Chapter 43 Chapter Eleven: The Orthodox

An uproar of indignation was heard.Comrades have run out of patience!They snapped my book shut, flung it aside, and spat on it. --In the final analysis, this is unreasonable!This is slander!Where did he find real political prisoners?Who is he writing about?What priests, technical aristocrats, snotty middle school students and the like... The real political prisoners are us!It's us steadfast people!It is us orthodox, crystal-clean people (Orwell called them "non-dissidents").We are 100% faithful even in the labor camps to the only one who is right... Yes, from the books and newspapers of our country, the only one who has ever been imprisoned is you.The only ones who have suffered are you.Only you are allowed in the article.OK, so let's talk about you guys.Can readers agree with this guideline?A political prisoner should be a person who knows why he is in prison and who has a firm conviction.If you agree with this, there is an answer: Our steadfast gentlemen, despite their own arrests, are loyal to the only right...and such things, the convictions are firm, but they don't know why they are in prison.Therefore, they cannot be counted as political prisoners.If my code is not good, we use Anna Skripnikova's code.She had time to reflect on it during her five prison terms.Here it goes: "A political prisoner is a person who has the belief that if he renounces it he will be free. Without this belief, he is a political prisoner." Not a bad rule, in my opinion.People who have been persecuted for their ideology in all ages meet this criterion.All revolutionaries conform to this maxim. "Nuns", senior monk Preobrazhensky, engineer Palchinsky and others also fit the bill.But the orthodox were not right.Because: Where is the belief that people force them to give up?No.The Legitimists, therefore, are as much a category of helpless and bewildered victims as the tailor, the deaf-mute, and the club gatekeeper, though it is not easy to say.But these people are arrogant.In order to speak accurately, let's clarify the object first.Who are we talking about in this chapter?All the people who, despite the arrests, degrading interrogations, wrongful sentences, and ensuing torture of camp life, remained communist?No, not all of them.For some of them, this communist belief is indeed from the heart, and sometimes it is the only meaning of their remaining lives, but: -- they do not use it to guide themselves to treat fellow prisoners with a "Party" attitude; Don't yell at fellow prisoners that it's "right" that they're locked in (and that I'm "wrong") in an argument with the shed; -- don't rush to make a statement to the battalion commander citizen (or operative) : "I am a member of the Communist Party," do not use this formula to survive in the labor camps; -- when talking about the past now, do not think that the main and only atrocities in the labor camps were to keep the Communists inside, as for the others Man, that's nothing.In a word, these are some people who keep their communist beliefs in their hearts, rather than talking about them often.It seems that this is just a matter of personal character, but it is more than that: such people are generally not high-ranking officials outside, but ordinary coolies in labor camps.Avenil Borisov, a village teacher, is an example: "Do you remember our youth? I was born in 1912. At that time, our highest happiness was a youth commando in coarse cloth Green uniform with an armed belt tied diagonally. At that time, we ignored money and all personal belongings, as long as we were summoned, we would do whatever we were asked to do. I joined the Communist Youth League when I was thirteen. But you see, when When I was just thirty-four years old, the NKVD authorities declared that I had violated almost all of Article 58." (We'll see how he behaved outside later. He was an upright person.) Also There was a Boris Mikhailovich Vinogradov with whom I went to prison.He was a train driver when he was young (not just for a year, like some Soviet representatives who claimed to be a cowherd boy), and became a line engineer after graduating from a worker-peasant high school and college He did party work right after school), and was a pretty good engineer (in "Paradise Island" he did complex aerodynamic calculations for jet engine turbines).It is true that in 1941 he took up the post of party secretary at the Moscow Institute of Railway Transport Engineering.In the critical days of October 1941 (the 16th and 17th), he called his superiors for instructions.No one answered the phone, so he ran to look for it, and found that there was no one from the district committee, municipal committee, or provincial committee, as if they had been blown away by a gust of wind, and the office hall was empty.It seems that he has never been to a higher level institution.He returned to his unit and said: "Comrades! The leaders have all run away. But we Communists have to stand up and defend ourselves!" They defended, but just because of the words "all ran away", those who ran away He, who did not escape, was imprisoned for eight years (on charges of "anti-Soviet agitation").He is a quiet worker, a friend who is willing to make sacrifices for others.It was only in heart-to-heart conversations that he confided that he was, is, and will stand by his beliefs.But he never played it as an ace.And the geologist Nikolai Kalistratovich Govorko, who was dying in Vorkuta and wrote "Ode to Stalin" (and still has it) , but not for publication, not to rely on it to get preferential treatment, but from the heart.He's been hiding this carol in the mines! (Although what's the need to hide?) Sometimes such people hold onto their convictions steadfastly.Sometimes (for example, Kovacs, a Hungarian from Philadelphia in the United States, was arrested in 1937 as one of the thirty-nine households who came to our country to establish a commune near Kakhovka.) Party certificates will no longer be accepted after the restoration of honor.Some left earlier, like another Hungarian, Sabau, the captain of the Siberian partisans during the Civil War.He announced in prison in 1937: "If I can get out, I will immediately gather my guerrillas, mobilize the whole of Siberia, fight to Moscow, and drive these beasts out of power." Man, we're not talking about that in this chapter. (Besides, the legitimists themselves will expel anyone who quits like these two Hungarians.) Joke characters are also excluded from the examination.They pretended to be orthodox in the cell, just so that the eyes and ears of the authorities would give him a "good" report to the investigators; like this Podvarkov (son), he put up leaflets outside, But in the Spassk labor camp, he argued loudly with all those who were hostile to the authorities, including his own father, in order to change his bad luck.The orthodoxy we are going to consider here belongs to this class: first in the presence of the investigators, then in the prison cells, then in the labor camps, they must show their orthodoxy to everyone, and now they have this color. Memories of the past in the labor camp.As a result of the strange natural selection, none of these people would be hard laborers.Such people generally held important positions before their arrest and were in an enviable position.They were the least reconciled to being wiped out in the labor camps, the most fanatical to climb to a position above the universal zero.Such people include all investigators, chief prosecutors, judges, and reform-through-labour cadres who fall into prison.Also includes all theoreticians, nerds and peddlers (the writers Seleshlyakova, Dyakov, Aldan Semyonov can only be included in this category, and nowhere else).We also need to understand them, let's not make sarcastic remarks.It is very painful for people to fall down. "Cut down a tree and the sawdust will fly" - this has always been their sonorous proverb in defense of the authorities.Suddenly they themselves were chopped into sawdust and flew up.Prokhorov-Pustovel describes a scene in Manzovka (a special battalion in Bearague) in early 1938.All the local aborigines were surprised to see that they brought a group of "special characters" they had never seen before.The authorities separated them from the rest of the population with the utmost secrecy.No one has ever seen a new batch of prisoners like this: leather overcoats, "Moscow" fur hats, Boston wool and serge suits, elegant half-high and low-waisted shoes (to the twentieth anniversary of the October Revolution , senior people already know how to pay attention to the clothes that ordinary workers dare not care about).Due to management negligence or deliberately making fun of them, they were not issued work clothes, and they were asked to dig trenches in the knee-deep mud in serge clothes and shiny leather shoes.One of them overturned a handcart carrying cement in the joint of the planks in the driveway, spilling the cement.The thief squad leader ran over, scolding his mother and stabbing the back of the perpetrator; "Take it up with your hands, you are useless!" The man yelled like crazy; "How dare you insult people? I am the former Prosecutor General of the Republic." The big one Tears rolled down his cheeks. "I don't care what the hell you are the Attorney General of the Republic, you dead dog! Press your dog's face into this puddle of cement, and you look like an Attorney General! Now you are the enemy of the people, you have to grind me!" (However, the site director came forward to defend the prosecutor.) If you say that this happened to the tsarist prosecutor in the concentration camp in 1918, no one will feel pity: everyone agrees that they are not human beings. (Those people previously demanded a prison sentence for the defendant, one year, three years, five years).And how can we not feel pity for our own Soviet, proletarian prosecutor-general, albeit in a Boston wool suit (he demands a sentence of either ten years or the maximum).To say they hurt - that's almost saying nothing.Suffering such a blow, such a violent destruction, and from one's own hands, from the dear party, and obviously for no reason.They couldn't figure it out.You must know that they are completely innocent before the party, and they are completely innocent before the party.This made them uncomfortable to such an extent that even asking the question "Why were you arrested?" was considered taboo and ungay among them.Prisoners with such a penchant for small details, they are the only generation!We were carefree in 1945, and when we first met, we talked about our imprisonment as if it were a joke.Please see what kind of people these are.Olga Sliosberg's husband had been arrested, and they were searching for her, too.The search lasted four hours, during which she had been sorting out the minutes of the Stakhanov workers' congress of the bristle-brush industry.Unsorted memories bothered her more than children left behind forever.Even the investigator who directed the search couldn't help but persuade her: "You better say goodbye to the children first!" Please see what kind of people these are.Elizabeth Zvetkova received a letter from her fifteen-year-old daughter in the Kazan long-term prison in 1938: "Mom, please write and tell me, are you guilty or not? ... I would rather you say you are Not guilty. If so, I will not join the regiment, and I will never forgive them for your sake. If you are guilty, I will write to you no more, and will hate you." In the damp as a coffin In the prison cell, facing a dim electric light, the heart of a mother is cut like a knife: Without the Communist Youth League, how can my daughter live?How could she be made to hate the Soviet regime?Might as well make her hate me.So she wrote: "I am guilty...you want to join the Communist Youth League!" Falling under her beloved knife and ax and defending its wisdom--this is too painful!This is something the human heart cannot bear!But a man must pay such a price for entrusting his god-given soul to man-made dogma.Even now, any orthodox would be sure that Tsvetkova was right.Even today they cannot be convinced that it is "leading the young" and that the mother leads her daughter astray and corrupts her soul.Please see what kind of people these are. E?T? provides her husband's heartfelt testimony--will do anything to help the party!Oh, it is very possible to sympathize with such people, if they now finally understand how miserable they were back then.Even if they abandoned the views of the time today, this chapter could be written in a completely different way.But reality fulfilled Maria Danielian's fantasy: "One day I can go out, and I will live as if nothing happened." Faithful?In our opinion it is obstinate.These believers in the theory of development regard abandoning any development of their own as loyalty to the theory of development.As Nikolai Adamovich Vilenchik, who spent seventeen years in prison, said: "We have always believed in the Party - and we have not been wrong!" Loyalty or obstinacy?No, they argue with people in the cell and justify all the actions of the authorities. It is definitely not intentional, not out of hypocrisy. They need to engage in ideological debates in order to maintain their sense of correctness. Otherwise, they are close to going crazy. It won't be far.Is it not possible to sympathize with all these people?However, these people can see clearly what they have suffered, but they can't see where they are wrong.In 1937, no such people were arrested before, and very few were arrested after 1938, hence the term "37th class students".That's fine to say, but don't blur the picture.We must know that even in the months when the arrest of such people has reached its peak, there is still an endless stream of farmers, workers, young people, engineers and technicians, agronomists and economic workers, and generally religious believers who enter the prison. "Students of the 1937 class" were eloquent and able to make use of publishing and broadcasting. They created a "Legend of 1937", which included two points: 1.If the Soviet regime ever arrested people, it was only in 1937.It is only 1937 that should be said and expressed indignation. 2.They were the only ones who were arrested in 2037.It is written in the article: In this terrible year, the most loyal cadres of the Communist Party were imprisoned: the Central Secretary of the Union Republic, the Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, the Chairman of the Provincial Executive Committee, the commanders of the military districts, armies and divisions, the marshals and generals , Provincial Attorney General, Secretary of the District Party Committee, Secretary of the District Executive Committee... At the beginning of this book, we have described the scale of the various water currents that flowed to the archipelago three or seven years ago, how long they lasted, and the number of people reached several million.But the later "37th students" didn't even blink their eyelids at that time, thinking that everything was normal.We don't know what they said about this issue internally.When Postshev did not know that he too was doomed, he said this: At the Judiciary Conference in 1931: "We must keep our defenses against class enemies and degenerates ("Degenerates" is a great term! This hat Who can't wear them?) with all the severity and cruelty of the punishment policy." 1932: "It is not difficult to understand...even if they are burned in the furnace of the Yinon movement...we And it must not be forgotten that yesterday's kulak did not surrender spiritually..." And: "Do not blunt the spearhead of our punitive policy." The spearhead is sharp enough, Pavel Petrovich!But the fire is hot enough, right? P.M. Geer explains it this way: "When the arrests involved only people I did not know or knew little about, doubts arose between me and my acquaintances as to the warrant (!) of these arrests. But I People close to me and myself were arrested, and in the prison I met dozens of the most loyal Communists, so I..." In short, they have peace of mind when they arrest people "in society".When people in their "community" are captured, their "blood is already boiling."Stalin broke the forbidden zone that seemed to be very strong at first.They had such a happy life before, all thanks to such a restricted area.Of course you will be surprised, of course you will be baffled!People asked excitedly in the prison cell: "Comrades! Do you know who launched the coup? See who seized power in this city?" When they knew that their fate was irreversible, they still lamented and groaned for a long time; If Ilyich had lived, such a thing would never have happened!" (What is this? Wasn't it something that was done to others before? See Chapters 8-9 of the first part of this book.) But after all, they have been in charge National affairs!Knowledgeable Marxist!Advanced theorist!How did they stand this test?How did they digest and comprehend this historical event (historical events always hit the head suddenly) that they hadn't tasted and hadn't explained in the newspapers?After years of being led the wrong way, they come up with some startlingly insightful explanations.One, this is a very cunning move by foreign secret services; two, this is a large-scale assassination!Assailants have infiltrated the NKVD (in other words: German spies have infiltrated the NKVD!); 3. This is a local NKVD conspiracy.All three situations boil down to: We lost our vigilance, and we are responsible!Stalin had no idea!Stalin was unaware of these arrests.Once we know, we will catch all the bad guys and let us out! !4. There is really a terrible betrayal in the party (but why??), and domestic enemies are piled up.Most of the people imprisoned here should be imprisoned. They are no longer Communist Party members, but counter-revolutionaries.Beware of these people in the cell, don't speak in front of them.Only myself was completely wronged.Well, maybe you are too! (Mehanoshin, the former member of the Revolutionary Military Council, also agrees with this view. In other words, if he is released, I don’t know how many people he will arrest!) 5. These repressive measures are the needs of our country’s social development . (A few theoreticians who have not lost their self-control say so. A professor at the Plekhanov Institute of World Economics. This interpretation is correct. It is admirable that he understood it so quickly and correctly. But none of them Can explain the regularity itself, just pick a flute out of the commonly used musical instrument box and play it; "Historical development needs!" Anyway, you can say it vaguely about anything, and you always Correct.) Those who say this naturally do not blame Stalin - he is still the perfect sun.Against the background of these ingenious explanations, the idea of ​​the characters in Narokov's (Marchenko's) "Infinity" seems psychologically plausible: the arrests were all but a A play, an examination of loyal Stalinists.You should do what you are asked to do, and whoever signs everything, without resentment -- he will be promoted in the future.If suddenly an old party member like the Belarusian book censor Alexander Ivanovich Yashkevich said in a hoarse voice in the corner of the cell: Stalin was not at all Lenin's right-hand man, he was a dog, If he doesn't die, nothing good will happen!Others would jump at him, kick and punch, and rush to report to their scouts.It is impossible to imagine that the idea of ​​Stalin's death flashed through the mind of a "non-dissident" even for a second.When 1937 came upon the heads of pure orthodoxy, they were at such a lively level of thought.How were they mentally prepared to be judged?Apparently like Parsson in Orwell: "Can the party arrest innocent people? I say to the court: Thank you for saving me when you could!" They found for themselves What way out?What effective methods did their revolutionary theory suggest to them?Their methods are as ingenious as their explanations.The more people catch it, the faster the higher-ups find mistakes!So desperately bite out some more names!Make more whimsical false confessions and implicate as many innocent people as possible!They can't arrest the whole party! (Stalin did not want to arrest the entire party, he only wanted to arrest the leaders and veterans in the party.) Among the various parties in Russia, the communists are the first to engage in self-defamation. belong to them.Russian revolutionaries have not heard of such a thing!Calling this theory short-sighted?Said that their thinking ability is too poor?I feel in my heart--no.The problem here is all about their fear.Theories are but a convenient disguise to conceal their weakness.They have always advertised themselves (in fact, they have long since lost the right) to be revolutionaries, but they took a look at their own bones and couldn't help shivering: it turned out that they couldn't stand the pressure at all.The above "theory" exempts them from the need to confront the scouts.It would be good if they could understand this truth: Stalin must carry out this purge of the party because he wanted to bring the party down to a level lower than his own (although it is no more than such a party, his genius is not enough to make him stand higher than this party).They certainly do not remember that not so long ago they were helping Stalin to destroy the opposition, and even themselves.Stalin consistently offered his weak-willed victims the chance to risk, the chance to rebel.The game was quite satisfying to him.This playful tiger came up with an idea - the arrest of a Central Committee member requires the consent of all other Central Committee members!During the process of the central plenary session and central meeting, which pretended to be serious, a document was circulated along the rows of seats. It stated in impersonal full stops: received materials against such and such central committee, and suggested that all central committees agree (or Disagree!...) He was expelled from the Central Committee. (There is a special person to monitor who has delayed the document for too long.) So everyone signed their name.The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union shot itself in this way. (Stalin saw through and tested their weakness long ago: once the party upper echelons accepted high wages, internal supplies, and rest houses for top cadres as their due, they fell into a trap, they I can’t straighten up.) Who is the special court for the trial of Tukhachevsky and Yakir?Bluecher!Yegorov! (And C. A. Turovsky.) As for the very old event, which they have even forgotten (I am afraid they have not read it at all), that is, on October 26, 1918, Archbishop Tikhon Letter to the People's Committee.In appealing for the pardon and release of the innocent, the hard-line archbishop wrote: "Therefore, all the murders of the prophets from the foundation of the world . , "Whoever touches the sword will die by the sword." (Matthew 26:52) These words seemed ridiculous and impossible at the time.Where did they think that history sometimes knows revenge, and will engage in a late karma as if seeking pleasure.But it often chooses strange forms and unexpected executors for this nemesis.Sixteen years if young Tukhachevsky hadn't met another Marusya Spiridonova at the train station on his return from defeating the bankrupt peasants of the Tambov province "with a bullet in his head Later, this was done by an uneducated Georgian priest (referring to Stalin - translator's note). To tear the ribcage of Kuhn-I was done by his comrades from the Third International. Peters, Lacis, Berzin, Agranov, Prokofiev, Balitsky , Artuzov, Chudnovsky, Debenko, Ubolevich, Bubnov, Arafzo, Alksnes, Arenshtam, Hecker, Gidis , Yegorov, Zhilob, Kovchukh, Kork, Kutyakov, Primakov, Putna, U. Sablin, Feldman, P. Edman ; also Winshricht, Yenukidze, Nevsky, Nahamkes, Lomov, Kakten, Kossiol, Ruzutak, Gikalo, Goloj Germany, Shlichter, Beloborodov, Pyadakov, Zinoviev—they all fell victim to the little red-haired butcher, and we're afraid it will cost us a lot It is only with great effort that we can investigate clearly what evils these people have committed in the past fifteen to twenty years. Struggle? None of them have tried to struggle. If it is said that after sitting in Yezhov’s prison, the struggle is very difficult. So why didn’t they fight the day before their arrest? Could it be that they didn’t see signs of it at that time? It turned out that their prayers were all this sentence: “I hope I can escape this test! "Why did Ordzhonikidze commit suicide? (If he was killed, why did he sit and wait?) Why didn't Lenin's loyal partner, Krupskaya, fight? Why didn't she come out to expose it once, like the one at the Rostov flax factory Old workers like that? Are they really worried about losing their lives? Why did Alarekin and Spiridonov, members of the first "Soviet of Workers and Peasants' Deputies" in Ivanovo-Voznesensk in 1905, talk to themselves even more so than Shubin, who was the chairman of the "Soviet of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies". ". Why is this? How could they cast aside their own life like this! Now whenever these "non-dissidents" recall 1937, they know how to moan and whine about injustices and atrocities. But no one mentions them Opportunity for struggle that actually existed but was never used. It's something they'll never be able to explain. And the time for arguing with the above arguments is over. All the wisdom of the faithful in jail is enough to destroy politics The old tradition of criminals. They shunned their dissident comrades, kept them secret, and kept their voices low when they spoke of atrocities during interrogations, out of the reach of non-Party members and, God forbid, the Socialist-Revolutionaries." No Feed them anti-Party material! "Evgenia Goltzman in Kazan prison (1938) objected to knocking on the walls of the cells: as a member of the Communist Party, she could not agree to do things that violated Soviet law! Send newspapers, Goltzman always insisted that the female prisoners in the same cell should read carefully, and not just look at it. The part about the prison in E. Ginzburg's memoirs provided the secret materials of "37 students". Leah Annenkova asked all the people in the cell: "Don't make fun of the guards!He represents Soviet power here! "(Really? Everything is upside down! Let the rebellious female revolutionaries in the Tsarist prison see this scene through the magic crystal ball!) The Komsomolets are stuck? Shirokova asked in the search room Ginzburg: Look at that German communist woman who hides gold in her hair. This is our Soviet prison, should we report this to the guards? Take car No. 7 with Ginzburg (the almost all female communists) to Kolyma Ekaterina Olitskani added two startling details to her vivid recollection. The rich prisoners handed over their money and went to the platform Going up to buy shallots, it was time for Olitzkani to pick them up in the carriage. According to the old tradition of the Socialist Revolutionaries, her only idea was to distribute them equally among the forty people in the carriage. But someone stopped her immediately: "Who Who will pay the money! ""We can't feed beggars! ""We don't have enough children! "Olitskaya is just dumbfounded: Are these people political prisoners? ... That's the case with the female communists "enrolled in 1937"! The second episode. Bathing at the deportation station in Sverdlovsk In the room, the female prisoners were forced to pass naked in front of a line of guards. Nothing, they found self-consolation. On the way to the next stations, they were already singing in the carriage: Never seen other countries, You can breathe freely like this! With such a set of worldviews and at such a level of thought, the "non-dissidents" embarked on the long process of reform through labor. These concerns about arrests, interrogations, and the general situation from the very beginning Those who do not understand, through stubbornness and loyalty (perhaps out of desperation) will consider themselves lightbringers throughout this path, claiming that only they can see the nature of things. They have made up their minds about everything around them. The determination to pay attention and not understand, they have to try their best not to pay attention to the following things that they fear most: How do the reform-through-labour prisoners treat them? Those who survived are now serving their first ten years) What do you think of them? These new "37th students" are still different in dress, manner, and speech. Look at these smug and narrow officials Come in, too! Look at these people in special cars! Look at these people who buy from the internal stores during the rationing system! Look at these people who are fattened up in the sanatorium People who mess with women also came in! But we were sent to labor camp for ten years according to the "87" law just for a cabbage and a corn cob. They gritted their teeth and said to the newcomers: "Outside you all We, here we are going to fix you," (but this cannot be done, the orthodox will soon get generous arrangements.) E. Ginzburger describes a completely opposite scene. The nurse in the prison Ask her: "Is it true that you are on the side of the poor and you are going to jail for the farm workers? "Such a question is almost unbelievable. Maybe the nurses in the prison can't see anything, so they ask this stupid question. But the farm workers and ordinary labor reform prisoners have eyesight, and they recognize it immediately. These people are the ones who accomplished the outrageous forced "collectivization". What is the highest truth of "non-dissidents"? That is: unwilling to give up any old judgments, and unwilling to absorb any new judgments. Whatever Life beats them head-on, engulfs them like waves, even runs them over like a wheel, and they don't feel a thing! They don't recognize it, as if it doesn't move. Nothing can be changed in the mind, nothing to life Experience simply does not have the ability to think critically—this is their pride. Prison must not affect their world view! Labor camps must not affect it! Where we stood before, we will still stand on what stand in the future! We are Marxists! We are materialists! How can we change just because we accidentally go to prison? (Even if existence changes, existence shows new aspects, how can our consciousness change? Never! Even if existence dies They cannot determine our consciousness! We are materialists!...) They can only understand so much what happens to them: B?M Zarin said: "In the camp I always Repeat this sentence: I don't intend to quarrel with the Soviet regime because of some stupid people (meaning the people who locked him in) "their inevitable conclusion is: I was locked in the wrong place, so I am a good person. Enemies are all around, all are Sin deserves jail time. What are their energies spent on? Six, twelve appeals, statements and pleadings a year. What do they write in there? And the geniuses (no, they won't let you go). Of course it's a statement to draw a line from the sharpshooter's co-accused. Of course, it's a plea for forgiveness, and a plea for them to go back up. They will happily accept it the next day Any entrustment from the party - even the management of this labor camp! (Why are these complaints being returned in large numbers? That is because they were not sent to Stalin! He is merciful! He will understand us! He will forgive us !) "Political prisoners" pleading for forgiveness from the authorities, well done! ... Look at the level of consciousness of these people as revealed in the memoirs of General Gorbatov: "The court?What can it be asked to do?Someone ordered it to do this... "Oh, what analytical power! What angelic Bolshevik taming: the thieves said to Gorbatov: "What did you come here for? "(By the way: they don't call you ") Gorbatov: "It was falsely accused by bad people. "What an analysis! What an analysis! The general behaved not like Shukhov, but like Fetyukov: he ran to clean the office, hoping to get some breadcrumbs." When wiping the table, he got crumbs , crusts, and the occasional loaf of bread.The problem of hunger can be solved to a certain extent." Well, let's go. But they accused Shukhov of being obsessed with porridge, not socially conscious, and seemed to have committed a heinous crime. General Gorbatov was fine with everything , because he is thinking about... the problem of bad guys! (Actually, Shukhov is not easy to be fooled. His judgment on major domestic affairs is braver than that of the general.) Let’s look at another Golitsyn, the son of a county doctor.路工程师，在死囚监室里蹲过一百四十天（有了足够的思考时间！）。接下去是十五年，再接下去是终生流放。"脑子里一点也没有变。仍然是非党布尔什维克。我靠的是对党的信任，相信坏事不是党和政府做的，而是某些人（全分析！）的坏主意。这些人只是来去匆匆的过客（老是不去……），而其余的一切（！）都会留下来……我能坚持下来，还靠了一九三七--三八年内务人民委员部里（指的是坐机关的）以及监狱和劳改营里为数众多的普通苏维埃人的帮助。不是所谓教父，而是真正捷尔任斯基式的内务干部。 "（叫人不明白的是：有这么多的捷尔任斯基式的内务干部，怎么瞅着某些人无法无天干瞪眼，也不管管？无法无天的事他们没有沾过一点儿进？在无法无天的环境里他们意安然无恙？奇迹……）还有一个鲍里斯?季亚科夫；斯大林之死使他悲痛欲绝（光他一个吗？正统派们个个如此）。他觉得获释的希望从此将成泡影了！但是人们向我大叫；"不诚实！不诚实！你应当找个真正的理论家争论争论！找个红色教授学院的人争论争论！ "悉听尊便！你们当我没有争论过？在监狱、押解途中、递解站里我都做什么来着？在争论中起先我站在他们一边，拥护他们。但我觉得我方的论据不知怎的有点稀松。后来一段时间我不开口。光听。再往后我就站到他们的对立面去了，连马林科夫的老师扎哈罗夫（他颇以当过马林科夫的老师而自豪）也竟然纡尊降贵亲自和我对过话。这许多次的争论留在我脑子里的印象好像只是一次争论。这许多引经据典的书呆子们好像溶成了一个人。他一次又一次在同一点上用同样的话重复着同样的论据。这些人全包着穿不透的硬壳。穿不透的硬壳是他们主要的特征。能对付生铁脑瓜的穿甲弹还没有发明。跟他们争论，如果事先不当做游戏和逗乐，是要累死人的。我和我的朋友帕宁躺在"泽克车厢"的中层铺上，安排得舒舒服服，咸鲱鱼放进了衣兜，口不渴，大可睡上一觉。可是不知在哪一站上给我们包房里捅进来一个有学问的马克思主义者！根据他的山羊胡子和眼镜就能看出来。他也不瞒着：前共产主义学院教授。我们坐起来，把腿从四方形缺口处放到下面。他一开口我们就知道他是个穿不透的角色。我们坐牢已经很久，还要坐更久，难得快快活活地开个玩笑，应该滑下去运逗乐子！包房里相当宽敞，跟什么人换了个位置，就挤了过去。"您好。 ""你好""您在这儿不嫌挤？ ""不，还好。 ""蹲了很久了？ ""不短了。 ""剩下小半了？ ""差不多一半。 ""您瞧，农村多穷。草屋顶，房子歪歪斜斜。 ""沙皇制度的遗产。 ""苏维埃制度也三十年啦。 ""历史的一瞬。 ""农庄庄员在挨饿，太惨啦！ ""每家的烤炉您都看过？ ""您问问这个包房里的随便哪个庄员。 ""关进来的都心怀不满，不客观。 ""可是我亲眼见过一些农庄……""那是准不典型的。 "（山羊胡子连去也没去过，这反倒简单：）"您问问老年人吧，沙皇时候他们能吃饱，穿暧，还有多少休息日！ ""我不要问。觉得什么都是过去的好，这是人类记忆的主观性特征。死了的母牛，准是能挤出双倍奶的（他偶尔也使用谚语呢！人至于休息日，不是我国人民的喜好，我国人民喜爱劳动。""可为什么好多城市里面包紧张？""什么时候？""一直到战争爆发都还……""不是事实！战前恰好一切都走上了轨道。""您听我说，当时伏尔加流域各城市买面包得排上千人的大队……""地方性的供应失调。更可能是您记错了。""可是现在也很缺呀！""无稽之谈。我们生产七、八十亿普特谷物。""谷物烂在地里。""相反，培育良种成就很大。""许多商店的货架是空的。""地方上办事不灵活。""价格也高。许多必需品工人买不起。""我国物价比任何国家更有科学依据。""这说明工资太低。""工资也有科学依据。""这说明它的依据是要工人大部分时间无偿地为国家工作。""您不懂政治经济学。您是什么专业？""工程师。""我可是经济学家。不要争论了。剩余价值在我国不可能存在。""可是为什么从前一个男人能养活全家，而现在却必须两三个人工作？""因为从前有失业现象，女人找不到工作。全家吃不饱。进一步说，妻子工作，对于取得平等地位也是很要紧的。""要这鬼平等有什么用？家务事由谁来做？""男人应该帮忙。""您怎么样，您给老伴帮忙吗？""我没有结婚。""以前夫妇两人只需要白天做事，现在晚上也要忙。女人没有时间做她主要的事--教育孩子。""时间完全够用。孩子主要在幼儿园、学校、共青团受教育。""那儿是怎么教育的？流氓、小偷越来越多。小姑娘都学会了放荡。""没有的事。我国青年有高度思想觉悟。""这是报上说的。我们的报纸说瞎话。""它们比资产阶级报纸诚实得多。读读资产阶级报纸就知道。""让我们读读。""完全不必要。""我们的报纸总归是扯谎。""它们公开地与无产阶级联系着。""这种教育的结果就是犯罪率增长。""相反，是下降。拿出数字来！"（在一个连绵羊尾巴的数字都保密的国家！）"犯罪率上升的原因在于我国法律本身就促成犯罪。法律又严苛又荒谬。""相反，很好的法律。人类历史上最好的。""尤其是五十八条。""没有这一条我们年轻的国家就站不住脚。""它已经不那么年轻了。""从历史角度看还是很年轻的。""您往周围看看，有多少人坐牢！""他们罪有应得。""您呢？""我是被抓错的。问题弄清就会放出去。"（他们都给自己留这么一条摆脱困境的退路。）"抓错？你们的法律是干什么的？""法律很好，不幸的是有时候偏离。""到处是盗窃、贪污、舞弊。 ""应当加强共产主义教育。 "如此等等。他是心平气和的。他使用不要求动脑子的语言说话。跟他争论等于在沙漠上行走。俗话说这类人是：走遍了铁匠铺仍没有钉上掌。看到这些人的讣告里写着："在个人迷信时期悲剧般去世的……"真想改一个字："喜剧般去世的……"如果此人没遭逢现在这个命运，我们也许永远不能发觉他原是这么一个枯燥、平庸的小角色，我们在报上见到他的大名可能肃然起敬。他可能出入于各人民委员部，或者竟有胆量在国外充当整个俄国的代表。和他争论问题是徒劳无益的。跟他玩-……不，不是玩一盘棋，而是玩一场"当同志"的游戏，倒是十分有趣。这种游戏真的有，玩起来很简单。只需随声附和几次，使用几句他们的套话。他准高兴。因为他惯于把周围的人看成敌人，倦于整天顶嘴，他很不爱谈见闻，因为这些见闻马上会反过来批驳他自己。他一旦把你当做自己人，就会按人之常情对你说心里话，例如，说他在火车站上看到人来人往，有说有笑，生活在前进，党在领导，人们的工作在调动，而我们几个却蹲在这儿。应当写才是，写复审申请，写赦免申请……或许他会告诉你一些有趣的事：在共产主义学院的时候，他们决定"吃掉"一个同志，因为感到那人不像一个真正的我们的人。但是没处下手。从他的文章里挑不出毛病，历史也清白。在清理档案时，忽然有重大发现！见到了这个同志从前写的一本小册子，伊里奇读过并在空白处留下了一个亲笔批语："作为经济学家--狗屎！ ""嗯，您自己明白，"谈话者向我露出了一个信任的笑容："有了这个，整倒那个在理论上制造混乱的自称马列的家伙就不费吹灰之力。我们把他赶了出去，取消了他的学衔。 "车厢里只听见隆隆的响声，人们都睡了。躺着、坐着的都有。押解队的士兵偶尔在走廊里经过，打着哈欠。列宁传记中又一个没人记载过的插曲白白地泯灭了。为了对思想纯正者获得完整的概念，我们还必须对他们在劳改营生活中的若干主要方面的表现做一番考察：甲．对劳改营管理制度和犯人争取权利斗争的态度。既然劳改营管理制度是我们苏维埃政权制定的，就应当不仅心甘情愿地而且还要自觉地遵守。即使看守人员还没有要求或指出，也要有主动遵守管理制度的精神。前面说过的E?金兹布尔格的书里包含着这样一些令人吃惊的观察记载：女犯们为自己被（用推子）剃光头一事辩护（既然管理制度要求这样嘛，有什么办法！）。把她们从围着大墙的监狱送到科雷马去丧命，她们对此也有现成的解释：这说明大家信任我们，相信我们会在那里自觉地劳动！有什么活见鬼的斗争可说的？斗争--反对谁？反对自己人吗？斗争--为什么目的？为自己的释放？那不需要斗争，而要按合法程序提出请求。为推翻苏维埃政权？--叫你舌头上长疔疮吧！劳改犯当中有的想斗争但不能斗；有的能斗但不想斗；有的既能斗又想斗（而且斗了！到时候我们还要谈谈这些人！）。正统派是第四种人：不想斗，而且即使想也不能斗。他们以前的生活使他们只能适应于虚应故事、打电话、按电铃、对上级批准的决议和指令收收转转而已。劳改营里的斗争更多是白刃战，是赤手空拳迎着刺刀上，是枪林弹雨中贴着地面爬。在这样的条件下，他们是一群"西多尔?波利卡尔波维奇"和"乌克罗普?波米多罗维奇"，既不能唬人，也毫无用处。这些为全人类的幸福而斗争的原则斗士们，更不消说，从来不是盗窃犯们打劫逞凶的障碍。他们不反对盗窃犯在厨房里和在杂役当中称王称霸。要知道，社会亲近分子正是按照他们的理论才在劳改营里获得了这么大的权力。当着他们的面抢劫弱小者，他们不干涉；自己遭抢劫，他们不反抗。这本来合乎逻辑，愿打愿挨，谁去管它。但是轮到写历史的时候了，传出了第一声关于劳改营生活的信息。"无不同政见者"这时回顾过去，感觉颇不是滋味：这是怎么搞的？自己这么先进，觉悟这么高，竟没有斗争过！连有过斯大林的个人迷信这回事都没有觉察到！而且没有预料到亲爱的拉夫连秀?帕夫洛维奇?贝利亚是人民的死敌！需要赶紧制造一些表明他们斗争过的模模糊糊的说法。从此所有杂志上的无论哪条咬狗都朝我的伊万?杰尼索维奇吠叫两句，说你这狗崽子为什么不斗争？《莫斯科真理报》（一九六二年十二月八日）甚至这样责怪伊万?杰尼索维奇：共产党在劳改营里时常举行地下集会，他却不参加，不向善于思考的人们学习智慧。这都是些什么梦话？什么样的地下集会？集会干什么？想把手指放进衣兜里做个侮辱人的手势吗？侮辱谁？既然从最小的看守员到斯大林本人都代表整体一块的苏维埃政权。他们究竟在什么时候、用什么方式进行过斗争？谁也说不出来。如果他们只许自己重复这句话：一切现实的都是合理的，他们还能思考些什么？如果他们的祷词通篇就是：皇上的鞭子，不要抽我吧！他们还能思考些什么？乙．和劳改营长官的相互关系。 "思想良好"分子对劳改营长官除了恭敬和亲近还能有什么别的态度？要知道劳改营的长官全是党员，执行党的指示。 "我"（一唯一的无事者）被判刑送进这里不是他们的过错。正统派们心里十分明白，哪天他们自己当了劳改营长官，也会照样行事。现在我国报刊把托多尔斯基（神学校毕业，记者，被列宁看中的。虽然不会开飞机，三十年代却不知为什么当上了空军（？）学院院长）捧成劳改营中的英雄。据季亚科夫的描写，他跟一个普通犯人都不屑理睬的供应科长说话都是这个口气："首长公民，您有什么吩咐？"托多尔斯基管卫生科长写《联共（布）党史简明教程》的学习笔记。如果托多尔斯基想的和《简明教程》有丝毫不一致，他怎么能全照斯大林的意思编写笔记？他的原则性何在？而如果他的思想和他完全一样。但是光你爱长官还不够，还得要使长官爱你。必须向长官申明，我们和你们是用同一块面团捏成的，你们可千万要照顾我们。因为这个原故，谢列布里亚科娃、谢列斯特、季亚科夫、阿尔丹-谢苗诺夫笔下的英雄们一遇机会，不管必要不必要，适当不适当，是办理解犯接交手续也好，是按卡片点名也好，总要申明自己是共产党员。实际是声明想得到个舒服位置罢了。谢列斯特还臆想出这样一个场面：科特拉斯递解站。按卡片点名。 "党派？"站长问。 （这不知是写给哪个傻瓜看的？监狱卡片上哪有"党派"这一栏？）"联共（布）党员！"--谢列斯特回答这个有意编造的问题。对于长官们也应给一个公正的评价，无论是捷尔任斯基式的还是贝利亚式的干部对这样的回答都是听得到的，都肯负责安排的。可能是有过一条应把共产党员安排得体面些的书面指示吧？或者至少是有过口头的指示吧？因为即使在对"五十八条"迫害最凶的那些时期，在把"五十八条"们从杂役职位上撤下来的时期，原共产党大干部们不知为什么仍保住了地位。 （例如，前北高加索军区军事委员阿拉洛夫仍然是蔬菜作业班班长，前旅长伊万奇克仍是房修班长，前莫斯科市委书记捷德科夫也保住了一个美差。）即便没有什么指示，恐怕单纯的团结精神和简单的盘算--"今天是你，明天是我"。 --也会迫使内务部人员们对忠实信徒们特别关照。结果正统派成了长官手下的红人，在劳改营里构成了固定特权阶层。 （但那些不是三天两头跑到长官屋里表忠心的安安静静的共产党员们不在此例。）缺心眼的阿尔丹一谢苗诺夫把这句话直截了当地写在纸上了：共产党员首长们尽力把共产党员犯人们调到比较轻松的岗位上。季亚科夫也是直言不讳：新犯人罗姆向医院院长声明自己是老布尔什维克，马上被留下做了卫生科办事员--十分令人羡慕的职位！营长还指示不许把托多尔斯基从卫生员职位上刷下来。但最精彩的还是r?谢列斯特在《科雷马记实》里说的一件事；一个内务部大干部新到这里来上任，发现犯人扎博尔斯基就是他国内战争时期的军长。战友重逢，老泪纵横。好了，有什么要求尽管提吧！扎博尔斯基接受了"由厨房供给特殊伙食，面包管够"的待遇。 （这无非是强夺苦力们的口中餐，因为上头决不会单另批给他新的伙食标准。）他只要求给他一套列宁著作六卷集，以便晚上在油灯下攻读。一切安排得很妥帖：日食昧心粮，夜读列宁书！卑劣行径受到如此坦白而得意的颂扬。谢列斯特笔下还有一个什么神乎其神的作业班里的"地下政治局"（对于作业班不太大了点么？）。它在规定以外的时间，又能从切面包间搞到一个大面包，又能搞到一钵燕麦粥。这表明各处的杂役里都有咱们自己人，是吗？也表明咱们时常搞点小偷小摸，是吗？ "无不同政见"的先生们。最终结论也是这位谢列斯特提供的："一种人是依靠精神力量活下来（这是偷吃稀粥和面包的正统派--作者注），另一种人是靠多吃到一钵燕麦粥（这是伊万?杰尼索维奇）。"好吧，算你说得对。伊万?杰尼索维奇在杂役中可没有熟人。不过请问，石头呢？石墙是谁在砌？ah?是你们吗？死硬派先生们。丙．对劳动的态度。正统派一般地说是忠诚于劳动的（埃赫的副手害伤寒病说胡话，护士向他保证说征购粮食的电报已经发出去了，他才安定下来）。一般地说他们也赞成劳改营的劳动：这是建设共产主义的需要。犯人如果不劳动而喝菜汤，岂非无功而受禄？因此他们认为逃避劳动者理应关强制室，战时则应枪决，这都极为合理。当派工员、作业班长以及随便哪一种奴隶班头都是完全道德的（在这个问题上他们与"正经窃贼"有分歧而与"母狗"们意见一致）。例如伐木作业班班长前基辅市共青团委书记叶连娜?尼基京娜。据说她把本作业班成员（"五十八条"）的产量据为己有，拿去和盗窃犯们做交易。柳震?贾帕里泽（巴库政委的女儿）常用外边送进来的巧克力向她换取少干活的权利。另一方面，这位女作业班长却一连三天不让女无政府主义者塔季扬娜?加拉谢娃走出森林，一直到她被冻伤。普罗霍罗夫-普斯托维尔又是一例。他也是布尔什维克，尽管是党外的。他揭发犯人们故意不完成定额（并跑到长官那里去报告，被告发的受到惩罚）。犯人们责备他，要他明白我们干的是奴隶劳动。普斯托维尔回答说："奇怪的哲学！资本主义国家工人才进行反对奴隶劳动的斗争。我们这些人虽然是奴隶，却是为社会主义国家工作，不是为了私人。这些官僚们只是暂时（？）当权，一次人民运动他们就会摔下来，而人民的国家将会永存！"正统派的脑子里就是这样一片原始密林。活人跟他们谈不拢。 "无不同政见"的人们只为自己保留着一个例外？使用他们这类人做一般劳动是不正确的，因为那样他们就很难留下一条命，以便将来对苏联人民进行富有成效的领导，同时也就很难在劳改营的岁月中进行思考。这意思就是聚成一团，轮着番儿地重复：斯大林同志说得对，莫洛托夫同志说得对，贝利亚同志说得对，党说得对。因此他们在营首长的庇护下，再加上暗地里互相提携，全力以赴地往杂役队伍里钻。争取那些不要求专业（他们谁也没有专长）知识、清闲点、离劳改营真刀真枪的主要活茬远点的职位。一旦抓住这样的职位便死也不放：扎哈罗夫（马林科夫的老师）抓住了私人物品保管室；前面提到的扎博尔斯基（怕是谢列斯特本人吧？）--抓住了被服供应室；臭名昭著的托多尔斯基赖在卫生科；科诺科京当了医助（尽管他什么医助也不是）；谢列布里亚科娃当了护土（尽管她也不是什么护土）。阿尔丹一谢苗诺夫也当过杂役。季亚科夫是纯正分子中嗓门最高的一个，由他亲笔写出来的劳改营经历是颇值得惊奇的。他服刑五年，只去营区以外劳动过一次，足见神通之广大。这一次也仅仅是半天，半天中也只劳动了半小时，砍砍树枝而已。就这样，看守员还关照他说：你累坏了，歇歇吧。五年只劳动半小时！这可不是人人能办到的。一段时间他假装有血气，后来又说血气形成了瘘管。可是，老兄，总混不过五年吧！要捞到医务统计员、文教科图书管理员、私人物品保管员这一类的金饭碗，并在整个服刑期间都保得住，光送给谁点咸肉是不够的，恐怕连灵魂也得给"教父"捎上点吧。该付出多大价钱，请老劳改犯们掂量掂量。李亚科夫不是个简单的杂役，而是个富有战斗性的杂役：在他的小说受到公开嘲骂以前发表的第一稿里，还措词优美地论证为什么聪明人应当避免普通老百姓的恶劣命运。 （什么"棋着"呀，"王车换位"呀，无非是要别人去替自己挨打击。）这个人现在准备充当劳改营生活的主要解释者的角色了。谢列布里亚科娃报道她自己的劳改营经历时爱用谨慎的省略号。据说有一些对她十分不利的见证人。不过我没有机会进行核查。但是不仅这几个作者，所有这类作者们的合唱团描写所有其他纯正分子，都没写出他们怎么劳动--他们或者在医院，或者当杂役，成天从事着蒙昧主义（稍加现代化）的对话。作家在这里并没有撒谎：他们实在缺乏描写这些死硬派从事有益于社会的劳动的想象力。 （如果你从来没有劳动过，怎么描写得出？）丁．对逃跑的态度。死硬派本人从来不逃跑：这可是反抗管理当局的行动啊！这是和内务部捣乱也就是颠覆苏维埃政权啊！此外，每一个正统派时刻都有两三份赦免请求书在上级机关里旅行。如果逃跑的话，上边就会把这解释为缺乏耐心，甚至解释为对上级机关的不信任。何况"无不同政见者"们并不需要"一般的自由"--人的自由、鸟的自由。任何真理都是具体的！他们需要的只是从国家手里领来的自由，合法的，有官印的，能恢复被捕前地位和特权的！没有这些，要自由有何用？他们自己不逃跑，更反对别人逃跑，谴责它纯粹是对内务部制度和经济建设的破坏。既然逃跑如此有害，知道了就向行动特派员告发，必定是纯正的共产党员的公民义务喽？这不很合逻辑吗？他们当中也还有一些当年的地下工作者、国内战争的勇士呢。但是他们的教条把他们变成了政治囚奴……戊．对其他"五十八条"的态度。他们从不把自己和其他难友混淆起来，认为这样做不符合党的原则。他们有时候暗地在自己内部，有时候完全公开地（这对他们毫无危险）把自己和这些肮脏的"五十八条"放在对立的地位，千方百计地和这些人分开，以保自己的纯洁。他们在外面领导的正是这么一些傻乎乎的群众，他们在那儿就没有允许过这些人说一句自由的话。到了这里，和这些人同住了一个监室，处到了平等的地位，可是非但没有受到这些人的压制，反而成天使着性子朝这些人嚷叫："你们这些坏蛋全是活该！在外头你们全是假装进步！你们都是敌人，抓你们这些人，完全正确！全合乎规律！我们的事业正走向伟大胜利！"（只有我是抓错的！）他们把自己的狱中独白之不可阻挡（管理当局永远支持正统派，反革命分子岂敢还嘴，莫非想再添点刑期吗？）当真归功于他们的战无不胜的学说的力量！ （不过劳改营里也曾有过另一样的力量对比。某个在翁日拉格劳改的检察长不得不假装了许多年的疯僧。他之所以能逃脱惩罚是因为跟他在一起劳改的是他的"教子"。）正统派带着露骨的轻蔑和念念不忘的阶级仇恨怒视着除自己以外的所有"五十八条"。季亚科夫说："我一想到我们今天竟和什么样的人坐到了一起就觉得可怕。"科诺科京不愿意给害病的弗拉索夫分子注射（尽管这是他医助的职责），却富有牺牲精神地给害病的押解从士兵献血。 （他们循自由人医生巴里诺夫也一样。"我首先是契卡人员，然后才是医生。"这就是所谓医学！）现在可以理解，为什么说在医院里需要有"忠诚的人们"（季亚科夫语），才能掌握给谁注射，不给谁注射。他们将这种仇恨变为行动（怎么能而且为什么要把阶级仇恨放在心里藏着？）。谢列斯特笔下的萨穆伊尔?根达尔，教授（大概是共产主义法学教授）看到高加索少数民族犯人不愿意出工，马上煽风点火：应怀疑是毛拉在发动怠工。己．对充当眼线的态度。条条道路通罗马，上述各点必然导向一个结论，即死硬派不与劳改营中最优秀最贴心的长官--行动特派员合作是不可能的。这是他们在目前处境中帮助内务人民委员部、国家和党的最正确的方法。这同时也是很有利的；这是跟首长们拉关系的最好办法。给"教父"提供服务从不会白干。只有靠"教父"保护才能成年地留在营区杂役的舒服职位上。 ……在一本也是来自正统派"水流"的讲劳改营的书里，作者心爱的最最正面的共产党员克拉托夫在劳改营里奉行这样一套主张：1．适应一切，不惜任何代价地活下去；2．让正经人去当眼线，比让坏蛋去干这事强。即使哪个正统派耍犟脾气，不愿意为"教父"服务，他最终也很难躲开那个门口。所有大声表明自己的信仰的忠实信徒，行动特派员必定会和颜悦色地叫他去，慈父般地问他："您是苏维埃人吗？"思想纯正者不能回答"不是"。这就等于说"是"。既然"是"，那么，同志，我们合作吧。没有什么能妨碍您。只是现在，当他们歪曲整个劳改营的历史的时候，羞于承认自己合作过。像丽莎?科季克那样因为丢失了告密信而当场露馅的事并不常有。但是现在也有说漏了嘴的，比方有的文章里说，行动特派员友好地替季亚科夫避开劳改营检查机关往外发信，就是不说发信的交换条件是什么。这样的友谊是从哪儿来的？他们想起来，行动特派员雅科夫列夫曾劝托多尔斯基不要公开共产党员的身份，但不解释一声：他为什么关心这个？但这只是暂时的。光荣的时刻已经近在眼前，时候一到便可振作起精神，大声承认："不错！我们当过眼线并且为此而自豪！"其实何苦写出整个的这一章？何苦写出对于思想纯正分子的这个长篇考察和分析？我们只需用斗大的字母写出下面这一排字就够了：亚诺什?卡迪尔。弗拉季斯拉夫?哥穆尔卡。古斯塔夫?胡萨克。他们又经历过冤枉的逮捕，又受到过刑讯，每人又蹲过若干年。全世界都看到他们究竟学到了多少东西。全世界都知道了他们的价值。