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Chapter 60 2

Gulag Islands 索尔仁尼琴 11537Words 2018-03-21
Human beings hardly ever perceive problems without emotion, without emotion.Once a man sees something bad, it is almost impossible for him to force himself to see its good side at the same time.Our past was not full of embarrassing ugliness, and not every word in the newspaper was a lie.But this minority, cornered, hunted, surrounded by informers, now regards the life of the whole country as a sheer ugliness, and every column of the newspaper as a lie from beginning to end.It should also be reminded that at that time there were no Russian-language broadcasts on western radio stations (and, at that time, the number of radios was minimal), and the only sources of information for the residents were our newspapers and official radio.It is precisely these that the Brohanvitskis and their like see as inexorable, endless lies, or cowardly concealments.Everything our newspapers reported abroad at that time, whether it was about the irretrievable destruction of the Western world in 1930, about the treachery of the Socialists in the West, about the unanimous rise of all Spain against the Franco regime (In 1942, it was reported that Nehru's demand for Indian independence was a manifestation of his treacherous intentions, because it was said that India's independence would weaken our then ally, the British Empire) -- it turned out to be all lies.Extremely odious propaganda according to the formula "whoever does not stand with us is the enemy" never even tries to distinguish between the position of Maria Spiridonova and that of Tsar Nicholas II, the column Ang Blum is still Hitler, the British Parliament or the German (before 1933) Reichstag.That being the case, when the newspapers proclaimed that the book-burning fires on the German square were burning, that some kind of ancient Teutonic bestiality had been revived (don't forget that as early as the First World War, the tsarist propaganda has made up many stories about Teuton bestiality), why should Broniewitzky distinguish these fanciful reports from other reports and believe them to be true?Why should he see that bestiality in German Nazism? (The language now used to curse German Nazism is almost the same extreme language that was used to curse Poincaré, Piłsudski, British Conservatives, etc.!) And this manifestation of bestiality is not the same as Boroniew's Those tortures, poisons, and devastations that Tsky himself, the entire Gulag Archipelago, the great cities and villages of Russia have experienced very realistically for a full quarter of a century?Also, the newspaper reports about the Hitlerites changed too quickly-suddenly, it was reported that the friendly sentinels of the Soviet Union and Germany had joined forces in a friendly manner on the territory of the hateful Poles.Then there was a wave of praise in the newspapers for these German warriors "against the big British and French bankers", and Hitler's speech was published in the entire page of "Pravda" without changing it; On a certain morning (that is, the morning after the war broke out), all newspapers were invariably marked with bold headlines: All Europe groans under the iron heels of the Hitlerites!All this only confirms the frivolity of the lies in the newspapers, and never convinces a Brohanwitsky like that there are other executioners in the world who are comparable to our own executioners whom he personally taught.Moreover, even at this time, in order to persuade him, BB. The telegrams from C (British Broadcasting Corporation) were sent to him one by one, so the most that could convince him was that for Russia, Hitler was only the second danger, and definitely, when Stalin was alive time, not danger number one.What's more, BB. C did not send him the telegram, but only the Soviet Intelligence Agency released the news to him. The prestige of this bureau has been the same as that of TASS since the day it was established.As for the various rumors brought by the evacuated people, they are not first-hand materials (neither from Germany nor from the occupied areas. At that time, there was no living witness from the occupied areas).Therefore, what Broniewitzky can grasp, which can be regarded as first-hand information, is the only experience he has experienced in the Zhezkazgan labor camp, the famine in 1937 and 1932, and the extermination of rich peasants. movement, and the destruction of churches.Thus, with the approach of the German army, Brohanwitzky (and tens of thousands of isolated individuals like him) developed a feeling that the time they were looking forward to had arrived, and that this time was unique and would not happen. What comes again is something that has not been hoped for for twenty years. It is an opportunity that can only be encountered once in our life, which is very short compared with the slow historical process; at this moment he (they) able to declare his disapproval of what has happened, of all that has been done, done, clamored to enforce and trampled upon in his country; To do something for his country in ruins, to restore some kind of social order among the Russians.Yes, Brohanwiecki remembered everything from the past.He forgives nothing.There was no way he could feel close to the regime that had brutalized all of Russia, brought kibbutz poverty and moral degradation to Russia, and now subjected it to unprecedented war defeats.Therefore, when we were talking, he could only suppress his excited breath, looking at ignorant newborns like me, like us, and felt that he really had no power to make us change our views.He is looking forward to the appearance of someone, he is looking forward to, no matter who it is, as long as it can replace Stalin's regime! (This is a kind of psychological inversion of opposites: anything but the abhorrent, your own! Is it possible to imagine anyone in the world who could be worse than us? By the way By the way, this happened in the Don region, and half of the people in the Don region were waiting for the Germans just as he was.) So this Broniewitz, who had been an apolitical figure all his life, Key, in his late sixties, decided to take this political step:

He agreed to preside over the town council of the town of Morozovsk... After this, I think, he must have quickly discovered what he had landed in. He found that Russia was worth less in the eyes of the new Germans than in the eyes of the runaways. , even more disgusting.All the vampires needed turned out to be Russian blood, and they could leave its body to rot.It turned out that they did not want him, the new mayor, to lead the social strata of the Russian population, but to lead the accomplices of the German police.But now that he's mounted on a roller, it's out of his hands, for better or worse.He had just escaped from the feet of some executioners, and went to help others.At this time, he saw: the idea of ​​patriotism, which he thought was opposed to Soviet ideology, was now fused with Soviet ideology.The idea of ​​patriotism is transferred in an inconceivable manner from the minority, which has always retained it, to the majority, as if through a sieve: how it was attacked and ridiculed in the past has been completely forgotten, and now it It becomes the main trunk of another big tree again.

He (they) must have felt terrified and hopeless.The mountains on both sides of the canyon were pressing towards him, leaving only two paths: die or be sentenced to hard labor. Of course, not all of them were like Broniewitzki.A host of bloodthirsty and power-thirsty crows also gathered to feast on this brief disaster.But, these things fly everywhere!These things are also very suitable for the Ministry of the Interior.Mamulov was such a person, and so was Antonov in the Dudinka labor camp, and Bosuishapka and the like.Could there be a more cruel executioner than these people?They have been kings and hegemons for decades, making the common people miserable.We see a guard named Tkac (Chapter 20 of the third part), who is a guest at the banquet of both the German army and the Ministry of the Interior.

After talking about the situation in the cities, we should also talk about the countryside.Today's liberals like to blame the countryside for being conservative and politically obtuse.However, the rural areas of our country before the war—almost the entire rural areas—were all sober, far more sober than the cities.The countryside did not deify Father Stalin in the same way as the cities (and the world revolution as well).The countryside is just thinking about problems with normal reason.Peasants remember exactly how it was promised land to them and how it was taken back; they remember how they lived before collective farming, what they ate and wore, and what it was like to be on a collective farm. Remember how their calves and lambs were taken from the yard, and even the hens were taken; they remember how the people stood up and insulted the church.At that time, broadcasting speakers were not blaring in every peasant household, and not every village had a literate person reading the newspaper. Therefore, Zhang Zuolin, MacDonald, Hitler, etc., were very important to Russian peasants. It doesn't matter at all, almost equal to a pile of useless broken wood.

On July 3, 1941, peasants from a small village in Ryazan Province gathered under the loudspeaker in front of the blacksmith workshop to listen to Stalin's radio speech.When Stalin, the hitherto ruthless old man indifferent to the tears of the Russian peasants, uttered his first sweet words in a panicked mournful voice: "Brothers and sisters! . . . " a The peasant answered loudly into the black broadcast speaker: "Ah, wild X!... You think well! Do you want this?" He said, chopping his hand to the elbow of the other arm, shaking his arm, and made a Russian gesture towards the loudspeaker. A very vulgar gesture.

There was a burst of laughter in the crowd. If we asked every eyewitness in all the villages, we would find tens of thousands of such cases, and probably many more. Such was the mood of the Russian peasantry at the beginning of the war, that is to say, of the reservists who drank their last bowl of wine in the little railway station and then danced in the dust with their departing relatives.What's more, it soon suffered a disastrous defeat unprecedented in Russian history, so that large areas of rural areas near the old and new capitals and up to the banks of the Volga River fell into the hands of the enemy, and millions of peasants left the collective farm regime in an instant.So (stop lying and falsifying history!) the truth came out: all the republics wanted was independence!All the peasants wished was to get out of the collective farms!All the workers want is to get rid of that serfdom order!If the foreign Germans had not been so stupid and insolent, if they had not kept the official institution of the collective farm intact for the convenience of the Greater German Reich, if they had not produced the kind of If the despicable delusion of turning Russia into a colony, then the consciousness of national independence may never return to the place that suffocated it forever, and we will not necessarily celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of Russian Communism. (In the future, someone will definitely talk about the situation of those guerrillas, explaining that the peasants in the occupied areas did not join the guerrillas voluntarily at all. Some people will talk about how the peasants first armed themselves against the guerrillas and prevented the guerrillas from taking them away. food and livestock.)

Does anyone remember the great exodus of the population from the North Caucasus in January 1943?Who can find an analogous precedent for this in world history?That is a large number of residents, especially the rural population, following the defeated enemy in droves and fleeing with foreigners!They just don't want to stay with their own people who have won.look at In the severe cold of January when the north wind howled, there was an endless line of carriages, and there was still a line of carriages behind them! Why did hundreds of thousands of people resolutely put on the enemy's military uniform even under Hitler's ugly system?This is where its social roots lie.Having said that, we can go back and explain the Vlasov elements.

When reading the first part of this book, the reader is not ready to accept the whole truth. (Besides, I don't have all the facts. There will definitely be special research reports in the future. For me this is just a side topic.) There, at the beginning of this book, when the reader has When I read all the roads of the battalion, I just sent a signal to the reader to pay attention and ask him to think about it.Now, after we have seen the prisoner quarters, deportation yards, lumber mills, and labor camp slops, perhaps the reader will find it easier to agree.In the first part I spoke only of those Vlasovites who took up arms out of desperation, hunger in the camps, cornered. (Actually, you can also think about it there: the Germans originally only wanted to use Russian prisoners to perform non-combat and logistical tasks for them. It stands to reason that this should be the best and worst for those who just want to save their lives. Safe way out. So why would anyone insist on taking up arms and fighting the Soviet Red Army face to face?)

At this point, we can no longer delay, but also talk about those who long before 1941 will one day take up arms and beat up the red commissars, Chekas and collectivization promoters.Remember, Lenin said: "If the oppressed class does not work hard to learn to master and acquire weapons, then it is only worthy of being used as a slave." Here, we are proud that the Soviet-German War did show: We Not the kind of slaves that liberal historical research papers cursed at; we were not slaves when we stretched out our hands to cut off the head of old man Stalin! (Moreover, from this perspective, it was not as a slave who stood up and put on the Red Army's military coat; but who knows that the military coat only symbolizes short-term freedom! From a sociological point of view, this It was impossible to foresee at the time.)

These people, who experienced the happy life of communism for twenty-four years, understood as early as 1941 what no one in the rest of the world understood at that time, namely: on the whole earth and throughout the history of mankind , never was a system more brutal, bloody, and at the same time more cunning and treacherous than the system of the Bolsheviks calling themselves the "Soviet".They understand that no other system in the world can compete with this one, either in the number of its murders, its duration, the foresight of its schemes, or the extreme nature of its complete uniformity. on a par.Even the Hitler regime, which at that time covered the eyes of all Western Europe, was nothing compared to this.Now, when the time came, the weapons fell into the hands of these men.Should they restrain themselves here and now, let the Bolshevik pass this dying moment, let it stand firmly again and continue to oppress people?Shall we fight against it then? (Such a struggle has not yet been waged anywhere in the world!) No, of course Bolshevism should be dealt with in the same way as Bolshevism: that is, as it did in the first Just as Russia was weakened in World War I, it should be hit hard at the same moment in World War II.

Yes, the war weariness of our people was exposed as early as 1939 during the Soviet-Finnish War.Once Stalin's close aide, B?l? Bazanov, who served as Secretary of the Politburo and Secretary of the Organization Department of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), once tried to take advantage of this sentiment of the people: he handed over the captured Red Army soldiers to the fugitives. Commanded by the White Russian officers, let them confront the Soviet army, not for them to fight, but for them to persuade the Soviet army.His experiment was not carried out to the end because of Finland's sudden declaration of surrender. The Soviet-German war broke out.That was after ten years of suffocating collectivization of agriculture, six years after the Great Plague in Ukraine (six million people died from the plague, which was not discovered by neighboring Europe!), the Ministry of the Interior Four years after the tyranny of the devil, and one year after the shackles of production were issued.At that time, fifteen million people were imprisoned in concentration camps across the country, and all the elderly residents still had fresh memories of their pre-revolutionary life.Under such circumstances, the most reasonable and natural reaction of ordinary people to the outbreak of war is to breathe a sigh of relief and be liberated.The most natural emotion is: disgust for the regime of one's own country.So, it wasn't because of our "surprise" or the Germans' "numerical superiority in air and tank forces" (by the way, all arms of the Soviet Workers' and Peasants' Red Army were numerically superior at that time) that it was so easy to Create a catastrophic encirclement. (300,000 men each in Belostok and Smolensk, 650,000 armed men in Bryansk and Kyiv!) Entire fronts collapsed All the field armies were forced to retreat in depth in a panic. "This is a defeat that has never been seen in the history of Russia for a thousand years, and probably has never been seen in any country and in any war. And that worthless regime was paralyzed in an instant, and its The subjects scurried away from it like a corpse with a drooping head. (Many district committees and city committees were blown up within five minutes, which made Stalin furious.) 1941 This shock in the Soviet Union could have brought an end to the regime (as of December 1941, 60 million of the 150 million people in the Soviet Union were no longer under Stalin's rule). No wonder we were under Stalin's order (July 16, 1941, No. 0019) heard such shouts; "On all (!) fronts, there are large numbers (!) of personnel even running in the direction of the enemy (!) Go, some units drop their weapons as soon as they make contact with the enemy! "(At the beginning of July 1941, 200,000 of the 340,000 captives surrounded Belostok surrendered to the enemy!) Stalin considered the situation so critical that he had to send a letter in October 1941. Call Churchill to send 25 to 30 divisions of the British army to land on the territory of the Soviet Union. Has any member of the Communist Party been more despondent than this? Look at the morale of this period: On August 22, 1941, Major Kononov, the commander of the 436th Infantry Regiment, publicly told the whole regiment that he would vote for the Germans and join the People's Liberation Army to overthrow Stalin's regime.He wants volunteers to go with him.At this time, not only did he not encounter resistance, but the whole regiment followed him!Three weeks later, Kononov established a Cossack volunteer regiment on the other side (he himself was a Cossack in the Don Valley).Later, when he went to recruit volunteers in the prisoner-of-war camp on the outskirts of Mogilev, 4,000 of the 5,000 Red Army prisoners in the camp immediately expressed their willingness to go with him, but he couldn't ask for them all. --In the same year, half of the Soviet prisoners of war held in the camps near the city of Tirgit (12,000 people) signed a statement declaring that the time had come to turn the war into a civil war. We also did not forget the popular movement in Lokchi, Bryansk region: before the arrival of the Germans, they established Russian self-government bodies independent of the Germans, and their population of more than one million people in eight districts of the state has been living a prosperous life .The demands of the Lokchi are clear: the establishment of a Russian national government; Russian self-government in the entire occupied area; the declaration of Russian independence with the borders of 1938; the establishment of a liberation army commanded by Russian officers. Residents of Cossack villages and towns on the Don River welcomed the arrival of the Germans with bread and salt.They have not forgotten how the Communist Party killed every single man between the ages of sixteen and sixty-five. In August 1941, in the city of Luga, Martinovsky, a student of the Leningrad Medical College, organized a guerrilla group whose main members were Soviet university students.The goal is to get rid of communism.In September 1941, under the city of Polkhov, Lieutenant Lutchenko, a recent Leningrad graduate student, formed a detachment of Leningrad (Vasilyev Island) students and encircled soldiers The same anti-communist forces.But the Germans took this unit and used it as a German service team. Before 1941, Soviet citizens naturally believed that the arrival of foreign troops meant the fall of communism, and that the arrival of foreign troops could not have any other meaning for us.People expected a political program that would liberate them from Bolshevism. After walking through the dense forest of Soviet propaganda and the layers of Hitler's army, we can easily believe that the participation of the Western Allies in this war is not for the sake of universal freedom.But just for their own freedom in Western Europe?Do you believe that they just want to oppose Nazism and make better use of the strength of the Soviet army, so how can they ignore it in the future?Is it not more natural that we should trust, on the contrary, that our allies will be true to the principles of liberty itself, and will not throw us back under the worst despotisms? ... It is true that in the First World War we risked our lives for these Allies, who were anxious to save themselves, regardless of the defeat of our armies.Yes, I have had this kind of experience, but this experience is so harsh that it is difficult for people to accept it. We have learned from our own experience not to trust any Soviet propaganda.Therefore, we naturally disbelieve the fairy tales about the Nazis wanting to turn Russia into a colony and our people into slaves to the Germans, because it is hard to imagine such a thing in the minds of mankind in the twentieth century. Ridiculous idea.It's impossible to believe this without experiencing it yourself.Also, in 1942 a new Russian unit was formed at Ossintorf, which recruited far more volunteers than was required for the unit.In the Smolensk region and Belarus, the peasants, in order to defend the countryside and against the attacks of the partisans under the command of Moscow, organized themselves "civilian police" detachments numbering a hundred thousand (later the Germans got scared and banned them activity).Even in the spring of 1943, when Vlasov went to Smolensk and Pskov for propaganda activities, he was generally welcomed.At that time, people were still looking forward to: When will we have our own independent government and independent army?I have evidence to prove how much the rural residents of the Pozhelevets district of the Pskov region welcomed the Vlasov troops stationed there. The troops did not rob, beat or scolded, and wore old Russian uniforms , to help farmers harvest crops.Therefore, this army was once regarded as the regime of the Russians' own non-collective farms.Quite a few ordinary residents volunteered to join the team (as did Vosk Bojnikov's team in Rocky).Isn't that worth thinking about?Why should they do this?They didn't stay in a prison camp!And the Germans forbade Vlasov from expanding his ranks (the Germans said: Tell them to be policemen!).Until March 1943, in a prison camp on the outskirts of Kharkov, there were still people reading leaflets about the (false) Vlasov movement. As a result, 730 officers signed a request Join the Russian Liberation Army!And this was after they had gone through a full two years of war, and few of them were heroes in the Battle of Stalingrad, including some division commanders, brigade commanders and regiment political commissars!It should also be pointed out that the people in this prison camp were well fed at that time, so it was by no means the desperation of hunger that compelled them to sign. (However, the fact that 722 of the 730 signatories were not released and absorbed into the activities until the end of the war is ample evidence of the extent of the Germans' obtuseness.) Even by 19 In four or three years, many thousands of people fled in droves from the Soviet Union with the retreating German army: people just didn't want to stay under communism! I dare to assert: If our people in this war missed even one opportunity to wave their guns at the Stalin government from a distance, even if they missed even a few shots at their loving father. If there is no chance to shake your fist and swear at your mother, then this "people" can also be said to be worthless, a people made up of hopeless slaves.So, what about on the upper floors?The Germans also had coup plots by military generals, but what about us?Our military elites are (to this day) insignificant people who have been corrupted by the party's ideology and desire for profit. They no longer preserve the national spirit of their country like soldiers from other countries.Those who rose up against the regime and fought against it were simply the lower classes, soldiers, peasants, Cossacks.It was a purely lower class, almost entirely absent of fugitive old aristocrats, well-to-do people or intellectuals.If this movement had been able to develop as freely as it did in the first weeks of the war, it would have developed into some kind of new Pugachev uprising: according to the breadth and depth of the strata participating in the movement, the support of the people The same can be said for the spirit of liquidating the bureaucrats' misbehavior, the weak leadership and the high pride of the masses.In any case, from the end of the nineteenth century to the February Revolution of 1917, the "liberation movement" of the intellectuals in Russia, although hypocritically proclaiming the purpose of benefiting the people, eventually led to the February to October", but compared with these spontaneous lower-level movements, the latter is far more mass and universal in nature.However, these lower-level movements were doomed not to develop, but to be stamped with a shameful brand -- "betrayal to our sacred motherland!" -- and perish. We are no longer interested in explaining the social significance of various events, because in our country we can speak freely and freely about this.What about the treaty of friendship with Ribbentrop and Hitler?What was it about Molotov and Voroshilov's pre-battle pomp and circumstance?Then came the astounding incompetence, lack of preparation and misdirection (plus the government's cowardly sneaking out of Moscow!), and leaving hundreds of thousands of troops in the encirclement.Isn't all this a betrayal of the Fatherland? !Aren't the consequences of these actions far more serious?Why do we let these traitors still live in luxury apartments on Granovsky Prospekt? what!If all the executioners and all the traitors of our country could be seated in the dock, from the most... to the most..., how long, how long, how long would the dock be! We have always avoided answering inappropriate questions here.Instead of answering, he yelled back at me: "So, what about principles?! Do you want principles?! Does a Russian have the right to rely on the help of German imperialism in order to achieve his own political goals, even those he considers correct?! When isism wages ruthless war?!" This is indeed a crucial question: Can you use the support of German imperialism, which is at war with Russia, for what you consider to be a noble purpose? Today, people will no doubt shout with one voice: No!no!no! So, what about the stamped German carriages that traveled from Switzerland to Sweden and (we now know) detoured through Berlin?At that time, newspapers and publications from the Mensheviks to the Cadets cried: No!no!But the Bolsheviks explained that this is all right, that it is even ridiculous to accuse it.Besides, it's not just that one car, is it? !How many carriages the Bolsheviks drove out of Russia in the summer of 1918!Those were carriages filled with all kinds of food and gold, and all of them were sent into Kaiser Wilhelm's bloody mouth! "Turn the war into a civil war!"--this slogan was originally put forward by Lenin, and it was put forward by him before the Vlasovites. "But, what's the purpose? What's the purpose?!" Oh, what are you talking about?Where are the purposes you proclaimed now? ... "But that's Wilhelm! It's an ordinary Kaiser, little Kaiser! He can't be compared with Hitler! And what kind of government was the Russian government at that time? It was the Provisional Government But do you not forget that the press of our country did not speak of Caesar in the fury of war, but such words as "violent" and "bloodthirsty"?And when it comes to Caesar's soldiers we cry out like this: "They are so cruel that they smash children's heads with stones!" But even with Caesar, the situation is the same.Moreover, the Provisional Government did not set up anti-counterfeiting committees, did not shoot people in the back of the head, did not put people in labor camps, and did not drive people into collective farms!The Provisional Government was also different from Stalin's government. Even so, it's just laughing at a hundred steps with fifty steps. The mass death of prisoners from the alphabet in the penal camp did not move anyone.It's just that the war is over, the terror is no longer needed, and there will be no more pseudo-police; labor is needed, and labor in the labor camps is dying in vain.That's why, from 1945, the working sheds where political convicts lived were no longer treated as prison cells: the door was allowed to be opened during the day, the toilet could be taken to the toilet, convicts could go to the infirmary to see a doctor by themselves, and those who went to the canteen Sometimes they are asked to run--it can lift their spirits!Those criminal prisoners who exploited political prisoners were sent away, and some were selected from among the political convicts to perform auxiliary labor.Later, they were allowed to correspond with relatives and friends twice a year. By 1946-147, the line between labor camps and labor camps had become rather blurred: some engineering and technical leaders of the labor camps did not understand politics, and they started (at least in the Vorkuta camp) in order to complete the production plan. started) to transfer some political convicts with technical expertise to ordinary labor camps to work, where there is no other difference between these convicts except that they wear numbers on their bodies.At the same time, some people from ordinary labor camps were stuffed into hard labor camps to make up for the lack of labor, and they were used as livestock. In this way, the leaders of the labor camps who only grasped production but did not understand politics almost buried Stalin's great idea of ​​restoring hard labor.However, at this moment, in 1948, Stalin promptly came up with a solution - to detain criminals close to society, such as habitual criminals and ordinary criminals, and incorrigible social dissidents who violated Article 58 of the Criminal Law. ; This was also part of a larger intention to "strengthen the rear" (and thus Stalin was already preparing for another war to come).A number of special labor camps were established.A special set of regulations was drawn up for the special labor camps, which were slightly more lenient than the original hard labor camps, but much stricter than the general labor camps. In order to distinguish them, the names of these labor camps do not use place names, but give them some imaginative and poetic names.Established such as: Gorlag in Norilsk (i.e. mountain camp), Berlag on the Kolyma River (i.e. coastal camp), Minlag on the Inta River (i.e. mineral camp), Pechora Lechlag on the River (i.e. River Camp), Dublovlag in Pochma (i.e. Oak Wood Camp), Ozerlag in Teshet (i.e. Lake Camp), Stepur in Kazakhstan Lag (i.e. steppe battalion), Pistronag (i.e. sand field battalion) and Luglag (i.e. grass field battalion), Kamyshlag (i.e. reed battalion) in Kemerovo region and so on. Rumors spread in the labor reformation camps, saying that Article 58 prisoners are going to be sent to special labor camps to be eliminated (of course, everyone knows very well whether it is the person who will perform the task or the person who will be eliminated: If you want to do this, there is no need for any procedures such as re-sentencing). Immediately, the Registration and Distribution Office (Ulch) and the Cheka Operations Office were busy: they had to compile various secret lists and send them to somewhere for review and negotiation.Soon after, a series of red trains came, and several companies of strong soldiers wearing red collar badges, equipped with submachine guns, police dogs and small hammers were transferred to serve as escorts.Then it was called according to the list.Those enemies of the people who were named were irretrievably and decisively taken out of the work shed and sent to distant places. 但是,犯第五十八条的人并没有全被叫出去。只是到了后来,人们对许多熟人的情况作了比较之后,才明白留在普通劳改营里和普通犯们呆在一起的是些什么人;这些都是按第五十八条第10分条判刑的人,即犯有一般反苏宣传罪的人,也就是没有对任何他人讲过、没有共犯的,在犯罪时处于忘我状态的单个犯人(尽管无法设想会有这样的"煽动者",但确实有几百万人正是根据这条罪状被判刑、被立案的。现在这些人留在古拉格群岛的老劳改营里)。只要煽动者是两个人或三个人在一起的,只要他们曾经有过哪怕一点点互相倾听、呼应或唱和的倾向,那么,对他们就有"添秤",即可以对他们适用刑法第五十八条第11分条的"集团条款",因而他们如今也就得作为反苏组织的发酵剂而被送往特种劳改营去了。至于那些背叛祖国的人们(适用第五十八条第1分条之甲、乙两项的),资产阶级民族主义分子和分立主义分子(适用第五十八条第2分条的),世界资产阶级代理人(第五十八条第4分条)、间谍(适用五十八条一6)、破坏分子(五十八一月、恐怖分子(五十八一8)、暗害分子(三十八一9)以及经济方面的怠一二者(五十八一14)等,当然都被送走了。他们中间还很方便地夹杂进了一些德国人俘虏(敏营的)和日本人俘虏(奥泽尔营的),那是打算在一九四八年之后继续把这些人留下来的。 同时,知情不报者(适用第五十八条第12分条的)和敌人的帮凶(适用五十八一3)都留在普通劳改营里了。相反,被控通敌的政治苦役犯则全部同其他人一起押送到特种营去。 这种区分还具有比我们所描述的更深刻的含义。根据某些至今还不清楚的特征,把某些判刑二十五年的女叛国犯(例如在翁日营里)也留在了普通劳改营里。有些地方的劳改营关押的全是犯第五十八条的囚犯,包括弗拉索夫分子和伪警察,但却又不叫做特种劳改营,那里的囚犯们也不佩带号码,但是管理制度却异常严峻(例如:伏尔加河的萨马尔河湾处的红色格林卡;哈卡斯自治州希林区的土依姆营;南库页岛营等)。这些营里的管理极其严厉,生活一点也不比特种劳改营里轻松。 这是一次对古拉格群岛进行的伟大分割。为了避免将来再把它混杂起来,还特别规定:从一九四九年起,每一个新炮制出来的"群岛"居民,除了法庭的判决书之外还必需拿到一张被关押的"决定"(国家安全委员会州分局和检察机关的联合决定),上面要注明该把这只小羊关在什么样的劳改营里。 这样,就像为了长出新芽而正在死去的种子一样,斯大林播下的苦役刑的种子就在特种劳改营里露出了新芽。 红色囚犯列车沿着祖国和"群岛"之间的斜线把一批批新人员带走了。 而在英塔河上,人们想出的办法却更简便:只要把这个畜群从一些大门赶进另一些大门就行了。 契诃夫曾经抱怨过,说我们国家没有给"什么是苦役刑以及它为什么是必需的"这个问题下过定义。 可那是文明的十九世纪的事呀!在我们这穴居的二十世纪中叶,我们根本就不想去理解什么又苦役刑,也不需要什么定义。既然老爷子已经这样决定--这也就是全部"定义"了。 于是我们就都得心领神会地不住点头。
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