Chapter 34 Chapter Thirty-Three

"××× (the author will hide his name—or name, or name, this chapter is the same unless otherwise noted) Comrade's opinion letter to the North Manchurian Provisional Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China" (also known as "××× Comrade’s Letter to the North Manchurian Provisional Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China”) should have been written on February 9, 1938, more than a month after Zhao Shangzhi was “invited” to cross the border in the Soviet Union. The full text is more than 7,000 words. The first natural paragraph at the beginning states that "the unity of the party's consciousness and action are the prerequisites for overcoming all complex difficulties."Then he explained that "our Northern Manchurian Party showed that there were unresolvable disputes between the local party and the team in the era of the Zhuhe Central County Party Committee." The crime of the Revolutionary War is an anti-Party tendency. In order to thoroughly understand the root of this crime, we have to write about the historical development of this thing to you.”

Next, we will look back at history and use examples to explain the following: 1. The differences and disputes between the Zhuhe Party and Zhao Shangzhi were "mainly the result of Shangzhi's contempt and opposition to the leadership of the Zhu Party."2. The Central County Party Committee and Zhao Shangzhi misinterpreted "Wang Kangxin", "Jitexin" and "Zhongdaixin". Chance".3. At the Zhutang joint meeting, "'Leftist' elements, taking advantage of the lack of close relationship with the party's superiors and the notice of Zicai's spy incident, etc., began to carry out anti-party actions and denied the letter from Zhongdai."4. In the expanded meeting of the provincial executive committee, "the resolution was again used by the 'Left' elements. After the meeting, we continued to seek hidden disputes with the Jidong Party."5. "From the autumn of 1935, Zhao Shangzhi fully revealed his systematic thought of semi-Trotskyism."6. "He hates the Mountain Forest Team."7. "Comrade Shang Zhi's thinking has always been in danger of splitting the unity of the party. He thinks he knows everything, and often uses straightforward (appropriate) simple methods to solve complex revolutionary problems." Democratic centralism is regarded by Comrade Zhao Shangzhi as a bad sackcloth.”8. "Now I think that Zhao Shangzhi is not simply a tendency to make mistakes. Based on many hard facts, he tells us that he is already an anti-Communist conspirator. Even terror means come against the bright banner of the party".

I put forward this opinion, firmly requesting all comrades to study and approve it, and immediately start this struggle without hesitation. This is the prerequisite for the consolidation of the party at present. Thousands of heroic Bolsheviks will unite in this struggle. Unity. The "opinion letter" immediately caused an uproar in the party in North Manchuria. Zhang Lansheng, secretary of the Northern Manchurian Provincial Party Committee, is a supporter of the "submission". On February 20, "Lan Sheng, ××× Letter to Comrades in Charge of the Armies and Military Division Party Committees", about 1/3 of it repeated the contents of the "opinion letter".

On May 1, at the seventh meeting of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee held at the Nancha Secret Camp in the Tangwang River Valley, Zhang Lansheng made a nearly 30,000-word "About Thoroughly Supporting and Implementing the Central Strategic Line and Resolutely Opposing the "Zhutang Central County Party Committee, the Three The Joint Meeting of the Party Committees of the Sixth Army "Report on Anti-Party "Left" Leaning Closed-doorism Line" held that: Comrade XX's opinion paper is an important enlightenment document to change the party's strategy and bring the party back to the central line to carry out opposition to the "left" closed-doorism and anti-party line. We agree with the content of this opinion paper in general.

Comrade Shang Zhi's all inclinations are indeed the source and main responsible person of the anti-Party "Left" closed-doorism line.Comrade Shang Zhi has always had his anti-Party tendencies and dangerous factors that split the unity of the Party. At present, when he strives for unity within the Party, when the North Manchurian Party changes to the central line and abandons its anti-Party, anti-organization and small organization actions and tendencies, the Party will Comrade Shangzhi's bad tendencies and factors must be overcome and eliminated. Jin Ce saw the "submission" more than 4 months later. On June 28, the member of the provincial executive committee and the director of the Political Department of the 3rd Army and 4th Division wrote "A Letter of Opinion on Comrade ××× to the North Manchurian Provisional Provincial Committee, the Third Army Party Committee, and the Sixth Army Party Committee" in the secret camp of Baoqing County. Letters from the Special Committees of Hexiajiang and Kazakhstan":

First of all, it pointed out that Comrade ××× was uncertain about the fighting attitude of comrades in charge of the North Manchuria Provincial Party Committee.The comrades in charge of the Provisional Provincial Committee of North Manchuria and Comrade XX abandoned their inherent views in front of Shang Zhi and turned to conciliation, but if Comrade Shang Zhi was not present, Comrade XX would turn around and say that he supported the central line and opposed the "Left" deviation, etc. The responsible comrades of the Provisional Provincial Party Committee accepted Comrade ×××’s opportunistic struggle methods.

Why didn't Comrade Shang Zhi mention it when he was here?It is because of Comrade Shang Zhi's terrorist methods, and because of the "fear of spies" that he succumbed and reconciled. This method of reconciliation and opportunist struggle not only failed to overcome and correct the incorrect tendency, but also helped this tendency, making the party and the coalition forces The interior creates greater divisions. Although Comrade ××× adopts an opportunistic approach to the concept of anti-inclination struggle, we will not obliterate the iron facts contained in the February opinion of ×××. I think these iron facts are the anti-Japanese people in Northeast China. In terms of the development and consolidation of the guerrilla movement, it will greatly hinder the strategy of striving to form an anti-Japanese national united front, and it may split and setback the anti-Japanese guerrilla movement in North Manchuria.Therefore, each of our comrades should and immediately start a two-front struggle, ruthlessly fighting head-on with the spirit, methods and methods of the Bolshevik struggle.The development of this struggle will definitely be overcome, because (it conforms to) the wishes and requirements of all party comrades in North Manchuria and Kyrgyzstan.

In the autumn of 1935, in Qingshanli, Boli County, Zhao Shangzhi held a meeting with Jin Ce and Hao Guilin and made five resolutions, which were in line with the spirit of "Wang Kangxin".Zhao Shangzhi "did not express any disapproval, but proceeded with the work according to Wang Kang's instruction letter".Jin Ce believes that "Jite letter" and "Zhongdai letter" do have shortcomings. "In the XX opinion, it was written: 'In 1935, the three armed forces destroyed the friendly relationship between the forest team and the masses in the Mudanjiang River Basin', which is not true." "It is not in line with the actual situation at that time that we put all these conditions on Comrade Zhao Shangzhi." "I think Comrade Shang Zhi's tendency is not developed by his subjective factors, but is further developed by the party comrades' non-struggle and harmony as his tail."

Many of Zhou Baozhong's views coincide with Jin Ce's. On September 4, "Zhou Baozhong's Letter to ×××, Jin Ce, and Responsible Comrades of the North Manchurian Provisional Provincial Committee" stated: Dear comrades!We welcome your criticisms without hesitation.You are right to oppose "Leftist" closed-doorism and to eliminate tendencies within the party, and this is very welcome.It's a pity that after Comrade Shang Zhi and the important comrades in charge of the Sixth Army's military left North Manchuria, you "organized" called for anti-"Left" closed-doorism.It is easy for you to confuse the struggle against tendencies with the problems of the individual, or to disassociate tendencies from the individual altogether.In this way, it is easiest to fall into the trap of inclination against tendency, person against person, and faction against faction, even though you keep saying that you are inseparable from principles.

On May 20, "A Letter from Comrade XXXX to the Whole Party Concerning Several Serious Mistakes of "Left" Leaning Closed-Doorism" stated: After the expansion of the conference, because of my petty bourgeois spirit, although I kept the work I should do, I was depressed mentally. Jidong represents harmony, and he himself is extremely terrifying... The term "spies" came to his head, and he felt (feeling) that someone from the central government must come to solve the problem of the route. The petty bourgeoisie is small, weak, shaken, and shameful. I signed my name on many anti-party letters of many "left" elements.

Regarding the expanded meeting of the Provincial Executive Committee, many old people wrote memoirs, which I also described earlier, and there are the following versions. ××× wrote in the "opinion paper": Amidst the applause of the "Left" elements, first of all, the secretary of Lao Feng Province was dismissed at the beginning of the meeting. The atmosphere in the meeting place was extremely sinister. At this plenary meeting, Ji Dong, representing Comrade Baozhong, was in a suspected position. After many comrades fought hard, he participated in this (this) meeting. ×× is the monitored status. On October 12, 1939, "Feng Zhongyun's Work Report to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" stated: The "quarrel" phenomenon in the meeting is unique in the history of the Northeast Party. "Armed threats", "quarrels" and "swearing" are evil phenomena. On May 9 of the same year, "Hou Qigang's Appeal to the North Manchurian Provisional Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China" stated: This meeting should have been the "great performance" of Comrade XX's first support for the central line.Because he first determined that the line of the Zhutang Conference violated the central line, secondly, other comrades in the northern province echoed it, and finally went to Jiangnan to discuss with the Jidong Provincial Party Committee.This time could have brought dawn to the opening of the central line in northern Manchuria.Unfortunately, during the meeting, Comrade Shang Zhi raised his fist and made a speech at one or two o'clock, but XX didn't say a word at all, turning Comrade Feng Qun into a target.Comrade Baozhong, with his experienced tongue, finally failed to inspire Comrade XX's courage to support the central line.The resolution unanimously adopted the resolutions of "mistakenly suspecting that Wang Kang's instructions are rightist" and "generally there is nothing wrong with the Zhutang Conference".What does this mean? Comrade ×× said that this shows that Comrade Shang Zhi likes to be the number one spy for other comrades, so he dare not fight.My answer is that revolutionaries would rather die than surrender.My work history is short and my job status is low. Comrade Shang Zhi has added me twice, but I am not afraid. ×× is the Executive Committee of Northern Province ×××(×) ××× (these 7 characters are positions, the author will hide them), I don’t believe that the representative of Jidong is still there, and a living person was killed at the meeting (got )? ! Jin Chaek, born in 1903 in Seongjin County, North Hamgyong Province, North Korea (now Jinchaek City), is of medium height and thin. Before he was forty, his forehead began to lose hair, and his angular face appeared a little longer.He joined the Communist Party of China in 1930, and served as Secretary of the Dongcheng District Committee of Ning'an County, Secretary of the Special Branch of Bin County, Secretary-General of the Zhuhe Central County Committee, and Director of Military Supplies of the Hadong Detachment. After 1935, he served as director of the Political Department of the 2nd Regiment and 4th Regiment of the 3rd Army, and director of the Political Department of the 4th Division. In November 1938, he served as the director of the Political Department of the 3rd Army.After the recovery of North Korea, he was a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea and the Deputy Prime Minister of the Cabinet of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. He died of illness in 1951. Jin Ce, who went into exile in Northeast China for the sake of national subjugation, was arrested in Yanji County in 1927, and was escorted to Seodaemun Prison in Seoul for three years.Shortly after he was released from prison, he was arrested again in Ning'an, imprisoned in Fengtian Prison, and sentenced to 7 years in prison. He was released during the chaos after the September 18th Incident.He has one brother and one brother, both of whom participated in the Anti-Japanese War. The younger brother was arrested in 1932 and was also taken to Seodaemun Prison in Seoul. His whereabouts have been unknown since then.My elder brother was first in the Ning'an County Party Committee, and later transferred to the East Manchuria Special Committee. He was killed in the anti-"Minshengtuan" campaign.In the column of "Family, Occupation, Where Are You Now" in "Jin Ce's Resume" written on January 11, 1941, he wrote: "Agriculture, middle peasants, in October 1930, after leaving the family in Tokyo City, Ning'an County I don’t know why, at that time my family had a mother, a brother, a sister-in-law, a nephew, and a niece, and I had two sons in Yanji.” On October 2, 2007, South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun visited North Korea across the 38th parallel. He once visited Kim Chaek Institute of Technology, a famous North Korean university in Pyongyang.Jin Ce, who spoke fluent Chinese back then, only went to evening school during the slack season, and mainly relied on self-study. On May 9, 1939, he mentioned in a letter to Zhang Shouzhen that he had just drafted a document, "I hope to make revisions and supplements to the deficiencies or unclear points after reading it." Ability seems to lack self-confidence, but it does not hinder the sharpness, depth and sharpness of his thinking. Speaking of Jin Ce, the old man interviewed by the author said that he is experienced, stable, generous, brotherly, principled, outspoken, and often has unique insights.Usually reticent, very serious, and not difficult to approach, making people feel kind and trustworthy.From Zhao Shangzhi to ordinary soldiers, whoever they talk to, they all quietly listen to the person's speech, and sometimes ask you if you have finished.And his opinions are usually conclusive. On August 25, 1938, Gao Yumin, Secretary of the Xiajiang Special Committee, stated in his "Opinion Letter to the North Manchurian Provisional Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China" that "our North Manchurian Party has implemented the anti-party line for the past two years", and "Comrade Yumin is against Comrade Jin Ce There are many dissenting opinions, and there are also opposing opinions", and they refuted them one by one, thinking that Jin Ce also made the same mistake of conciliation, and then wrote: Comrade Jin Ce is one of the powerful main central cadres of our North Manchurian Party.It is no coincidence that he left his superiors in the past few years to expand and develop the three armies and four divisions. It is the result of Comrade Jin Ce's loyalty to the party and Wang Kangxin-the central line.Comrade Jin Ce has the working style of a seasoned Bolshevik, and he has consistent sincerity. Comrade Jin Ce accepts anyone's correct opinion.Although Yu Min met Comrade Jin Ce for the first time, but recalling it now, he did give Yu Min some correct leadership.Comrade Jin Ce is a very respectable comrade. I hope that when the main responsible comrades of the Provincial Party Committee meet with Comrade Jin Ce, they will explain more about ×××'s opinion letter. You can oppose and refute his opinions, but you can't help but respect him and be attracted by him, even if you meet him for the first time-this is the charm of Jin Ce and Jin Ce. On November 16, "XXX Report to the Provisional Provincial Party Committee of North Manchuria" stated: The anti-party line of the North Manchurian Party has been in place for several years. The poisonous gas and mist have filled the banks of the Song (Song) River and the hinterland of Heilongjiang Province. All important instructions of our Party Central Committee have been rejected and rejected.We, Comrade Jin Ce, are still wandering far away, ignoring them, and the struggle between the party and the anti-party has already turned upside down. Even the secret service agencies of the Japanese invaders know about it. When the province had already decided to change its course, the tide of struggle hit its eyebrows, and then in the "fog of five miles", I closed my eyes and read the "Bible" unconsciously, and said, "Comrade ×××'s way of fighting for opportunities", "It hinders even more Unanimity and unity", "It will be extremely harmful, and the anti-Japanese guerrilla movement in North Manchuria may be split and frustrated." There is no month and day, and the time should be about the same as this report by ×××. "The Response of the Provisional Provincial Committee of the North Manchuria of the Communist Party of China to Jin Ce's Opinion", believes that "the general aspect is still in line with the central line and the Seventh Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee's change of line ", "Comrade XX's opinion paper is very appropriate after Shang Zhiyuan left XX (the original text - the author)".It is believed that Jin Ce's "commentary on the "Gite letter" has shortcomings is "ambiguous and wrong", and "the source of Comrade Jin Ce's mistakes in his opinion paper is a vague understanding of the central line. The party's 'Left' leaning closed-doorism line and the specific facts of the criminal actions of small anti-party organizations are unfamiliar and unclear." ××× did not participate in the Pearl Soup Joint Meeting, and Jin Ce did not even attend the expanded meeting of the Provincial Executive Committee.After the meeting in Qingshanli, Zhao Shangzhi went north to Tangyuan, and from then on, they were separated forever.Jin Ce and his division commander Hao Guilin led the 4th Division to open up new areas in Yilan, Boli, Baoqing, Mishan and other places to raise funds for the main force of the Western Expedition.When receiving the "submission" from ×××, Hao Guilin and his successor teacher Lu Xitian both died in two and a half years, all because of him, the director of the political department, beating and kicking there. There is reason to believe that during the days when he received the "suggestion letter" from ×××, the letter in which he was called a "suggestion letter" by the provincial party committee, and that letter was taken away by traffic officers, Jin Ce Anxiety and worry are mainly two words: split. Some old people said that if Jin Ce participated in the expanded meeting of the provincial executive committee, he would not be silent and would definitely express his opinion.It's hard to say what will happen, but can this field be achieved? According to the analysis of Gao Yumin's "opinion letter", Jin Ce seems to have left for the Tangwang River Valley in late August to find the temporary provincial party committee.I don't know which heel it was. I was injured in Hulin two years ago. "Jin Ce's Resume" said "the injury was serious." Two months ago, my knee was injured by a traitor again.It was the period of the "special big crusade" in Sanjiang, and we can imagine how he limped through the mountains and forests with a stick in the autumn wind of the Eastern Desolation, and how anxious he was. In the face of a strong enemy, what he is anxious and worried about is the split of the North Manchurian Party. ——"In this extraordinary period, there will be disputes and divisions within the party, and the crisis will be (un)imaginable!" As the saying goes: "People are afraid of meeting, trees are afraid of peeling." The CCP delegation to the Communist International abolished the Manchuria Provincial Committee, and sent the secret letter to North Manchuria along with the "Jitter Letter". If everyone in Beiman, Jidong, and Xiao Luo, who was left behind by the Manchuria Provincial Party Committee, could get together and explain what they had said, the misunderstanding would be cleared up, and differences of opinion would not be difficult to resolve.But this is impossible.In fact, apart from the Zhutang joint meeting and the enlarged meeting of the provincial executive committee, people holding various important positions on different sides of the world used their own pens and then passed the feet of traffic officers to argue.In this way, there is nothing to say about issuing instructions, orders, and exchanging information.Engaging in pen battles and resolving differences in ideas and opinions will have great limitations.Time-consuming and labor-intensive aside, an inadvertent over-the-top remark, intentional or unintentional sarcasm, may deepen the misunderstanding and tie the knot even tighter. This time, when Jin Ce came to the Provincial Party Committee, he gonged and drummed face to face. Everyone communicated and debated with an open mind. On January 20, 1939, "A Bundle of Opinions from Comrade Jin Ce" was issued by the Provisional Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China in Beiman : The Seventh Standing Committee Meeting of the Provincial Party Committee did not abandon the important opinion of Comrade XX because of the way XX comrades fought for opportunities. If XX and other comrades of the Enlarged Conference had not adopted a conciliatory stance, then perhaps the outcome of the Enlarged Conference would not have been the same.After the Enlargement Conference, Comrade XX was even worse than other comrades, but he was more harmonious with the "Left" elements, worked together, and joined forces with the dirty.For example, Comrade XX and Comrade Shang Zhi jointly signed a letter to Xie Wendong and Li Huatang.The letter to Li Huatang was drafted by XX, and the letter to the Jidong Provincial Committee and the Fifth Army Party Committee was warmly approved by Comrade XX.Comrade XX agreed to the unanimous notice on consolidating the party.Comrade XX and others said that the military headquarters of the armed forces would not go westward, but would go to Xiajiang to pick up some bargains.Comrade Xishan went to the Ninth Army to pick up guns and get back the machine guns of the Second Regiment of the Fourth Army, and Comrade XX agreed with him.The less than incident is supported by Comrade XX, and everything is too numerous to enumerate. Comrade XX believes that the struggle can only be completed from the bottom up.Then, after Comrade XX arrived at the headquarters of the Sixth Army, why did Comrade Shang Zhi and the Provincial Standing Committee go out to discuss the joint "crossing of the border" before launching a struggle, and decided to cross the border that would cause great losses to the work of the North Manchurian Party? ! We must educate the cadres that we must adopt the correct Bolshevik style of struggle in future intra-party struggles. We hope that Comrade XX and the entire party will eliminate the remnants of the struggle for opportunity. Comrade XX should make no secret of acknowledging the mistakes in this way of fighting for opportunities, and pay attention to changes in every way.Not only Comrade XX, but many major cadres of the North Manchurian Party also made such mistakes, and they should also pay attention to correcting them. ——The Provincial Party Committee has carefully studied Comrade Jin Ce's various opinions, and fully agrees with Comrade Jin Ce's various opinions! Comrade Zhao Shangzhi has arrived at your place. We have now removed his military commander responsibility. You decide on the punishment within the party. We think he does not need to come back. If he comes back, he will lose his work. If you think he can come back, then you have to give us a solution instruct. This is a natural paragraph in the "Report to the Central Committee of the Northern Manchurian Provisional Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China" dated May 10, 1938. The "A Bundle of Comrade Jin Ce's Opinions" published by the Provisional Provincial Party Committee quoted earlier listed the contents of many documents provided by the Provincial Party Committee after Jin Ce joined the Provincial Party Committee. It cannot be concluded from this that someone does not want Jin Ce to see this crucial report. If Jin Ce did not say a word after seeing it, it is obviously inconceivable, and it will naturally make people suspicious.Jin Ce's intention to protect Zhao Shangzhi and other comrades should also be obvious.And the generation who are about the same age as the Republic, as well as their fathers who are not many now, can obviously understand that this possibility is unlikely.Moreover, like Feng Zhongyun, it is impossible for him to agree with Zhao Shangzhi's blatant opposition to the "central line". During the enlarged meeting of the Provincial Executive Committee, Feng Zhongyun cried. I remember that one evening, Li Min saw Feng Zhongyun sitting on a fallen log by the river in front of the yard, holding the pair of glasses with missing legs in his hand.Feng Zhongyun came to the Maoershan Army Clothing Factory for a meeting. Li Min saw the pair of glasses at first sight. He tied them to his ears with a hemp rope, and he had to push them up after a while, and he had to use one hand when reading documents. hold.Li Min was very grateful that he agreed to join the team, so he chose a strip of ash tree that looked like glasses legs, hoping to find a chance to solve this problem. Li Min called "Feng Provincial Party Committee", and ran up to him, wanting to surprise Feng Zhongyun, but found that there were many tears on his face. Li Min felt that among these people in Mao'er Mountain, she should have the right to cry and wipe away tears, at least she should be the first one.But since joining the team, no matter how much she thought about her father and brother, she held back and never shed a tear.She really didn't understand, how could a cadre as big as Feng's provincial party committee cry?However, in the past two days, I have been busy both inside and outside, and I have heard some intermittently. "Blind Feng", what is your opinion? "Blind Feng", do you support or oppose it?She didn't understand what these adults and cadres were arguing about, and her intuition told her that someone seemed to be bullying Feng Zhongyun.This is bullying an honest person, and I feel a little resentful. Feng Zhongyun hurriedly wiped away the tears on his face, and concealed it, saying: I lost my eyes just now. Li Min straight-forwardly said: Provincial Party Committee Feng, whoever bullied you, I will tell Sister Pei to help you. In the mind of the thirteen-year-old female soldier, Pei Chengchun, the director of the quilt factory, is omnipotent. Feng Zhongyun patted her on the shoulder: "Little girl, don't talk nonsense, no one bullied me, it's just a bug that flew into my eye." Li Zaide is most familiar with Feng Zhongyun. In the autumn of 1932, Feng Zhongyun visited Tangyuan and stayed at Li Zaide's house, calling Li Zaide's grandmother "Grandma Ni". In the early 1950s, they were all transferred to work in Beijing. One day, a group of beards broke in suddenly, asking for money, they rummaged around for valuables.Seeing Feng Zhongyun, he said he was a "Japanese spy" and was about to be dragged out and collapsed.Li Zaide's mother stepped forward to stop him and was knocked down. Li Zaide's grandmother rushed forward and said that he was my dumb son who came to see me from North Korea.Li Zaide and his mother also rushed forward, grabbing Feng Zhongyun tightly.The neighbors came to testify that Feng Zhongyun was the old lady's dumb son. The old man Li Zaide said that Uncle Feng's glasses were more than 1000 degrees, and he died in the guerrilla drilling forest.He is from the south, and a stranger came to our house, so he pretended to be dumb, and had to hide his glasses quickly. How could a dumb person wear glasses? The old man called Feng Zhongyun "Uncle Feng", and said that in the Northeast Anti-Japanese League, Uncle Feng should be the highest in terms of culture and education. Feng Zhongyun was born in Wujin County, Jiangsu Province in 1908.In the "Feng Zhongyun's Resume" written on January 11, 1941, it is written: "I graduated from the Department of Mathematics of Tsinghua University, National Beiping, China, specializing in mathematical physics." "My family has: father, mother, elder brother, sister-in-law , younger brother, younger sister, wife, son, and daughter. Father Feng Dexuan and mother are over 60 years old. They are now in Wujin, Jiangsu Province with younger brother Feng Yiheng. The Anti-Japanese War is booming, and news is separated. It is unknown whether he is still alive. Father once Participated in the Revolution of 1911, was a wealthy businessman 20 years ago, and has long since gone bankrupt." "My wife Xue Wen worked in the secretariat of Manchuria from 1931 to 1934. In December 1934, she was transferred by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to work in Shanghai Central Committee. In 1935 He was arrested in Shanghai and released from prison. Before the July 7th Anti-Japanese War, he went to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region. I don’t know where he is now.” He joined the party in 1927 and served as secretary of the party branch of Tsinghua University. In November 1930, he was sent to Harbin to teach mathematics and physics at the Northeast Merchant Marine School, and to do secret work. After the "September 18th" Incident, he served as the party secretary of the Anti-Japanese Federation of Quanman.Later, he served as the inspector and secretary-general of the Manchuria Provincial Party Committee, the director of the Political Department of the Hadong Detachment, the director of the Political Department of the 3rd Army, the propaganda director of the Zhuhe Central County Party Committee, the temporary secretary of the Beiman Provincial Party Committee, the propaganda director, and the secretary-general. In February 1939, he was a member of the Standing Committee of the Beiman Provincial Party Committee, Minister of Propaganda, and director of the Political Department of the 6th Army. In May 1940, he served as political commissar of the 3rd Route Army. More than 1,000 degrees of myopia, 1.70 meters tall, a big frame, thin during the war, not much flesh, long face, gradually fattened after the founding of New China, and turned into a round face.The old man interviewed by the author said that he never lost his temper.Even in tattered clothes, the man looked like a savage, and he was so gentle and gentle when he was so hungry that he staggered when he walked.That kind of scholarly temperament has penetrated into the bone marrow.And what he always dreamed of during the interval between the battles was to win the War of Resistance and to be able to go back to the campus and review those long-lost mathematical formulas, "it would be best to become a red doctor". On October 31, 1940, "Feng Zhongyun's Report to Hailu and Transfer to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China" stated: Comrades Shangzhi, Baozhong, and the motherland once proposed to the North Manchurian Party that I should serve as the general political commissar of the Third Route Army, but I did not agree at that time.But when I returned to the North Manchurian Party, the commander-in-chief, Comrade Shou Huang, and the provincial party committee, Comrade Jin Ce, all agreed with this opinion, so I now serve as the political commissar of the Third Route Army of the Anti-Union Army.However, my personal talents are ignorant, lack of revolutionary training, and my personal personality is mild and weak, and I often make the mistake of conciliationism. In the summer of 1932, when the spirit of the "Northern Conference" was being implemented, when Luo Dengxian was criticized and the secretary of the provincial party committee was dismissed, some people were too late to draw a line. Feng Zhongyun named his infant daughter "Yi Luo" - in memory of Luo Dengxian . Feng Zhongyun was a "good old man", which seemed to be a consensus at the time, so he didn't say that he was a "mason".In such an environment of struggle, it was all too common for a scholar's gentleness to be seen as weakness, even to himself.In fact, he has always been principled, assertive, persistent, and aboveboard.It's just that in the criticism and self-criticism within the revolutionary ranks, he has always been a kind-hearted comrade, and he will never be so rough and aggressive, as if he has put himself in the position of the weak invisibly. Feng Zhongyun also had opinions on Zhao Shangzhi and made criticisms, but he always admired Zhao Shangzhi and considered him a hero of the War of Resistance. In 1946, Zhuhe County was renamed "Shangzhi County". It is said that Feng Zhongyun, then governor of Songjiang Province, strongly advocated.It should be noted that in the minds of some people at that time, Zhao Shangzhi had already committed a heinous crime. When talking about the Anti-Japanese League, they were afraid to avoid the word "Zhao Shangzhi" - which will be described in detail later. At the enlarged meeting of the provincial executive committee, Feng Zhongyun agreed with Zhao Shangzhi's opinion, thinking that "anti-Japanese and anti-manchuria should not be mentioned together", it is wrong to persuade the masses to return to Datun and wait for major events.However, the situation is different now than it was at the Zhutang joint meeting, at least there is no need to guess riddles on the organizational route.As a party member, he cannot violate the party's organizational principles.So, under Zhao Shangzhi's aggressive gaze, he became an awkward character with two feet on both sides. He also said something against his will, and had a bad relationship, what should we do if we don't?fight?In the face of the great enemy, who is the only one who can benefit from fighting among his own people?Like Kim, he worries about splits within the party. On March 5 of the same year, the "Instruction Letter from the North Manchurian Provisional Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China to ×××" stated: Of course, Comrade Qi Gang has a serious tendency to make mistakes in his concepts, methods, standpoints, and working methods. However, we believe that there are "good factors" in his mind.He can still transform.We ask him to change consciously, and we want to help him change.Although Comrade Qi Gang had flaws and wavering in certain periods in the national revolutionary movement, on the whole he still had a glorious fighting history.Be our companion for a long time!Still our companions!Therefore, we should love him and help him.We also need to love our cadres as Wang Kangxin said! On the previous Lantern Festival, Feng Zhongyun said in a letter to Hou Qigang: Regardless of our views, methods, positions, tendencies, emotions, life, etc., I hope you can study, put forward opinions, criticize, stand in the position of loving and helping me personally, and stand in love among comrades. You are welcome to write to me.I am very concerned about your illness. How is your condition recently?Hope it is well maintained. If there were more comrades like Feng Zhongyun, would Hou Qigang commit suicide later?While sending warm love to Hou Qigang who is in trouble, his persevering principle and strong character are also invisible on the paper. Hou Qigang has "good factors" in his head, but among the old people interviewed by the author, there is no one who does not say that Feng Zhongyun is a good person.He resolutely fought the war, was loyal to the party, and was loyal to his wife.Some people in his position remarried, and some left behind "romantics" of one kind or another.War and big smoke have roughened his skin and temperament, and he is still as gentle and pure as ever to his comrades and relatives.Some people also advised him that his wife hadn't heard from her for a long time, and she was probably gone, so let's rebuild a family.He said, "I would rather be a bachelor all my life than marry another woman." The secret camp was exposed and the personnel were evacuated. Feng Zhongyun never forgot the old, weak, sick and disabled, and tried every means to settle in a safer place.Some old people said that after Japan surrendered on "August 15th", this person who didn't know whether his parents were "still alive" or where his wife and children were, how did he find the descendants of the Anti-Japanese War who lived among the people. A few days before he was beaten to death during the "Cultural Revolution", he was still writing testimonial materials for a comrade from the Manchuria Provincial Party Committee. No matter how you look at it, Feng Zhongyun is a good party member.As for those who have been demoted, dismissed, or expelled from the party that will be written later, no matter what mistakes they have made since the Zhutang Joint Meeting, no matter whether they realize their mistakes or fail to realize their mistakes for a while, they will never forget. They are resolute in the war of resistance, and they are all good people who beat devils. On August 28, 1937, "Letter from Zhao Shangzhi, ××× to Brother Xiang" said: Controversy between the North Manchurian Party and the Jidong Party in the past and up to the current political opinions, such as the question of whether to raise the issue of anti-Japanese and anti-"Manchu" together or not, and the strategy of returning to the village, the strategy of the "Manchu" soldiers, and various comparisons Complicated issues, etc., have been heatedly debated.However, at the enlarged meeting of the Executive Committee of the Northern Manchurian Party Committee recently, Jidong, on behalf of Comrade Zhou Baozhong, agreed with the consistent opinions of the Northern Manchurian Party, but we don't know whether the Jidong Party has any opinions.However, until today we still suspect that there are spies in the Jidong Party, such as Comrade Liu Shuhua, etc., when Comrade XX talked about suspicious incidents in the Jidong Party (there are documents-about three suspicious incidents in the Jidong Party), North The full party has many opinions, and we refer to the National Salvation Times, Shi Ping on the issue of spies, and we think that our suspicion is not nervousness, but the vigilance that revolutionaries should have.According to the current relationship between the North Manchurian Party and the Jidong Party, it is getting closer day by day. You should give us an answer after a detailed investigation, lest we continue to have estrangements in our work, and we have to. , has begun to block important news between the Jidong Party, especially the important plan for North Manchuria, please pay attention, please check all the materials sent in detail. Disagreements and disputes between Beiman and Jidong have always been misunderstandings. As mentioned earlier, due to the different environments, conditions, and leaders' personalities, each army has different characteristics and fighting styles, and sometimes there are differences in understanding and handling of the same thing.For example, some troops in Jidong basically treat the tax collection of Jingou Wood Industry in the same way, regardless of whether they are Japanese puppets or national enterprises.Zhao Shangzhi believes that after collecting taxes from the Japanese puppet, allowing it to mine gold and log, this is the greatest benefit for the Japanese invaders.Nanman also believed that "this is the task of the 'Manchukuo' lackey army to help the development of the enemy's capital". The "Jidong way" called by some works, as well as the "North Manchu way" and "South Manchu way" that can be similarly analogized, are similar to housekeeping, each with its own advantages and disadvantages.Under the premise that there is no difference in resisting Japan and saving the country, we should learn from each other's strengths to make up for our weaknesses.It was an attempt to invite Zhou Baozhong to participate in the Enlarged Meeting of the Executive Committee of the Provisional Provincial Party Committee of Beiman.However, against the backdrop of organizational chaos and misunderstanding caused by the abolition of the Manchurian Provincial Party Committee, the problem has become difficult, if not impossible, to solve. There seems to be an invisible hand in the dark, lest there will be little trouble between Beiman and Jidong.The original disagreement was still an unsolved case, and Liu Shuhua's "spies issue", which will be described in detail later, came out. Beiman began to block important news with Jidong, and new misunderstandings and crises came again. On May 14, 1938, ××× sent two consecutive letters to Zhou Baozhong, Song Yifu and others. 《×××关于北满党的路线斗争等事给周保中、宋一夫及二五军全体同志的信》中说，“你们也应当坚决负起不断在信件上，言论上，来努力推动和帮助北省进行这一转变，特别是在实际行动上援助北省走向转变”。 《×××关于纠正北满省委“左”倾关门主义问题给周保中、宋一夫同志的信》中，再次谈到撤销赵尚志、李熙山、黄成植几个人的工作问题，其中撤销李熙山9军政治部主任的职务，“请你们站在兄弟党统一的精神，及联军系统上，必须负责帮助解决”。 6月27日，《周保中关于干部等问题给金策同志信》中说： 在我党以中、高革命先进分子鲜血创造，为中国民族被压迫民族解放而斗争抗日联军——第三军，在北满松花江岸起骨干作用，这不用赘说。可是由于个别同志带倾向性，而影响到三军更大发展，特别是在军队基础巩固方面突露许多缺陷，到目前极紧的斗争阶段，内部许多困难问题，表现出更加繁难。首先是三军军事负责主要干部尚志的远走，使全军缺乏集中的有系统的领导。而我听说××同志最近在尚志“远征”之后，在北满党组织发出什么反“左”倾通知，并曾由侯启刚同志转达宋一夫吉东省委援助，一致起来展开党内反倾向斗争。××同志这种表现，在我个人认定是极危险而冒昧无知可耻的行动。去年此时北满扩大会议，××初则一言不发，完全改变在江南时的堂皇正大，象真是布尔塞维克的态度，对于有倾向问题及有倾向同志的批评半吐半吞的尾巴主义，会议以后，完全调和做了尾巴。因此去年此时北满会议原则性的一线曙光，又完全黑暗，而被某个别同志一手全改，影响到江南江北的全般工作，×××同志首先有责任。 现在是革命——东北游击运动处在极端严重的时候。而我党所领导的骨干军——三军正需要全力来图谋巩固，即使我们遭遇到不可克服的困难，也得要保持最基本的最中心的力量，绝不能使全部革命力量成问题。尚志同志“远征”，××同志不能便认为这是反“左”倾的机会。这是（样）的观点和这样的简单做法，能够会帮助了我们的死敌——日贼法西斯蒂。 应该怎样做才对呢？首先应该尽一切可能保持北满组织的整个性，把一切同志团结在党组织正确的原则立场上，个人行动问题和个别倾向问题，应该依照紧急斗争形势，按党的原则性来解决，首先要顾（全）无论任何问题解决必须使党更加有力，要把党对联军领导特别是对三军的巩固提到第一位，同时应该提出目前游击斗争的各种具体必样（要）办法。××同志江南江北走，并未着眼到这一点，象政客式的“摇旗呐喊”、“清谈”，这可算吾党之不幸！ 9月4日，《周保中给×××、金策及北满临时省委各负责同志的信》中说： 尚志同志之去找中央关系，是否经过北满党组织同意，我们不得而知，但久去不归，显系在紧急关头，事情弄到坏的地步以后，逃避实际困难，我们提议纠正倾向，撤销工作是另外一回事。你们应该依照尚志同志去中央的线索关系，要求帮助他改正错误，特别要求他回到战线上来继续斗争。戴鸿宾以下各同志同样提出这个要求。 赵尚志过界去苏联二十多天后，周保中也过界了，在苏联境内比肯的一个接待站待了一个月零四天。2月24日，即动身回国的前四天，《周保中给共产国际执委主席团中共中央代表团的信》中说： 北满党组织不良倾向所含有危险性，若不适时适当的解决，有可能堕入到反革命日贼奸细托陈匪类中去，这是由于北满党的历史的组织生活、政治思想和工作表现所看到的。改造北满党必须把盘踞在三军中的倾向分子调开，赵尚志同志必须调其他工作。三军及北满党需要从中共中央代表团迅速负责派十名以上各级党各工作的负重要责任的同志。 参加了北满临时省委执委扩大会，周保中觉得要解决北满党的“倾向问题”，不把赵尚志调走是不可能的。而时隔半年多后，北满党弄成这个样子，东北抗战又处于极端艰难困苦时期，只有赵尚志回来，才能结束这场内乱。无论如何，反“讨伐”才是当务之急——我们是不是应该这样理解周保中的态度变化？ 殊不知近半年前，北满临时省委在给中央的报告中，已经认为赵尚志不必回来了。 11月16日，《×××给北满临时省委的报告》中说： 东北目前的客观环境的反映，完全证明了党中央给全党同志信的正确性，以及一切中央发出的文件，靡有一件不是很周密精细的指示给我们。过去因为我们负责同志及下级党部，即（既）然知识浅薄，许多问题容（易）弄错，又加上自满自足，轻视我们周围发生的新象征，结果使我们的过去成为犯罪的过去。 第二天，《×××关于北满省委工作中的错误及思想问题给北满省委的信》中说： 对于吉东党的斗争简直不能停止，继续开展，因为现在吉北两个组织的一致是假的，不是真一致，更不是“意识与行动的一致”，应当取得斗争中的真一致。 在此期间，还提出吉东党与北满党的合并问题。抗联的统一指挥，首先就要求党的统一领导。这当然是令人欣喜的，只是还有这种可能性吗？ 1939年2月20日，《中共北满临时省委致×××的信》中说： 亲爱的××同志，当此巨艰局面，我要坚决反对人与人对立的现象。北满执委诸同志牺牲、逃亡、叛离仅存几稀，革命责任是落在我们肩上，我们能不精诚团结么？ ! 能够经得起历史检验的、堪称万岁的，还有1937年（无月日）《中共吉东省委给北满临时省委常委并转尚志、××、冯各同志的信》中的这样一段话： 在北满临时省委扩大会后来的长篇信中，吉东同志有一贯到底的认识：就是北满党各负责同志中心干部，没有一个不是从主观上去拥护党、拥护中央路线。 1937年6月9日，《××关于吉东党内部值得注意的三个重要事件》中，一是“朱明的事件”，二是“工会事件”，三是“刘曙华的问题”： 刘曙华的问题：言论与以上这两个东西大致相同，老是歌功颂德的说“不缴'满'兵，是中央正确路线”。又说：“五军不缴'满'兵，大事变到来时，'满'兵都哗变，都能到五军来”。说：“缴'满'兵一部，别部分就不可能联络了，那是破坏统一战线”。他前一年曾经被日贼捕去，已经在日帝面投了降，允许当走狗，后潜逃回队伍。党政工作无实际成绩。去年来依东，不经过组织关系，不得到三军同意，改哈东办事总处，为牡丹江办事总处。拟老谢为总处长，反对三军，已经嘱吉东党考察之。 8月1日，《赵尚志×××给谢文东的信》中说： 我们要告诉给你刘曙华是曾经给日本做过侦探的呀！ 共产党给8军派来的党代表，竟然“曾经给日本做过侦探”！谢文东这一惊吃得能小吗？而且仅仅是吃了这一惊吗？ 刘曙华，原名李明华，化名老曹，1912年生于山东省济南市，30年代初入党，1934年到苏联海参崴列宁主义学校学习，1935年任密山县委书记，1936年为穆棱县委代理书记，同年7月到5军2师任政治部主任，9月调任8军政治部主任。他是在密山县委书记任上被捕的，关押5个月，被组织营救出狱。 7月19日，应该是见到了《××关于吉东党内部值得注意的三个重要事件》吧，《关书范代周保中给北满省委及赵尚志诸位同志信》中说： 八军刘主任曙华同志暂时停止吉东省委执委工作，关于党纪律处分问题，现在还没有决定，周同志此次东去，单独与刘曙华同志作一谈话，并搜索多方之材料，然后再决定。 显然，吉东的处置方式比较稳妥的。那么，××、赵尚志和×××为什么要突然间来这么一下子呢？是以为谢文东这时已经知情了？或者把共产党员谢文东当作自己人了？起码后者是否定的。就算板上钉钉认定刘曙华投降当了走狗、侦探，也应该先稳住他，再采取相应措施，而不能这样一竿子戳过去。因为他毕竟是5军派去8军这样一支统战部队的党代表，内外有别，相当敏感，影响非同小可，还可能打草惊蛇。再联想到×××所说的刘曙华到依东后的表现，以及8月15日《抗联总司令部、三军司令部给吉东省委并转五军军部信》，说“吉东党及五军军部应注意下级干部及个别同志有意无意中破坏三军声誉或不合事实的以及不负责的批评之立场的危险倾向，尤其对革命破坏和损失（不论在党内和群众方面），如刘曙华、关书范等须予以应有的制裁”，难免让人想到其中可能掺杂了北满和吉东党之间的误会、分歧。这时的谢文东，对此可能不大明了，可他多少能没感觉吗？而感觉有时反倒不如了然于心，可能把事情弄得更糟，特别是对于谢文东这种疑心病挺重的人。 无论有意，或者无意，××、赵尚志和×××的这连续的两竿子，后果都是灾难性的。8军的统战工作本来就挺艰难、复杂，这下子就更艰难、复杂了，刘曙华的处境也一下子凶险起来——留待后叙。 赵尚志“应邀”过界前，“三江大讨伐”已经开始了。“治标”、“治本”，双管齐下，规模之大和残酷程度，都是前所未有的。抗联从此步入严冬，开始了“天大房子地大炕，野菜树皮当食粮”的岁月。 有老人说，北满4个军，3个军长过界被扣，3军几个月就损失一半左右的兵力，多少人流血牺牲，冻死饿死，许多队伍溃散了、投降了。国歌中唱“中华民族到了最危险的时候”，那时是东北抗联到了最危险的时候，应该“万众一心，冒着敌人的炮火前进”，全神贯注，全力以赴反“讨伐”。笔杆子什么时候都不能丢，它能宣传群众，鼓舞士气，打击敌人。可这毕竟是你死我活的战争，笔杆子不能替代枪杆子向冲上来的敌人射击，更不用说那笔头子对着的还是自己人了。“反倾向”真的就那么重要吗？赵尚志他们“倾向”到敌人那边去了，跟日本鬼子穿了连裆裤吗？ 枪炮声中，历史没有留下谢文东、李华堂参与这场笔战的资料。连共产党员谢文东也没有这种资格，只能置身事外。“左”呀“右”的，“倾向”呀“路线”呀，让他们参加这场笔战，无异于赶鸭子上架。可他们明了有利于抗战的就是有益的，不利于抗战的就是有害的。当然也明了抗联的处境，也逐渐明了北满和吉东党发生了什么，正在进行着的硝烟弥漫的笔墨大战。 李华堂十分敬重赵尚志，钦佩他打鬼子的精明、干劲和战绩。周保中到下江后，很尊重李华堂，李华堂对周保中也颇有好感，许多问题求助周保中。但与谢文东的8军不同，9军始终与3军保持友好关系，未脱离联总。“奸老奤”始终记得在他最困难的时候，是赵尚志和3军帮助了他。他与3军派来的军政治部主任李熙山，相处得很好，郭铁坚等人也受到他的信任。他对北满临时省委撤销李熙山的9军政治部主任不满，对继任的魏长奎避而不见。他对北满省委不与他商量，即决定9军主力西征不满。而这些不满，或多或少都与对北满党内大批赵尚志的不满有关。 1938年12月2日，高禹民给省委的报告及工作提议中说： 要多向华堂同志作解释和说明北满省委现在和过去的不同。 9月4日，《周保中给张寿篯、金策及北满临时省委各负责同志的信》中说： 八军问题的确被倾向路线闹得领导不易、复杂、辣手。 无论谢文东对赵尚志有多少不满，也无论应不应该把“奸老奤”换成“奸老谢”，像李华堂一样，在抗战打鬼子上，他都不能不佩服赵尚志。眼下，这些人对赵尚志这样的“共产派”尚且如此，将来又会怎样对待他这样的“民族派”呢？ “咱们的队伍还要咱们自己去说了算。”没人说谢文东的这句话是双关语，更没人说谢文东、李华堂的叛变，8军、9军的溃散，是“反倾向斗争”所致。但是，这场旷日持久的好像并不涉及到他们的“反倾向斗争”，使他们与共产党疏远了，而不是亲近了，丝毫无助于坚定他们的抗战信念，只能使其更加动摇，当是无疑的吧？ 整个的说来，希望东北党同志应站在党中央一致的路线下集中力量，努力冲破目前日寇向东北游击运动的各种进攻，不要离开原则立场的争论，若把党和群众隔离，党内人与人对立，党所领导的抗日军队对立，谁这样做谁就是革命的罪人。 这是1938年6月26日，《周保中关于东北游击运动的方针、党的组织原则问题及对三军、独立师部队目前工作活动等给侯启刚同志信》中的文字，而且还是“中共中央代表团认为”的，可结果又能怎样？ 在这场全面否定珠汤联席会议以后的路线、策略，批判、清算“左倾”、“左倾关门主义”、“反党”、“反中央”路线及其分子的斗争中，北满党和军队的高级干部（师以上）中，12人被开除党籍并撤职，10人被撤职，3人被严重警告。而无论这些人的错误，乃至“罪行”多么严重，没有任何人说他们是不抗战、不打鬼子的。 从1938年初至1940年初，这场“反倾向”的“路线”斗争，历时两年才告结束，而其影响为时更远。 在那衣不遮体、食不果腹，甚至不得不用战友的遗体维持呼吸运动，以求生存、战斗的岁月，这些与日寇不共戴天的肩负重任的共产党人，就在那些紧张的战斗间隙奋笔疾书。许多文件长达几千字，有的近3万字。凡是看过《东北地区革命历史文件汇记》的人，都清楚在同时期的文件中，这类文字所占的是种什么样的篇幅——那仅仅是耗掉了包括交通员在内的多少人的精力和时间吗？ 笔者实在搞不明白（我想读者也是一样），可以不记旧仇夙怨，跟曾经反共的抗日武装搞统一战线，甚至“抗日反满不并提”，期望把汉奸都统战过来，而对赵尚志这样坚决打鬼子，而且特别能战斗的共产党人，为什么却容不得呢？ 历史的事实是，一些似乎只能几笔带过，甚至好像根本就不曾存在的东西，恰恰是危害最大、最需要记取的教训。 日本关东宪兵司令部编印的那本《满洲共产抗日运动概况》，称这场笔战为“吉东、北满两省委间之倾轧斗争”，“中共东北党（军）最近无论主观方面以及客观方面均处于最困难之恶劣条件下”。 在那儿偷着乐的，只能是谁？ 傻老赵？精老赵？ 在“金策同志的意见一束”中，金策引用“下级同志如马德山、徐光海、六军五师高主任以及三军各干部所说的，尚志同志走了、××同志提出意见书了，尚志同志不走的话，不能提出来吧？” 现在，让我们端详、解读一下早已远去了，对这一切一无所知，却被各种强光灯追撵着聚焦的赵尚志。 难得把谁放在眼里，也不会顺情说好话的侯启刚说：“尚志同志最聪明，记忆力最好。” 聪明（有人还说“绝顶聪明”）、自信、刚毅、果断，什么事情到他那儿都简单、痛快，行就行，不行就不行，没二话。有时果断就成了武断，自信就成了固执、自以为是，听不进别人的意见。又因为他常常是对的，一些人敬中就有些盲从，习惯于跟他走。另一种敬或不敬中，更多的是畏，也跟着他。他没有架子，那些好端着架子的人，在他面前就没了架子。他好像有种天生的魅力、威严，使人折服，或者慑服。他永远是风口浪尖上的人物，走到哪里都是被关注的焦点、核心，连在异国蹲洋“笆篱子”，笔锋也得围绕着他转。 把他送上风口浪尖的，是他的性格。有话就说，张口就来，直通通的不拐弯儿，有时脾气、态度也不好。像在省执委扩大会议期间，他认为冯仲云等人动摇、调和，说这些人“没有信念”，他对会议“没有信心”，“不断暴发皮气，弄个性”。会议专门通过《对赵尚志同志批评的决议》，指出他“小资产阶级情绪的观念，英雄主义的色彩”，“个人的骄纵”。而他也“完全承认自己在过去所有一切错误与缺点，并郑重接受大会同志们的批评，要彻底克服纠正自己的错误及缺点”，只是江山易改，秉性难移。 3军的统战对象，主要是山林队，即胡子。赵尚志可谓与山林队打交道最多的军长之一，不可否认他和3军在这方面的成绩。胡子的劣根性，纪律败坏，打赢不打输，经常帮倒忙，特别是唯利是图，反复无常，也给他留下非常深刻的印象。这也应是后来祁致中被错杀的原因之一。而在下江的经济纠纷中，8军的一些人在山林队中散布“3军好缴械”，当然别有用心，甚至不无祸心。“打”字当头的赵尚志，性格急躁，缺乏耐心，对于那种屡教不改，甚至敢攻击游击队、侵扰游击区的山林队，也从未客气过。 问题还在于他的错误，几乎都是明摆着的，而且也不想掩饰什么。像“目前总的口号是一切都为了反日战争的胜利。只要站在这一观点下，即便有某一个分子倒了血霉，那是在今日东北的形势下免不了的，这并不是破坏统一战线”，这话就写在珠汤联席会议的决议中。 珠汤联席会议，对旧满洲省委、吉东特委和中央驻东北代表一概予以否认，由自己去找上级关系，是可以理解的。可召开省执委扩大会时，那组织路线已经明朗了，批评那几处硬伤的态度、方式，是不是可以委婉、和缓些？你赵尚志也不是没吃过“黄豆”，不知其“腥”呀？ 可那还是赵尚志吗？ ××