Chapter 76 Chapter 1 Exile in the Early Years of Freedom

Man must have invented exile before he invented the prison.In ancient times, expelling someone from the tribe was exile.How difficult it is for man to survive outside the surroundings and places to which he has long been accustomed seems to have long been understood.Although this place is not frozen for thousands of miles, but an oasis full of grass, you will always feel that everything is wrong, out of place, difficult to live in, and it seems like a temporary solution, not a long-term solution. The Russian Empire was not far behind in the practice of exile either.As early as Alexei Mikhailovich's time in 1648, the Encyclopedia of Russian Laws enacted the provision of exile in legal form.But in fact, this method was implemented as early as the end of the sixteenth century, when there was no "Compendium of Laws": exile the out-of-favor Kargopols, Uglichs, witnesses to the murder of Crown Prince Dmitry .During this period, the vast Siberia already belonged to Russia, and there was no need to worry about a place for exile.By 1645, the total number of exiles had reached about 1,500.By the time Peter the Great came to power, hundreds of people were exiled in batches.As we mentioned earlier, Queen Elizabeth abolished the death penalty, replacing it with lifelong exile in Siberia.However, there are people here who steal the day and see exile not only as forced migration to remote areas to live freely, but as hard labor.Forced labor, this is no longer exile.In 1822, Tsar Alexander issued a decree on exile, which made this exchange permanent.Convicts are therefore clearly included in the nineteenth-century exile figures.At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the number of exiles per year was between 2,000 and 6,000.From 1820 onwards there was also a deportation of vagabonds ("parasites" as they are called in our country), so that the number sometimes reached as high as 10,000 a year.In 1863, the desolate Sakhalin (Sakhalin) island separated from the mainland was selected, and this island was also included in the exile area, and the possibility of exile was further expanded.The total number of people sentenced to exile in the nineteenth century was 500,000, and there were 300,000 prisoners in exile at the end of the nineteenth century.

By the end of the nineteenth century, the laws and regulations on exile had turned up new tricks.Lesser forms emerged: "deportation beyond two provinces" to "deportation". (At that time, it was not like after the October Revolution. People didn't think it was such a ruthless punishment.) In addition, the so-called "administrative exile" was also implemented as a convenient supplementary measure to judicial exile.However, the period of exile was clearly defined at that time, and even the so-called "lifetime" exile was not actually lifelong.Chekhov said in his book "Sakhalin" that after ten years of exile (if the exiled prisoner "behaved well" - this is a very imprecise standard, and according to Chekhov's confirmation, the This standard is quite lenient—even after six years) the exiled prisoner can be transferred to the status of a peasant, and he can move as a peasant to live in any place other than his original place of origin.

Another feature of the last century of tsarist exile was its personal shoulders.This feature was self-evident and natural at the time, but we find it strange now.At that time, exile, whether by judicial decision or by administrative order, applied only to the convicted person himself, and never to any other member of the group to which that person belonged. As the years go by, the conditions of exile and their severity are constantly changing, and generations of exiled prisoners have left us with different testimonial materials.The situation of prisoners in exile was very difficult on the way to escort, but we can see from the books of Yakubovich and Leo Tolstoy that the treatment of political prisoners was still very good.Fei Cohen also added that if the batch of prisoners included political prisoners, the escort soldiers even treated the criminal prisoners very politely, so the criminal prisoners respected the political prisoners.For decades the inhabitants of Siberia were hostile to the convicts: they were left with the poorest lands and the laborious, low-paying jobs, and the peasants refused to let their daughters marry them.The exiled prisoners live in poverty with the brand of shame, suffer from hunger and cold, so they form gangs and rob houses, which naturally arouses the resentment of the local residents.But none of this has anything to do with political prisoners.The number of political prisoners did not increase significantly until the 1870s.According to Cohen's book, the Yakut people welcomed political prisoners at the time, placed hope in them, and regarded them as their own doctors, teachers and legal advisers to help them defend their rights and interests before the authorities.Political prisoners in exile at least had the conditions to work and study, so there were many scholars among them (some of them started their academic career after exile), including local chroniclers, ethnographers, Linguists, natural scientists, as well as political commentators and writers.Chekhov saw no political prisoners on Sakhalin, and therefore did not describe their lives to us, but people like Fay Koth, who was exiled to Irkutsk, were later published in the progressive newspaper Orient Review, where he worked with Narodniks, Narodnaya Volya and Marxists (Krasin).Irkutsk is not an ordinary city in Siberia, it is a provincial capital.According to the instructions on exiled prisoners, political prisoners are not allowed to come here at all.Instead, they work in banks and companies here, teach in schools, attend receptions for wealthy families, and mingle with local celebrities.And in Omsk, the exiled prisoners went so far as to publish in the city's magazine "Steppeland" some articles that would have been rejected by the censor anywhere else.They even sent their own newspapers to strikers at the Zlatomaste mine.Another city in Siberia, Krasnoyarsk, also became a radical city because of exiled prisoners.In the city of Minusinsk, the exiled prisoners actually formed a very authoritative activist group centered on the Martyanov Museum, ignoring the restrictions of the authorities.Not only did they unimpededly set up an all-Russian "relocation network" to help the fugitives (we have already talked about how easy it was to escape at that time), but they also directed the activities of the public "Witt" committee of the city of Minusinsk, Even if Chekhov had indeed lamented that the system of criminals on Sakhalin was "a return to serfdom in its most vulgar form," the same cannot be said of the exile of political prisoners, since ancient times Until the last Tsarist Russia did not do this.By the beginning of the twentieth century, the so-called "administrative exile" imposed by the Russian government on political prisoners was completely out of name, and could hardly be called punishment. "(Guchkov).Accordingly, in 1906 Stolypin took steps to abolish such exile altogether.

What was the exile of Radishev?He bought a H-story wooden house in the village of Ust-Ilimsk; (by the way: he paid only ten rubles!) lived there with his children and his wife and sister, who had now taken their place. his wife.No one wanted to force him to work, he lived in complete freedom and could move freely throughout the Ilimsk district.What was the exile of Pushkin to the village of Mikhailovsk?Many people who have visited there already know this.Much the same goes for the exile of many other writers and social activists: Turgenev to Spasskoye-Rutovinovo, Aksakov (by his own choice) to Valvarino.Trubetskoy lived with his wife (and had a son) while still in the Nerchinsk (Nerchinsk) penal camp, and when he was deported to Irkutsk a few years later, they The family bought a large house there, with their own carriages and servants, and he also hired French tutors for the children (the judicial thinking at that time was not yet mature enough to recognize the "enemy of the people" and confiscate other the extent of the entire property).Herzen, exiled to Novgorod, had to report to him, because of his position in the province, to the chief of police.

This lenient policy of exile was not just for the famous.Even into the twentieth century.Many other revolutionaries and social disaffected were subjected to this lenient exile, especially the Bolsheviks, so they were not at all afraid of exile.Stalin, who had already escaped from exile four times, was exiled for the fifth time to ... Vologda.Vadim Podbelsky was exiled for his violent anti-government articles ... from Tambov to nearby Saratov!Look, how cruel it is!Besides, no one in Saratov would force him to work. However, even such an exile, which we now see as excessively favorable, free from hunger, cold, and life-threatening, was sometimes unbearable for the exiles at that time.Many revolutionaries speak in their memoirs of their departure from prison—from a prison where there was no bread to eat, where it was warm, sheltered from the elements, and where there was ample time for learning and partisan squabbling—into exile How sad it was, because when they arrived in exile, they had to consider the issue of food and housing by themselves under the condition of two lives.As for those who do not have to feed themselves, it is (according to Fay Kess) even more distressing, because they feel "terrible idleness . . . the worst thing is that people have to do nothing."Because of this, some people began to study science, some people tried to make money and trade, and some people drank and merry in despair, and spent their lives in poverty.

But how can there be nothing to do?The local residents didn't complain about being idle!The local residents have to be busy every day until the evening to straighten their waists a little bit!Therefore, to be precise, it is because the soil of activities and the long-accustomed lifestyle of these exiled prisoners have changed. They have cut their roots and lost their connection with life. Journalist Nikolai Nadezhkin lost interest in pursuing freedom after only two years of exile, and even became a loyal servant in front of the Tsar's throne.The bold and bohemian Menshikov was exiled to Berezovo in 1727, where he built a church, discussed the emptiness of the world with the local residents, grew a beard, and wore ordinary robes , died in less than two years.What kind of burden and unbearable is Radishev's free exile in our eyes?But later, when he was threatened with exile for the second time in Russia, he was so frightened that he committed suicide.And Pushkin lived in his hometown - the paradise-like Mikhailovsk village on earth. It seemed like a good day arranged by God, and he could live on, but he wrote to Ru in October 1824. Kowski's letter said: "Help me get out of here (referring to the place of exile - author's note), even to the fortress prison, to the monastery prison in Solovitz!" And this is not a beautiful empty sentence In his letter to the governor, he also requested that the sentence of exile be changed to a fortress prison.

Now that we know Solovets, we can't help being surprised to hear this and thinking: with what passion and despair did the persecuted poet decide to abandon the village of Mikhailovsk for Who would rather ask to go to the Solovets Islands? ... This is the eerie power of exile (that is, exile that has been completely removed from the original place and placed somewhere by force with its feet bound).Ancient rulers have long recognized this power, and Ovid has long tasted it. It was emptiness, melancholy, a life without life. A glorious revolution should forever sweep away all kinds of tools of persecution.Exile should of course also be on the list of these instruments of oppression, perhaps fourth or fifth.

However, before the revolution has had time to grow up, when it has just taken its first steps with its crooked legs, it knows that there is no way out without exile!Perhaps for a year or so there was no exile in Russia.Even if there are three years.However, soon began what we now call "forced relocation", that is, the relocation of some people who did not like it.Let us hear the truth from a people's hero who later became a field marshal, speaking of the situation in Tambov province in 1921: "A decision has been made to remove the bandits (should be read "partisans" - -Author's note) households. Some huge concentration camps were established, and the families were locked up before being relocated."

To escort prisoners to a certain place, there must be guards on the way, and they must be fed. After arriving at the destination, they must be separated and guarded again.In comparison, shooting on the spot is much more convenient.It is because of this convenience that the systematic system of exile was not implemented throughout the period of military communism.However, as early as October 16, 1922, the NKVD had set up a permanent body, the "Committee for Relocation Affairs", which was dedicated to the relocation of "dangerous elements of society, activists of anti-Soviet parties", that is to say , to relocate persons from all parties other than the Bolshevik Party, for a period of three years.It can be seen that as early as the early 1920s, the relevant agencies were already gradually and step-by-step implementing the instructions on exile.

indeed.The exile of criminals was not resumed.Because at this time labor reform camps had been invented to accommodate these people.But the deportation procedure for political prisoners was easier than ever: there were no opposition newspapers, and no one published news of deportation.Things can be done quietly, and in the eyes of witnesses and close relatives and friends of the exiles, the current three-year exile without viciousness or urgency is compared with the execution on the spot during the military communism , it seems to be a lyrical educational measure. However, no one was able to return to his hometown from this co-opted and deceitful anti-epidemic exile, and if anyone managed to return, he was quickly recaptured.Once trapped, one is obliged to circle the archipelago in a circle, and when the circle is finally broken, its last arc must necessarily reach into the tomb.

The intentions of the authorities were not immediately apparent to those of good nature.They don't understand that it is only because the regime has not yet gained a firm foothold and is unable to immediately wipe out all those who do not like it, so these people who are destined to suffer are temporarily not written off from life, but only dug from people's memory . The reason why the exile is easy to resume is also because the posts and roads used to escort prisoners before the revolution have not been damaged and can still be used. Will be amazed at Exile. (However, people who think about national affairs do not stop there. Someone will draw a finger on the map that occupies one-sixth of the earth's land area and point to a point. Therefore, the vast Kazakhstan that has just been incorporated into the Union of Republics offered its vast lands for exile. Besides, there are many more remote places in Siberia available!) However, there is also something inconvenient handed down in the tradition of exile, which is the dependence psychology of exiled prisoners: they think that the state should support them.The tsarist government did not dare to force exiled prisoners to increase national income.At that time, the professional revolutionaries believed that labor would lower their status.In the Yakut area, at that time, the exiled prisoners were given fifteen dessiatines of land each. (Equivalent to sixty-five times the land of today's collective farmers!) The exiled revolutionaries did not rush to cultivate these lands, but the local Yakuts held on to the land. They paid the revolutionaries "top "Land money", that is, rent money, in exchange for land in kind or horses.In this way, the revolutionaries who came to the land empty-handed immediately became the creditors of the Yakuts (Faye Kern).In addition, the tsarist government also gave its political enemies living expenses: twelve rubles per month for food and twenty-two rubles per year for clothing.According to Lepeshinsky, Lenin also received (he did not refuse!) a monthly allowance of twelve rubles in exile in Shushensk.Lepeshinsky himself received sixteen rubles a month for food, for he was not an ordinary exiled prisoner, but an exiled official.Now Fei Cohen tells us that the money was very little at the time.But we know that the prices in Siberia at that time were only half or one-third of those in central Russia.Therefore, the living expenses paid by the public to exiled prisoners are more than enough.For example, this living allowance ensured that Lenin could engage in the study of revolutionary theory without any difficulty during a full three years, without having to worry about living problems at all.Martov said in his book that he paid the landlord five rubles a month for rent and boarding expenses, and kept the rest to buy books and save up for escape.The anarchist Ulanovsky said that it was only in exile (in Turukhansk Krai, where he was with Stalin) that for the first time in his life he had spare money, which he sent to a A free girl I met on the road.It was also here that he tasted cocoa powder for the first time in his life.They could eat venison in the exile, and it was easy to hunt deer.Twelve rubles are all you need for a nice little house. (One month's food expenses!) Not a single political prisoner felt short of money to spend.All administrative exiles receive living allowances.Neither were their clothes bad (they all came back from exile well dressed). Indeed, life-long immigrant exiled prisoners, what we call "criminals" now, cannot receive cash for living expenses.But the treasury gave them fur coats, all clothing and shoes free of charge.Chekhov confirmed that all immigrant prisoners on Sakhalin Island in the first two or three years after their arrival in exile (for women during the entire sentence) can receive from the state in order to maintain life, including 40" per day. Lotnik" (200 grams) of meat, and the baked bread is three Russian pounds per day, or about 1,200 grams, which is equivalent to the completion quota of our Stakhanov workers in the Vorkuta mine. The rations received at 150%. (It is true that Chekhov thought the bread was underbaked and the flour was coarse. But the ones in our labor camps were not any better!) They were also given a fur coat every year, a rough peasant coat A woolen jacket and some shoes.Other methods were also adopted: the tsarist state deliberately bought their products at high prices in order to enable the emigrants to maintain production. (Thus, Chekhov concluded that it is not Russia that benefits from the settlement of Sakhalin, but Russia that feeds it.) Yes, of course our Soviet-style political exile cannot be based on such an extremely unsound foundation.The Second All-Russian Administrative Workers Conference held in 1928 considered the exile system unsatisfactory at that time, and decided to "organize exile in remote and isolated areas in the form of immigration areas, and implement an irregular sentence system. "(that is, the life sentence system), since 1929, it has been developing in the direction of combining forced labor and exile. The principle of the socialist system is: "Those who do not work shall not eat".Soviet-style exile can of course only be carried out on this basis.But it was the socialists who had long been used to free food in exile!Therefore, the Soviet regime did not dare to change this tradition immediately, so it had to continue to provide living allowances to political exiled prisoners for the time being.However, of course, it is not distributed to everyone, not to counter-revolutionaries, but only to political prisoners, and political prisoners are treated differently.For example, in the Shymkent region in 1927 six rubles a month were given to the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Social-Democrats, and thirty rubles a month to the Trotskyists. (It’s always my own, the same Bolshevik!) But this is no longer the ruble of the Tsarist period. At this time, renting the smallest room cost ten rubles a month, and the food expenses of twenty kopecks a day were quite difficult. .The further back the more severe.By 1933, the living allowance for political prisoners was six rubles and twenty-five kopecks per month.And in that year, I myself remember well, it cost three rubles a kilogram of half-baked bargain black bread (outside the ration card).Therefore, those socialists can no longer teach Chinese or write theoretical articles to people when they reach this stage, and have to "bend their waists" for survival.However, as soon as anyone found a job, the GPU (GPU) immediately canceled the small subsidy paid to them. Even if the exile is willing to work, it is not easy for him to earn money!You must know that the end of the 1990s was a period of severe unemployment in our country. People with clean resumes and trade union members had priority in getting jobs, and exiled prisoners could not compete with them based on their education level or work experience.In addition, the Garrison Command is also a stone on the exiles: no agency dares to hire exiles without its approval. (Even an ex-convict has little hope of finding better employment: the stamp on his citizenship card gets in his way.) According to Pa? S-V's recollection, in 1934, a group of exiled intellectuals in Kazan were forced to agree to be hired as road pavers to lay stone roads.But the police command reprimanded them: "Why are you holding such a demonstration?!" But they didn't help them find other jobs.Therefore, Grigory Bo asked the operatives: "Are you going to conduct any trial recently? If so, we are willing to be hired witnesses!" Had to go clean other people's leftovers from the table. See how far the Russian political exiles have fallen: where is the time for arguments and articles against the "creed"! "How to spend this meaningless idle time?" I'm sorry, they can't understand this kind of "distress" at all; what they have to think about is: how can we not starve to death, and not degenerate into informers. In our country, finally liberated from centuries of slavery, the high-minded, unruly attitude of the political exiles of the first days of Soviet power fell to the ground like a punctured balloon.The power of the political exiles, who once daunted the former regimes, turned out to be an illusion!It is, and only, domestic public opinion that forms and maintains that power, and once public opinion is replaced by organized public opinion, political exiles and their protests, rights, etc., will all be in the ignorant GPU. (State Political Security Service) personnel and the tyrannical rampage of ruthless secret orders were beaten to pieces. (By the way, Minister of the Interior Dzerzhinsky was also responsible for drafting the first secret decrees of this kind.) Today, not a hoarse cry from an exiled prisoner, or even a word about himself , it is impossible to reach the free outside world.If a worker in exile writes a letter to the factory where he was originally working, and the worker who receives the letter (for example, Vasily Dokirilovich Yegoshin in Leningrad) reads the letter in the factory , then the worker will be exiled immediately.Prisoners in exile not only have no money and means of living, but also lose all rights; for these people, the GPU is easier to detain, arrest, and send them anywhere than when they were free men. people, but like rubber dolls.It would be a no-brainer to destroy the lives of these people.In Shymkent, for example, it was suddenly announced that this point of exile would be abolished within a day and night!That is to say, people must give up their work, demolish their houses, dispose of all their belongings, organize their belongings, and embark on a designated journey within a day and night.Their team is not much better than the prisoner team!Tomorrow's life in exile is no more hopeful and confident than today's life as a prisoner! But not only because of social silence and GPU oppression.What about the exiles themselves, the supposed party members who have no party themselves?I am not referring here to the Cadets, there are no Cadets alive at this time, they have been wiped out.But what did it mean to be a Socialist-Revolutionary or a Menshevik in 1927 or 1930?At that time, there was no social activist group in China that fit this name.In the early twenties all socialists were asked to renounce their party's beliefs, and the majority agreed to do so, leaving their own party and declaring their allegiance to their beliefs. (Although in retrospect, we feel that such beliefs are not very interesting, because all the socialist parties actually only helped the Bolsheviks to gain power. Since the day of the victory of the revolution, throughout the turbulent decade , these so-called parties have not rediscussed their program, and even if they were suddenly revived, they probably would not know how to understand current events and what to propose. All the press has long been accustomed to use the past tense when referring to these parties Some of their surviving party members now live entirely in the family, engage in professional labor, and no longer even think about their "party". However, the records of the GPU archives are indelible. So Suddenly, according to a night signal, these docile rabbits scattered in various places were picked out one by one, passed through the prison, and escorted to...for example, the Bukhara region. That is how I. V. Storyarov came here in 1930, where he met old Socialist-Revolutionaries and Social-Democrats drawn from all over the country.These old people who have broken away from their habitual life can only start arguing their issues here, assessing the political situation, making various suggestions, and guessing: If..., if..., then how history would have developed... So, these people naturally pieced together something, but it was no longer a political party, but... a target ship that was about to be sunk. The larger numbers in the places of exile were the Social Democrats of Georgia and the Dashnaks of Armenia, who were exiled in large numbers after the Communists seized their republic.It is recalled that the Zionists belonging to the Socialist Party and their vigorous youth organization "Gashmer" and the legal organization "Gaiharuts" which established Jewish agricultural communes in the Crimea were one of the twenties An active, combative party.In 1926 all their members were arrested, and in 1927 boys and girls under the age of fifteen or sixteen were captured and exiled from the Crimea.They were sent to Turt Curry and other places with strict regulations.This is what a party really is -- united, tenacious, deeply convinced of its own justice.But what they were striving for was not a common goal, but their individual goal: to live as a people, in their own Palestine.The narrow nationalism of a Communist Party that has voluntarily given up its motherland towards others is, of course, an intolerable statement. In various places of exile, Socialist Party members are still looking for their own people, their various factions are forming and actively operating, establishing mutual aid foundations (but with strict factional boundaries - their own people only help their own people).Doles were sent from places where it was easy to find work, such as Shymkent, to "northern" unemployed compatriots and people in quarantine.The idea of ​​a struggle for "political prisoner status" was very active. (The socialists failed throughout the Soviet period to understand that it is a shame not to defend the rights of all prisoners, but only their own and their own.) In some places they also practiced communal cooking, see Children, so there will naturally be some gatherings, mutual home visits and other activities.They celebrated "May Day" (November 7 was demonstratively not commemorated) together in the place of exile. The hostile relations between the parties formed during the Soviet years greatly weakened the strength of the exiles, and since the mid-twenties there have been large numbers of Trotskyites in the exile who do not recognize anyone but themselves. Man is a political prisoner, and partisan relations have become particularly acute. "Political prisoners" {rJ" still have the opportunity to abandon their original views and be released through this route, but under the eyes of various factions, such things are rare here after all.Still, many Social Democrats and Socialist Revolutionaries were released from exile (which does not mean that their names were forgotten)—and thus the hawks of the Operations Division kept an even sharper eye on those who remained.They were all put in prison in 1937. It wasn't just socialists who lived in exile in the twenties and thirties—and the socialists were not at all dominant (more and more every year).Non-party and non-affiliated intellectuals who come here in an endless stream are hindering the establishment of a new system.There are old personnel who were not wiped out in the civil war.There were even boys who got caught "for foxtrotting."There are spiritualists.There are psychics.There were clergy - who initially also had the right to say Mass in the place of exile.Ordinary believers, ordinary Christians" (the Russians changed the word a few hundred years ago to refer to peasants). And ordinary peasants. All these people are still under the supervision of the operation department, all disintegrated and insensitive.They became more and more distant from each other every year, lest the NKVD suspect that they had an "organization" and arrest people on the grounds of forming a new "organization". (It was this fate that awaited many of them.) Thus, within the larger circle of state exile, they were trapped in the smaller circle of voluntary exile (that is, solitude) (which was what Stalin wanted). The alienation of the local population from the exiles also weakened their power: any gesture of kinship by the locals to the exiles would invite persecution, the offenders would be exiled elsewhere, and the young ones would be expelled from the Communist Youth League. Disappointed by the national indifference, Soviet exiles even lost the will to flee.For Tsarist-era exiles, fleeing was fun physical exercise: Stalin fled five times, Nokin six.If they were caught then, they would not be shot for it, would not go to hard labor, but would simply be sent back to their place of exile after an interesting trip.However, in the mid-1920s, the rigid and huge GPU implemented a system of inter-party connections for exiles: if one escapes, everyone in the party with him will be held accountable!Because the air is so thin and the oppression is so unbearable, even those socialists who were not so long ago proud and indomitable were compelled to accept this system!Now they themselves, by way of their own party resolutions, forbid themselves to escape! In fact, where did you escape to?To whom? ... Sophisticated, theory-seeking, clever people quickly came up with a theory: now is not the time to run away.should wait.And, in general, now is not the time to fight, nor to wait.Nya Mandelstam testified that the Socialists exiled in the Cherldyn area in the early 1930s completely gave up any resistance and even felt their extinction was inevitable.Their only realistic hope is that it is best not to re-arrest them when they are sentenced to a new sentence, and it is best to let them sign locally.Ji Yang can always keep a little bit of property accumulated through hard work.The only task they set themselves morally is to preserve human dignity until death. In the hard labor camp, we suddenly began to unite as a whole from the crushed individuals. After this, looking back on the previous disintegration process, I feel very sad.But in our decades, social life is moving towards expansion and enrichment (inhale), while in that era it is moving towards oppression and contraction (exhale). So our age should not blame that age. In addition, exile was divided into various grades, which further alienated the exiles and weakened their power.The authorities set different deadlines for replacing ID cards (some have to do it every month, and the process is very complicated).Everyone is afraid of falling into a worse class, so he tries to be as law-abiding as possible. Until the early 1930s, one of the most lenient forms of punishment remained: instead of a sentence of exile to a certain place, a "minus sign" ("exclusion") was imposed, that is, the person punished was not restricted to live in a certain place, but It is "minus", that is, to exclude several cities, except for these cities, he can choose his place of residence arbitrarily.Once selected, he must also live in the place of his choice for three years.Persons subject to such punishment are not required to register with the GPU authorities, but they also have no right to leave the area.In the era of unemployment, employment agencies did not provide jobs to people who were punished by the "minus".If he can't find a job himself, he will also put pressure on the unit to fire him! The "minus" verdict is like a pin; use it to temporarily pin the vermin there, and it will just sit there and wait.Until it was his turn to be formally arrested. At that time, people still believed in this advanced system, thinking that this system would not implement exile, and there was no need to implement exile!还相信会有大赦，特别指望在光辉的十月革命节十周年前夕有大赦！ ... 大赦终于盼来了。大赦却像是当头一棒。对流刑犯（而且不是所有的人）只减免四分之一刑期（即三年刑期只减免九个月）。但是，因为整个大牌阵早已布置好了--三年流放之后紧接着要蹲三年政治隔离所，然后又是三年流放--所以，这九个月的减免丝毫没有使生活变得美好些。 何况这期间还可能重新审判、重新判刑。无政府主义者德米特里?维涅季克托夫流放到托博尔斯克去三年，而在快满刑的时候（一九三七年）他又被捕了，"确凿无误"的罪状是：他"散布了有关公债的谣言"（关于公债可能有什么语言呢？反正每年五月，就像花一定会开一样，必定会发行新公债。）和"对苏维埃政权的不满"。 （是啊，被流放的人应该感恩戴德、庆幸自己的遭遇才对：）既然他犯下了这么卑鄙的罪行，还能怎么办？ !判处枪决，七十二小时内执行，不准上诉！ （关于他身后留下的一个女儿加丽娜，我们在本书前面已经提到过。） 我国人民争得了自由，而自由初期的流放就是这个样子。完全摆脱流放的道路就是这样的。 流放，它实际上是一个羊圈，暂时关在这里的羊都是预定要宰杀的。在苏维埃政权最初一些年代被流放的人并不是这个世界上的一般居民，而是等待着被召到那个世界去的人。（"历史反革命"或普通农民当中有一些聪明人早在二十年代就看清了将来的事。因此这些人在服满第一次三年流放期后仍！日谨慎地留在原地了，例如，留在了阿尔汉格尔斯克，并不到别处去。这样做的人中间有些人避免了再次被捕入狱。） 请看，"从舒申斯克村的和平流放，从有可可粉的图鲁汉斯克的和平流放生活，发展到今天我们这个时代，流放变成了什么样子！ 奥维德的悲伤在我们国内就是由这些东西加以补充的。