Abilene, Kansas, where 20,000 people stood in the pouring rain to listen to him at a local stadium.According to him, the most pressing question before the country is "freedom or socialism".He demanded a greater role for the Senate in determining foreign policy; he also demanded tax cuts, improvements to the Taft-Hartley Act, and a "decent truce" in North Korea.Eliminate unnecessary federal agencies, continue to participate in NATO and "root out" "subversive elements."He opposed the regulation of inflation, against "socialized medicine," and he believed that the protection of civil rights should be left to the states. Judging from that speech, Taft had little to fault. On June 19, in his speech "Answer to Abilene," Taft criticized the general for misunderstanding the Taft-Hartley Act, lacking agricultural policies, and failing to point out those "responsible for the loss of China" name and reluctance to condemn the government's mishandling of the Korean War.Those are critical opinions, as anyone who can read a newspaper knows.It was pointed out that the only issue that can be used to distinguish the two candidates is the issue of General MacArthur.Taft promised MacArthur a government job, and Eisenhower promised that he would listen to whatever MacArthur had to say. On July 7, at the International Amphitheater near Chicago's slaughterhouse, the Republican National Convention was attended by Betty Furness, a 36-year-old former actress who appeared in a TV commercial as "If the refrigerator you bought is a 'Westinghouse' brand, you can rest assured." Betty opened the door of the refrigerator and before closing it, fascinated 70 million viewers. Among them was a Republican representative who wanted to nominate her for election. Three major broadcasters shipped 30 tons of equipment and more than 1,000 workers to the amphitheatre.But Taft, who controlled the convention, made few concessions to the new propaganda tool.Apart from agreeing to install a prompter (known in jargon as a "fool's board") on a small pedestal in the pulpit, they rejected various requests from the network.Later in the week, as rumors circulate in the Congress that they will all be shown on television screens, there will be repeated motions to "ask delegations one by one" so that everyone can be sure that his hometown People see him on TV.TV viewers have a terrible headache about this.However, at the beginning, that was not the case, and when representative Sicil DeMille told reporters that it was the greatest show in the world, he was referring to the conduct of the meeting, not the televised broadcast, Because, as a movie mogul, he swore to bring down television. Since the TV script was written by conservatives, its content has a distinctly right-wing tinge.The keynote address was delivered by Douglas MacArthur.This is an excellent opportunity for this unexpected and unpopular competitor.To the disappointment of his supporters, however, he clumsily blew that chance.Ike is undeniably attractive in casual clothes.MacArthur was nothing more than a retired executive magnate with a wig on.Whenever he talked about God—which he often talked about—his voice rose an uncomfortable notch, and he had a strange habit of dropping his voice slightly to emphasize his words. High and low.Towards the end of MacArthur's speech, there was a buzz among the delegates, so that the general's speech could not be heard.At that time, his voice was indeed gradually weakening.After his speech, he went back to the Waldorf Hotel in New York to wait for the decision of the conference. The Bataan sat on the runway at LaGuardia for three days, its motors running, fuel filled, and ready to fly him back anytime, should the Republicans choose him.That plane was back in the hangar on Friday. The speech delivered by Joe McCarthy was the most popular.Here Taft's planning committee had accurately gauged the mood of the audience.When Chairman Walter Haranan announced that he would introduce to the delegates "Marines of the State of Wisconsin," a man greatly damaged by his work "to expose the traitors in our government," the band began to play In "Ode to the Marine Corps", half the members of the party are involved in a chaotic and frenzied demonstration.Placards bore the names of victims in his hands: "Heath," "Acheson," "Lattimore."Joe grinned grimly.After paying tribute to MacArthur ("the greatest American who ever lived"), he began to read his speech in a highly dramatic tone: "We are at war tonight." He solemnly listed the statistics of this struggle. Material——How many square miles of land those "pro-communist" Democrats gave to the beast of the Kremlin, and the millions of people they threw into the sea of ​​misery, the mutiny of the "despicable traitors" is still entrenched in the "Red Dean" today. The treachery of the "cunning traitors" in the State Department.He said he had documents to prove it all.A large number of statistical curves and charts were pushed onto the podium by cart.The material is meaningless and the scales are illegible, but it doesn't matter.As Joe explained it all, he waved the pointer like a driving stick. That was the real gist, and the ensuing performances were adapted to Joe's level.Aside from the Westinghouse commercials on television and the candidates' beautiful wives and daughters—most memorably, Mrs. Warren and her sisters—the whole situation was murderous.Young Senator Richard Nixon exclaimed: "The American people have had enough of the begging and groveling of our diplomatic representatives, who talk about America's weaknesses and America's fears instead of America's strength and fears." American Courage." The campaign platform is also based on the same material.John Foster Dulles drafted the section on foreign policy, scathing about the Democrats' record abroad on everything from Roosevelt's inability to defend the Baltic republics to Korea in 1939.A reporter reminded him that Dulles, himself an "America First" faction in capturing the Baltic Sea, had urged Roosevelt to ignore the "meaningless, endless struggle" for national sovereignty; Just past May 19, Dulles wrote in Life magazine that Truman's order to defend South Korea was "courageous, just, and in the national interest."How could he say that now? He replied that speaking as an individual, he couldn't say that.However, as a platform drafter, he was simply making the Republicans' argument against the Democrats.He thought that was a good argument. Despite the murderous on-stage speeches, the fight for the nomination intensified.The intensity of it can be seen in the appeal written by Taft's cousin, campaign manager David Ingalls.The appeal, which was circulated to the delegates that week, began by saying: Fuck Dewey!! Thom Dewey is the most ruthless, unscrupulous and self-serving political boss in America today.He will do anything to carry out his will.His promises are worthless, and he is the biggest threat in the Republican Party.Twice he has led us down a path of failure, and now he's doing the same trick again behind another. But how could Dewey do this? Before the gavel had even struck, Taft seemed sure of winning the nomination.Before the Republican staff arrived on Sunday, July 6, the senator walked into a press conference in the basement of the Conrad Hilton Hotel in Chicago, armed with a bundle of neat Telegrams sent to him by delegates who had united to support him to the end - 530 in all.By Monday morning, Taft had received 607 such pledges—three more than needed.He has been assured by both the interim and permanent chairmen.In the Platform Committee, the Credentials Committee, and the National Committee, he had a majority in his favor.His assistant has even chosen what music to play and which singer to sing.It seemed that nothing could stop his progress. The only hope for the Eisenhowers was to cast doubt on the representation.Since the Civil War, the Republican faith has had only a cadre of loyal party workers in the southern states.They have only two tasks: one is to serve as postmasters everywhere when the Republican president is in the White House, and the other is to vote at the quadrennial national convention.As veteran party members, they unanimously supported the nomination of Taft for the election. Supporters of Eisenhower questioned their right to attend the convention.The first race for a seat was in Texas, which was typical.Only five voters attended the 1950 Republican caucus in Fort Worth, so Texas Republican National Committee member Henry Zweifel decided to hold the May 3, 1952, caucus at his home.To his dismay, the family garden was trampled by hundreds of strangers bearing small pro-Ike badges.Zweifel coaxed out Democrats who had no party membership in the Republican Party, saying they had no right to choose the Republican nominee.Three weeks later, at the statewide convention in Mineral Wells, the veteran Republicans elected delegates to Chicago: thirty from Taft, four from Eisenhower, and four from MacArthur.Eisenhower's supporters met in another auditorium and elected 33 representatives of the Ike faction and 5 representatives of the Taft faction.Thus, at the national convention, Texas had two delegations. The Republican officials who had to choose between the two delegations were naturally Taftites.But Eisenhower sent a spokesman to begin denouncing the so-called "theft of Texas" and demanded that Taft himself condemn the ploy.The senator responded with some emotion that he had never stolen anything in his life.He said the Republican delegation from the southern states followed the 84-year-old procedure, and only someone with the intent to steal would say that.He was right, that question was bogus.The various Eisenhowerite delegations from the South were no more representative of the Southerners than the Taftites, who were at least lifelong Republicans.The senator is unfortunately not a cult figure in the National Grateful Dade.Under the cloak of a five-star general, Ike's campaign surrogates expand their reach.They now also challenge Georgia and Louisiana for representation.More importantly, they coaxed their leaders into their struggle. Eisenhower originally objected to going to Chicago, which he thought would be demeaning.Instead, he was willing to spend that week in Denver with his wife's family. On July 1, he and his wife, Mamie, celebrated their 36th wedding anniversary at the Dodds’ eight-room gray brick house at 750 Lafayette Street, the only place he’d had in his post-marriage adrift because of his military service. Barely can be regarded as a home.During the night's discussions, his supporters finally convinced him that he had to go to Chicago.The next morning, he told reporters that he was ready to "make a clear call to the nation to campaign with decency."He will fight "to keep our party clean and competent to lead the country".The battle on the Credentials Committee is a "clear question of right and wrong".He deplored the "secret businessmanship," the "arbitrary approach," and "machinism," and was appalled by the National Committee's decision to temporarily seat the pro-Taft delegation from the South.He asked to be "above board." Be aboveboard, that has become a rallying cry for his supporters.Lodge said the Taftites from the South "are a stain on our honest party" and should be excluded.There was an abundance of words of this kind, some of which even accused Taft of being a thief, and this shocked conservatives a great deal.After 20 years in the political opposition, they were resentful, but that resentment toward the Democrats was far worse than the anger they felt in the amphitheatre.The convention was trying to nominate Taft.Some of its members, except the New Englanders, would have picked him with applause and would have campaigned for him day and night had they felt free to do what they believed.Even the New York delegation watched him longingly, and only Dewey held the delegation tightly.The men—whose cables were still in the hands of the senators—all turned one by one to Eisenhower's campaign surrogates, who had gone furtively and resented their behavior.On Wednesday night, the excitement at the convention reached its peak for the week.At the height of the debate over Georgia's list of delegations, Taft, the shaggy-haired Dirkson representative, stepped onto the stage, pointed at the New York flag, and shouted, "Before you take this action, check you again." We have followed you before, and you have led us down the path of failure." Pointing to Dewey, he said loudly, "Don't lead us down that road again!" They yelled approval, then held out their hands for small pro-Ike badges.This is all for the sake of electoral victory.As much as they loved Taft, they loved victory even more, trusting the general, not the senator, to lead them to 1,600 Pennsylvania Avenue.Most were looking for a decent way to get into Eisenhower's camp.Taft personnel inadvertently taught them a trick.Since television cameras and journalists are prohibited from entering to interview and censor delegate credentials, the result is an impression that they are trying to force through their faction. The requirement to be "above board" already makes it seem like such a problem does exist.One of the leaders of Eisenhower's team, Washington Governor Arthur Langley, brought a showdown at the convention with a motion requiring representatives from Georgia, Texas, and Louisiana to be elected if their qualifications were not recognized by a majority of all delegates. Seats continue to be denied until conceded.In this regard, the counselors sent by the senators took another wrong step.Rep. Clarence Brown of Ohio, a surrogate on Taft's team, proposed an amendment to Langley's resolution.Langley's resolution, if passed, would give Ike's faction everything they wanted, although Taft's faction continued to control the meeting.But Brown's amendment seemed to admit that the contest was indeed unfair.His amendment made it look like a deal—that's what Eisenhower's campaign surrogates said.The ensuing roll-call vote decided the outcome of the conference.Brown's amendment was defeated, 658 to 548.By that margin, control of the Republican Party passed to Dwight Eisenhower.Then came his nomination, a few minutes before noon Friday, the fifth day of the Republican marathon, with the first ballot: Eisenhower 595, Taft 580, Warren 81, Statsen 20, MacArthur 10 votes.Senator Edward Say, waving a Minnesota flag, shouted over the din: "Minnesota wants to switch its votes to Eisenhower!" Senators Brick for Taft and Nolan for Warren The senators then proposed unanimous approval.Ike was victorious and became elected. He watched it all on the TV in his suite at the Blackstone Hotel, standing with his four brothers nervously fingering two of his lucky keepsakes, a Salvation Army coin, One is a Boy Scout medal.After Minnesota switched, Herbert Brownell came and hugged him.The general's eyes were full of tears, and he was too moved to speak, and he asked Mami to come to him and be with him for a while.Then, he lifted the phone headset to talk to Taft.It was the right thing to do, he, who was supposed to be an amateur in politics, thought of it.He asked the senator if he could come and pay his respects.He pushed through groups of people along the way to Taft's room at the Conrad Hilton Hotel.Both of them felt exhausted, dazed and overwhelmed.The photographers asked them to smile, and they did, even though Taft was clearly in pain.He did this for the benefit of the party, and for the sake of loyalty to the party, he did not make a greater sacrifice than this.Although his eyes were darkened with pain, he managed to smile.He said hoarsely: "I would like to congratulate General Eisenhower. I will do everything possible to campaign for him and to work with him during his term." Brownell expressed surprise when he told Eisenhower that the presidential candidate typically nominated his running mate.It was the first decision the nominee made as the standard-bearer for the Republican Party.It was in his character that he took the Army Staff approach instinctively.He called for "a man of exceptional ability and ability to see through subversive forces," but would not make his decision until Brownell had consulted "the collective wisdom of the leaders of the party." It was too early to invite conservatives to the conference, so those who did were Ike's.They gathered in a room at the Conrad Hilton, which immediately filled with smoke.According to Paul Hoffman's recollection, the first name discussed was Taft.但这个建议被否定了，他们想要一个较年轻的人，最好是一个西部的人。杜威一直等到所有可能的人选都已考虑过并遭到拒绝之后才说：“那么，我提尼克松作为合理的人选。”那个参议员是符合一切要求的。他39岁，受到保守派的欢迎，搞竞选运动很卖力，从未有人说他有危害国家安全的危险倾向。经过简短的讨论后，对他的推荐每人都表示同意。布劳内尔用电话告知艾森豪威尔，并要求接线员去找尼克松。那位参议员把他的汽车借给了《旧金山纪事报》的厄尔·贝伦斯，自己和墨里·乔蒂纳一起出去了，谁也不知道他们往哪里去的。参加那次代表大会的人中，他是最后一个知道这个决定的。到他打电话给他的在惠蒂尔的嫂子时，她已经知道那消息，她也是在电视中看到的。 在某种意义上来说，那位刚出道的参议员担任副总统候选人是天作之合。他的领袖所缺少的东西，他都具备了。艾森豪威尔是个性格外向的人，搞折中妥协有天才，在社交场合能左右逢源。而尼克松则天性怕羞，沉默寡言，性格内向，凡事不肯马虎。对于鸡尾酒会，他可受不了。他缺乏幽默感，但诚挚认真，性情孤独，在首都以穿衣服最快出名而感到自豪：八分钟穿好正式礼服，两分半钟穿好普通衣服。他总是把要办的事务清单放在他的口袋里，随身携带。艾克则让别人给他携带那些清单，要不然，要那些人干什么·艾克擅于交际，而尼克松则喜欢沉思。在经济学说和政治品德方面来说，那位将军是墨守成规的正统派，而那位参议员却是一个相对主义者、机会主义者和宿命派。那个长者的力量在于对无党派的选民具有吸引力，而根据盖洛普民意测验，那个后辈在正式共和党员中间有人员，他们大部分还都是他的前辈。 当然，尼克松有比上述更多的特点。再过20年，他一生的事情都经过详细的分析以后，他的一生的各个方面就会引起他的同胞的兴趣。他在约巴·琳达度过的穷困的童年，埋藏着他巨大的鞭策力的秘密，就是靠这种鞭策力，在一家华盛顿报纸在特写中把他说成为“首都资历最浅的国会议员”之后才五年，他就在芝加哥一举成名。他对细节的观察力，成了阿尔杰·希斯的致命伤，也可以说他自己的行为就是许许多多零星细节构成的典型。他的那种推销部经理的举止，对一般人所谓原则问题的那种不放在心上的态度，他的狼吞虎咽地马马虎虎吃一顿午饭的特别习惯，对精神病医生的厌恶，总喜欢穿一件马甲——数以百计那样的尼克松特点，每一点本身都是无关要紧的，但所有这些构成了一幅耐人寻味的图案。然而，当他被提升到共和党的全国候选人名单上时，他还不过是一个单方面的政客，他的重要性只在于为艾森豪威尔的吸引力起增色或减色的作用。相信他会增色的，这看来是有理由的。作为一个曾经使希斯伏法的人，尼克松使人敬重。像民主党人所说的那样，把他说成只是一个胡子刮得干干净净的麦卡锡，并且说他靠牺牲他的对手海伦·加哈根·道格拉斯赢得了参议员的席位，这是不够的。不错，道格拉斯夫人受到了牺牲，但是伤她最甚的人却是她的民主党同党。头一个称她为共产党候选人的是一个保守派的民主党人，使她预选的胜利付出极大的代价，并且在共和党人还没有选出他们的提名者之前就注定了她的失败。 自胡佛当总统以来，尼克松是第一个加利福尼亚人参加全国性公职的竞选，该州的共和党人是很愿意用具体事实来证明他们对他的信任的。有人问他们该怎么样做呢，乔蒂纳和伯纳德·布雷南回答说，最好的证据就是现金。要努力竞选就需要大量现金。接收现金的机构已经建立起来。早在两年之前尼克松和他的工作人员就已建立了一条捐款的渠道。他的朋友和拥护者给他保管一笔1.8万元的应急费用，现在捐款就送到了那里。 在共和党人已经离开、民主党人还没有到达的那一周，芝加哥正如飓风的风眼中心那样平静。旅馆业是靠开会吃饭的，芝加哥闹市区各旅馆在这个空挡间歇期中安排了几次小会。在那艾克曾经光临而艾德莱不久又将驾到的旅馆走廊里暂时就被安全驾驶的训练员、人寿保险经纪人、罗尔斯顿·普林纳公司推销员挤满了。使人难以理解的是，塔夫脱似乎比打败他的将军更不易被人遗忘。俄亥俄州这位参议员前往魁北克省默里湾他父亲的古老避暑别墅去后好几天，他要随老塔夫脱之后进入白宫的那场最后的伟大斗争的场面，仍萦绕在人们的脑际。 在1952年那个仲夏，被击败的塔夫脱保守派是否仍会忠于共和党，确实没有把握。麦考密克上校主办的《芝加哥论坛报》把艾森豪威尔描写成为华尔街、欧洲、哈里·杜鲁门和托姆·杜威的候选人。《太阳时报》记者问麦考密克上校，他对共和党人在11月竞选中获胜的可能性如何看法，他说：“可能性是零。”《论坛报》一篇怨气冲天的社论把纽约州长描写成“今天共和党中最不受欢迎的人物”，同时一名威斯康星州拉辛的读者写信来说，尽管他自1916年以来就一直投共和党人的票，但是“我将不投艾森杜威的票，呸他妈的艾森杜威!”可以清楚地看到，共和党内部的分裂是严重的。 显而易见，许多问题要看早被称为第二个“贝蒂·弗内斯节目”的结果而定。自4月16日以来，当史蒂文森州长实际上放弃参加竞选时，民主党的希望就已飘忽不定了。他在前往沃尔多夫旅馆参加筹集经费的宴会的途中，感到在那里出现可能会引起误解，就发表了一个坚决的声明说，鉴于他决定参加伊利诺伊州的重选，“我在今年夏季不能接受任何其他公职竞选的提名。”看来，事情就是这样定了。《纽约时报》评论说，史蒂文森“实际上就是把提名的大门关上了”。 要是当初选了别的州开代表大会，他很可能把门仍旧关着的，但是作为州长，他得招待各个代表。那些知道他擅长演说的人相信，他一说话，代表大会就会如醉如狂的。于是拥护他的人就在康拉德·希尔顿旅馆的第15层设立了一个全国性的拥护史蒂文森任总统委员会。不像其他候选人的前哨基地那样，这个总部没有和他本人联系，不管是直接的还是间接的。州长继续尽他一切努力把门关死。在他的请求下，他的朋友们勉强答应不把他提名。7月20日星期日，在开会前一天，他向伊利诺伊州代表团的秘密会议提出特别的呼吁，要求该团不要参加征召他出山的活动。在外面的记者，扑在地板上，把耳朵贴近滑动拉门下面的隙缝听到他谈到总统的职位，“我没有梦想过自己是胜任这个工作的——无论在气质上、智力上或体力上都不胜任。因此，我请求你们依从我的愿望，不要把我提名，也不要投我的票，万一我被提名的话。” 历史上从没有一个成功的候选人说过那样决绝的话。但到了第二天就有两件事情凑合起来和他作对。第一件是艾尔本·巴克利请16名工会领袖吃早餐，争取他们的支持。由于史蒂文森没有答应接受提名，副总统就有理由要求杜鲁门支持他。杜鲁门在他的回忆录上写道，要是当初这些工会领袖支持了他，巴克利本来可以成为民主党的人选的。但是那些工会领袖没有支持他，因此就把他排除出竞选之外。第二件是，不出所料，州长的大会致词激动人心。他说：“我的朋友们，在这里，在伊利诺伊州和中西部的大草原上，我们无论朝哪个方向看，都可以看得很远……这里没有……思想和抱负的任何障碍。我们不要任何这一类的东西，我们的精神或心灵不要任何枷锁，不要僵硬不变的思想方式，不要死板的一致。我们要的只是在自由和光明正大的竞赛中获胜的信仰和信念。” 他回顾了20年前富兰克林·罗斯福在芝加哥第一次被提名为总统以来的那些年月，动人地谈到自从那时以来所取得的辉煌成就。然后他露出恶作剧的眼光。“但是我们的共和党朋友，”他继续说，“却说这一切全是可怜的失败。几乎有一个星期之久，他们在这里大放厥词，要想找出个办法来，而他们所找到的惟一办法就是说，这一伟大的20年的进步是施政不当、贪污腐化、社会主义、管理失调、挥霍浪费以及更糟的事等等所造成的。他们抓住那个破办法，把它死抱住不放，带到会议厅上来，在整整一周的时间里闹得不可开交。”真的：“在听到这一系列关于我们施政腐败的没完没了的辱骂以后，第二天早晨邮件还是准时送达，这叫我感到十分惊奇……但是我们民主党人绝不是这里惟一的受害者。他们首先是自相残杀，然后又来对付我们。两次都是使用了同样的词汇，因为这是再方便不过的事。也许靠近屠宰场就是说明这场大屠杀的原因吧。” 就在这个当儿，艾森豪威尔在科罗拉多州一家钓鱼的小旅舍里看着电视，有些担忧。但是民主党的代表们却有了勇气。安妮·奥黑尔·麦考密克在次日早晨《纽约时报》上写道：“在一天里面，所有混乱交错的潮流似乎都汇集到艾德莱·史蒂文森州长这个矮小的人物身上，把他看成是代表大会上一个惟一的、几乎是自然的人选。只有总统采取行动才能改变这种状况，这里一般的看法是，即使总统采取行动，现在也为时已晚了。” 星期四接近傍晚时分，印第安纳州长亨利·施里克走上讲台说：“92年前，这个国家从伊利诺伊州的大草原召唤伊利诺伊州最伟大的公民亚伯拉罕·林肯出来。当时林肯也是不愿意的，但有时一个人是不得推却的。我现在把这个我们不允许推却的人提出来，摆在你们的面前，他就是伊利诺伊州的艾德莱·史蒂文森。” 15分钟前，当施里克走向讲坛的时候，史蒂文森就已屈服于不可避免的命运了。他给白宫打电话问过，如果史蒂文森同意被提名，总统是否会感到为难。杜鲁门说：“从1月份以来，我一直想要你说出那句话。为什么会使我为难呢·” 在投票进行的时候，史蒂文森坐在北阿斯特街1416号威廉·麦考密克·布莱尔的父亲家里的二楼卧室里，在一本黄色的划着横线的拍纸簿上起草接受提名的演讲。凯弗维尔在头两次投票中领先。在第三次的投票后，史蒂文森要达到多数尚缺两票半。犹他州突然改投它的12票，于是在7月26日，星期六的早上，那位勉为其难的州长就成为1952年民主党的总统竞选人。 在他一开始当上候选人的时候就遇到不祥的征兆。管风琴一次又一次无力地奏出那首竞选运动的歌曲“不要让他们把它夺去”，这是一种露骨地要想打动大众贪婪心理的呼吁。接着哈里·杜鲁门就把候选人向代表们作了介绍。四年前总统逆转了劣势，取得了胜利。自此以来，他的政治声望降低了，尽管总统大声地说：“你们已提出了一个胜利者，我要脱掉上衣、大干一场，尽我一切能力帮他获胜。”但是史蒂文森的微笑似乎有些惨淡。对七千万电视观众来说，这个情景使人回忆起杜鲁门最不吸引人的一面——他喜欢搞彭德格斯特式政治彭德格斯特(1873～1945年)，美国民主党政客，操纵密苏里州政治多年，当年杜鲁门属他门下。 — translator.因此，这个新人看上去像个彭德格斯特的门徒。几分钟后，州长又给自己的得胜机会来一个打击。他很少有说话不得体的时候，这时却说了这样的话：“我已祷告过慈父，我父啊，倘若可行，求你叫这杯离开我。但在这样可怕的责任面前，一个人是不能由于恐惧、自私或假装谦虚而退缩的。因此，'这杯若不能离开我，必要我喝，就愿您的意旨成全'。” 对于那些虔诚信教的人来说，重复基督在客尼马西客尼马西位于耶路撒冷东面，耶稣在那里被出卖、逮捕和受苦。参考《新约·马太福音》第26章。——译者的祈祷就是亵渎神明。艾克关上他的电视机，对他的钓鱼伙伴说：“伙计们，听了那些话以后，我认为他比他们所有的人都是一个更大的骗子。” 他错过了那篇出众的演说。史蒂文森说，在代表大会的记忆淡忘了之后，留下的将是“在国内受到内争、不和和物质至上这些憔悴可怕的幽灵的作祟，在国外遇到不择手段、不可思议、心怀敌意的强国的历史时刻，把责任承担起来这样一个冷酷的现实。20世纪是基督降世以来流血最多、动乱最盛的时代，这一时代的考验，远远还没有过去。在未来的岁月里，牺牲、忍耐、谅解和坚定的目标可能是我们的命运。让我们正视它吧——让我们对美国人民讲道理。让我们告诉他们真理，没有不劳而获的事，我们正处在一个做出重大决定的前夕——这个决定可不是轻易能做出的，正如当你被攻击时进行抵抗一样，这是一场长期的、需要耐心的、代价高昂的斗争，只有它才能保证战胜人类主要的敌人——战争、穷困和暴政——战胜对人类尊严的侵犯，这是这三个敌人无论哪一个的最可悲的后果……” “我们宁可在这次选举中失败，也比带领人民走入歧途好，”史蒂文森说，“我们宁可在这次选举中失败，也比对人民管理不当好。” 史蒂文森和他的副总统候选人亚拉巴马州的约翰·斯帕克曼在讲坛亮相以后，便乘火车前往斯普林菲尔德去了。在那里他决定割断与杜鲁门的关系，塑造自己的形象。他的总部将设在那里，而不在华盛顿，甚至不在纽约。全国委员会的主席弗兰克·麦金尼是杜鲁门的人，将由史蒂文森的朋友，一个芝加哥的律师斯蒂芬·米切尔来代替。 在宣布他政治上的独立时，他甚至对一个俄勒冈州的记者说，如果他当选总统，他的一个主要目标将是清洗“华盛顿的污浊”。杜鲁门在回忆录中提到这一点时挖苦说：“史蒂文森怎么会希望既能够说服美国的选民维持民主党继续执政，又似乎否认同民主党的有势力分子有关联，我可不知道。” 事实上，政治遗产对两个候选人都没有多大意义。艾森豪威尔和史蒂文森都是个性突出、实实在在的人，因此不能称他们是任何人的配角。尽管如此，在他们大比武前夕，他们各自的特点极不相同。正如约翰·梅森·布朗指出，艾克驰名的笑容的中心是他的嘴巴，而史蒂文森则是他的一双眼睛。将军向人群招手致意时，双臂外伸，而当他说话时，他常常说，“我听说”或“有人告诉我”。州长则往往不是那样，而是说，“我想起”或“有人提醒我”。他的手势不大，两肘总是贴在身边。他担忧国家那种沾沾自满的物质至上态度，它的“精神上的失业状态”。他的那些话本来是会使艾森豪威尔感到为难的。甚至“现状”这个词儿也使他感到困难；如果他在演说要说这话，他总会跟着一句道歉的话，“当然，我可不是一个有文化教养的候选人。”但物质的繁荣没有使他感到惊慌，他把它看成是一种幸事，并且，作为一个美国人，他为此而感到自豪。 他不像他的对手那样是个天生的演说家。他需要时间来摸索他的竞选活动的自然规律——事实上，需要的时间要那么多，使他的一些助手对他能否把这个规律摸索出来失去了信心。他在结束他的钓鱼旅行时说：“美国今天最重大的问题就是走中间那条又直又窄的路。”首先，那句话就不是一句吸引人的话，而他在第二天、第三天一再重复那句话时，记者中间就有人谈论跨过三八线那句老生常谈的话了。理查德·罗维尔在9月6日报道说，他吸引了大批大批的听众，但“来听他恳求听众协助把民主党人赶下台的人却常常不多”。 在第一个月中，共和党人几乎惟一可乐观的，是他们报纸的支持。支持史蒂文森的报纸刚好有201家，每日销售量440万。对照之下，支持艾森豪威尔的报纸有993家，每日销售量达4010万份。然而，即使在这里，新闻栏由于刊登民主党候选人的谈话，往往破坏了亲艾克的社论。州长非常善于选择时机。艾克一说他将保留一些民主党的纲领，州长就说他将自豪地站在党的大部分成绩上面，“只希望……将军站开一些，多留给他一些地方。”他指责说，自从本世纪开始以来，共和党人缺乏新思想，“至于他们的讲台英语亦即纲领。——译者，那么，没有人能够站在一大堆滑溜溜的鳝鱼上面的。”9月12日，在结束他的6500英里的西部旅行时，他听到塔夫脱曾把一份保守的声明带到将军的纽约家中，经过两小时的会谈后，艾森豪威尔对每一项的细节都同意了。史蒂文森称此为“莫宁赛德高地的投降”。他说：“塔夫脱失去了提名，但赢得了提名人。”而当苦恼的艾克申明总统的职位可不是开玩笑的事的时候，州长再给他刺一下：“我的对手为我的滑稽骨肘部尺骨端俗名，神经敏感，一触即麻。——译者操心，但我则为他的脊梁骨担心。”