Chapter 32 Chapter 24 Towards War, 1929-1939 (Part 2)
The Spanish Civil War has more than the usual significance because it is essentially a combination of two wars - a deep-rooted social conflict caused by the corruption and tensions in Spanish society, and a conflict between ideologies and The rehearsal of the Second World War caused by the conflict of great power interests.
The Spain of the 20th century was very different from the Spain of the 16th century, when it was the most powerful and feared state in Europe.In the centuries between the 16th and 20th centuries, Spain's decline was symbolized by the Spanish-American War of 1898; the United States easily took most of Spain's remaining colonies, disgraced Spain, this time The war exposed not only Spain's military weakness but also the corruption and incompetence of the entrenched oligarchy that ruled the country.There are three main elements that make up this oligarchy: the big landowners, the army, and the church.
The landowners consisted of the old aristocrats and the wealthy upper-middle class who bought many estates.Some 35,000 such landowners occupied about 50 percent of all arable land.Land occupation varies considerably across provinces, with the most uneven land occupation occurring in the south and west.In contrast, there were few large estates in the northern regions, although the peasants there were barely able to subsist because of the small size of their lands.Agricultural productivity across the country is low, and farmers, who make up 70 percent of the population, are as poor as farmers in the rest of Europe.The landowners squandered their income as expatriate landowners, living in Madrid or foreign capitals, without contributing anything to production.
The Spanish army is noteworthy for two reasons: first, the number of officers is staggeringly large compared to the number of soldiers, and second, the military often meddles in the politics of the country.In fact, the officers believed they had a right to monitor political affairs, and in this light he made it clear that this meant protecting the status quo against all challengers, whether they were pro-republican centrist or leftist parties.
The Roman Catholic Church, the state religion, was an extremely wealthy and influential institution, and although it lost its estates in the early and mid-nineteenth century, it was compensated with shares in industry and received substantial subsidies from the government, These allowances accounted for 2% of the state's annual budget in the 1920s.The relationship between the Spanish church and the state is quite similar to the relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and the tsarist autocratic regime.Bishops were nominated by the king, and some of them were also members of the Senate; but above all, the church controlled much of the country's education.Unlike other countries in Western Europe, Spain does not have a complete national education system. Therefore, most of the existing schools are under the jurisdiction of the church.In addition, the church exerted great influence through certain important newspapers, labor groups, and various secular organizations.As in other countries where Catholic organizations played a similar role, this outpouring of power gave rise to a massive anti-clerical movement in Spain.The widespread attacks on priests and nuns, the massive destruction of church property during the civil war—such phenomena were by no means unique in Spanish history.
Such was the case with Spain, which Alfonso XIII came to rule in 1902.During the period from 1902 to the establishment of the Rivera dictatorship in 1923, in addition to numerous strikes, mutinies and assassinations, Spain also changed the cabinet 33 times.Spain's neutrality during World War I brought relative prosperity, but this prosperity lasted only until the end of the war; with the arrival of peace, long periods of restlessness and unrest returned.These unrest and unrest were exacerbated in the 1920s by the crushing defeat of the Spanish army at the hands of the Rifles in Morocco.The resulting discontent paved the way for a military coup by General Primo de Rivera in September 1923.
The new "dictator" idolized Mussolini, following his example by eliminating remnants of constitutional government, censoring news reports and restricting universities.He also followed the example of this "leader" by building roads and organizing international exhibitions.But these are only scratching the surface, as the underlying, traditional Spanish society is dysfunctional with its inequities and obsolescence.In the end, Primo de Rivera lost the support of the army and the king and had to resign in January 1930.
With the dictator's resignation, public discontent turned against the king himself.The Great Depression made the situation even more unstable until finally Alfonso decided to restore the constitution, calling domestic elections in April 1931.The voting results were extremely unfavorable to the current regime, with Republicans winning votes in 46 of the 50 provincial capitals.It was already evident in public opinion that Alfonso, like his four predecessors since 1789, had quietly left the country.
On April 14, 1931, Spain was declared a republic, followed by elections for a Constituent Assembly, or parliament.When this constitutional assembly convened in July, its membership was divided into three main factions: the right, the center and the left.The right represented the interests of the nobility, the army and the church.It calls for the maintenance of the status quo; if reform proves inevitable, at least in an authoritarian direction.Centrists mainly reflect the views of the middle and lower classes, intellectuals and professionals.Mostly Republicans, they espouse liberal principles stemming from the French Revolution, including anti-clericalism, individual liberty, and modest social reform.The left is made up of various socialists, Stalinist communists, Trotskyist communists, and syndicalists, who are disproportionately numerous and generally unwilling to work with other parties.Despite considerable differences of opinion among these left-wing parties, they all agree on the need for fundamental institutional reforms—social, economic, and political.
A coalition of centrists and leftists, who made up a large majority in the Constituent Assembly, adopted a largely liberal constitution.The constitution declared Spain a "democratic republic of all kinds of working people," with universal suffrage for both men and women, and a cabinet answerable to a unicameral parliament.In addition, this constitution also announced the absolute freedom of religious belief, the separation of church and state, the secularization of education and the nationalization of church property.
The first prime minister under this new constitution, the capable Republican Manuel Azania, was also supported by moderate socialists, who quickly passed laws to implement the constitution's provisions : Abolition of government subsidies to the Church, decree that certain classes of monasteries be abolished, raising the daily wages of agricultural laborers above the usual $20, distributing a small number of large estates to the peasants with partial compensation to the owners of large estates, Retire hundreds of military officers and grant autonomy to the Catalan provinces.These typically centrist reforms aroused opposition from both the Right and the Left.In fact, the government had to use force to suppress a military uprising by General José San Juljo in Seville and syndicalist and anarchist uprisings in Barcelona and other cities.
With the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly at the end of 1933, the first regular parliamentary elections elected a conservative majority.Then it entered the "dark" two years of the restoration of the religious church members.Catalonia's autonomy was abolished, and many regulations concerning church and land distribution were either abolished or not enforced.In addition, armed resistance broke out suddenly.Especially among the miners of Asturias, they were finally suppressed only by the use of the Moroccan army.
In preparation for the general elections of February 1936, parties of the Left and Center Left now united to form a Popular Front similar to the one that had just emerged in France.The coalition won a narrow victory, Azania formed a new Republican cabinet supported by leftist parties but did not participate, Catalonia's autonomy was restored, and anti-clerical measures were restored along with moderate social reforms .In retrospect, it seems a big mistake for the Republicans to have emphasized anticlericalism over land reform, which was embraced by most Spaniards.This policy turned ardent Catholics and many in the middle classes into hostility.At the same time, the Great Depression, together with the widespread unemployment it brought, strengthened extremists and weakened moderate parties.In order to rein in the desperate workers, the Socialists had to move ever closer to the extreme left; many in the middle classes responded accordingly.Aligning itself with the extreme right - thus; rising intellectual passion and polarization of political life to such an extent that parliamentary regimes are increasingly fragile.
At this time; the Spanish Right, with the connivance of Germany and Italy, under the leadership of General Francesco Franco, raised the banner of counter-revolution. On July 17, 1936, the Moroccan army rebelled.The next day, many generals on the mainland took up arms.The rebels, or self-styled nationalists, quickly overran southern and western Spain, which had been their main base throughout the long struggle.Franco had hoped that he would be able to take the main cities and fortresses quickly and by surprise, thereby controlling the country.Yet the struggle dragged on for nearly three years, with a brutality reminiscent of the religious wars of the 16th century.
After losing about half the country in the first few weeks of the rebellion, the loyalists managed to regain control of Madrid in the center, the Basque provinces in the north and the highly developed provinces of Barcelona and Valencia. large cities along the eastern seaboard.The loyalists of the republic were now in a strong position, for behind them were industrial centers, the most populous districts, and the capital with very large gold reserves.However, despite these favorable conditions, the loyalists of the Republican government were eventually defeated, mainly because they failed to obtain as many weapons from abroad as the nationalists did.
Such a turn of events seemed counterintuitive, since the loyalists of the republic established the country's legitimate government and not only had the money to import arms but had the right under international law to do so.However, the British and French governments did not allow arms sales to republican regimes.They were bound by the wildly discordant public opinion concerning civil war in their respective countries, and they feared that the unrestricted flow of arms into the hands of the contending parties would lead to a war all over Europe.Thus, Britain and France were the first to propose a non-intervention pact, which was embraced by several smaller states as well as by Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union.
The agreement stipulated that the signatories should not send arms to Spain, yet Germany and Italy reneged on their oath from the start, and the Soviet Union soon followed suit.Italy sent not only arms to Spain but regular troops there, whose numbers rapidly increased as the war continued.According to official Italian data, in the four months from December 1936 to April 1937, Mussolini sent 100,000 people to Spain, along with 40,000 tons of munitions and 750 cannons.Russia, like Germany, did not send ground troops, but provided various military supplies, plus technical advisers and pilots.Loyalists to the Republican government were also aided by the International Brigadier, which fought for the first time in the defense of Madrid in November 1936.It consisted of volunteers—mostly young idealists from Britain, France, and the United States—and anti-fascist exiles from Italy and Germany.Most of the men who enlisted were not Communists, but the few who survived did, in part because of their own experience, but also because of the teachings of their commissars. Supporting the strong sympathy for the Spanish Republic that prevailed among Western European intellectuals in the late 1930s was perhaps the main point of the International Brigades.
Foreign intervention affected the civil war in two important ways: it undoubtedly favored the nationalists and was a decisive factor in their victory; it also helped to bring the nationalists closer to fascism and the republicans closer to communism doctrine, and the latter trend is more obvious.At first the Anarchists and Socialists predominated among the Republicans, and throughout the Civil War moderate Socialists held the most important offices in the republican government.However, as Republican loyalists depended on Soviet military supplies, the Communists became increasingly dominant, and by late 1937 Soviet-controlled International Brigades, Soviet aircraft, and Spanish Communist generals were leading the Republican army, govern its policies.This meant not only the greater effectiveness of republican forces, but also the demise or eclipse of non-communist groups, especially the anarchists who once had large followings.
If the loyalists of the republic won, a new civil war might break out, since the communists sided with the socialists, anarchists and Trotskyists.It turned out that the ground troops and materiel provided by the Axis powers were irresistible, especially after Stalin decided to abandon the Spanish Republic.The two sides have been at a stalemate for the past two years as nationalists control the largely agricultural west and south, Republican loyalists control the more developed north and east, and high-profile Madrid.But by mid-1938, with the Western democracies still unwilling to end the non-intervention drama, the Soviet government decided to cut its losses and stop aid to Spain, allowing Franco's troops to break the stalemate. At the end of December 1938, the nationalists launched a massive offensive into Catalonia; within a month, they had captured Barcelona.Madrid and Valencia were now isolated, but they held on for more than two months.With the fall of Madrid and Valencia at the end of March, the civil war came to an end.
For Spain, this long period of suffering has left 750,000 casualties out of a population of 25 million, leaving one in seven unharmed without shelter.For the Western powers, the civil war was another startling defeat.As in the case of Ethiopia, they again showed their weakness and indecision in the face of Axis aggression, as did Germany's annexation of Austria during the Spanish Civil War.
1938 was the year in which the Axis powers achieved great victories without shedding a drop of blood.The central figure leading to these major developments was Neville Chamberlain, who succeeded Stanley Baldwin as Prime Minister in May 1937 and gradually took over to set the direction of British foreign policy, although Anthony Eden was his Foreign Secretary .Winston Churchill had already made his characteristically poignant and insightful assessment of the man who so decisively influenced the course of European diplomacy at this critical juncture:
Hitler's interpreter made a similar assessment of Chamberlain when describing the momentous Munich Conference (1938) that marked the end of Czechoslovakia and a fundamental shift in the balance of power in Central Europe:
Chamberlain clashed with his foreign secretary for the first time over what policy to pursue in dealing with Mussolini.Chamberlain was determined to appease the "leader" and induce him to withdraw from the newly formed Axis and return to the Western European camp.He hoped to do this by recognizing Italian sovereignty over Ethiopia, but his idea was opposed by Eden, who still supported the idea of collective security and the League of Nations. The dispute reached a fever pitch in January 1938, when President Roosevelt sent a private letter to Chamberlain suggesting that the nations concerned meet in Washington to discuss the deteriorating international situation.Churchill wrote: "This is a very difficult and incalculable step." But Chamberlain sent a icy reply without consulting his foreign secretary, recommending that the proposed conference be postponed because it might jeopardize his relationship with the United States. Negotiations in Italy over Ethiopia.
The incident led to Eden's resignation in February 1938, revealing the motives of those who were shaping British foreign policy at the time.Eden wrote: "The fact is that some of my predecessors in the cabinet...couldn't believe that Mussolini and Hitler were as unreliable as I described them. After all, didn't Mussolini defeat the Communists and keep the trains in Italy on time Did it work? Besides, they, being conservatives of the old school, didn't quite approve of Roosevelt, instinctively thinking he was a bit of a demagogue." This view largely explains the astonishing victories of the Axis powers over the past few years. s reason.Conservatives believed that they could engage with dictators, and that doing so made it preferable to cooperate with President Roosevelt, since cooperation with Roosevelt was limited to some "vague" and "utopian" plans based on the principle of collective security.Likewise, French conservatives would rather deal with Mussolini and Hitler than the Russians, who were nominally allied with them.The immediate consequence of this way of thinking was the sacrifice of independent states such as Austria, Albania, and Czechoslovakia—sacrifices that did not bring about "peace in our time" as people naively imagined, but led to the Second World War. war.
Hitler wrote on the first page: "German Austria must return to the great German motherland. .They assassinated Chancellor Dolphus and took over the Viennese radio station, but the people did not revolt and the uprising failed.Two years later, in order to reassure Mussolini, Hitler signed an agreement with Austria, promising to respect Austria's independence.In the following period of time, Hitler strongly advocated peace and friendship, but at the same time, Germany was rearmamenting at an extremely fast speed. In 1937, Germany spent $4.5 billion on armaments, while the combined armament spending of Britain and France was less than $2 billion.The following year, this huge disparity remained the same, even though both sides spent more on arms than before.This massive rearmament, together with the successful remilitarization of the Rhineland in 1936, greatly strengthened Germany's military position and enabled Hitler to move forward with confidence in his goals.
February 12, 1938: Hitler summons Austrian Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnigg to his Nevarian alpine villa in Berchtesgaden for talks.There, the learned, humble, and pious Schuschnigg was accused and abused by beating tables and benches for hours.
After Hitler finished speaking, the German generals and the Nazi leaders of Germany and Austria resumed their soft offensive.In this way, Schuschnigg was forced to accept various demands, such as: pardoning the imprisoned Austrian Nazis, and appointing Nazis to various positions, including the important post of Minister of the Interior.However, as soon as Schuschnigg returned to Vienna, he made a speech on the radio, clarifying his determination to maintain Austria's independence. "We know full well that we were able to reach, and did reach, that boundary line beyond which, clearly and unequivocally, there are these big words: 'So far, no further'." Then, he It is forbidden to fly the flag of the Nazi Party with the swastika, to wear the brown shirt of a member of the Nazi Party, and to prohibit Nazis from holding demonstrations.These firm measures had the full support of the popular masses, and Schuschnigg therefore boldly stipulated that a referendum be held on March 13 on the following question: "You are in favor of a free, independent, Germanic and Christian Austria ?"
This challenge infuriated Hitler, who began concentrating troops on the border.In the ensuing crisis, Hitler's warning that Schuschnigti's great powers would not do Austria any favors proved justified.France was in the midst of a cycle of two cabinets and no government at all.Mussolini was unhappy and angry, not least because his fellow dictator hadn't informed him beforehand, but he was bound by the "Rome-Berlin axis", so he had to tell Schuschny He "can offer no advice under the circumstances." Chamberlain had announced his policy of non-intervention in a speech to the House of Representatives on February 22: "Who of you here believes that the Can the League of Nations provide collective security?... If I am right in saying that the League of Nations...cannot provide collective security for anyone - and I am sure I am - then I would say that we must not try to deceive ourselves, let alone when we know When there is no hope of collective security, to try to deceive the weaker nations into believing that the League of Nations will oppose aggression and act accordingly to protect them".
Faced with two ultimatums on March 11, Schuschnigg was forced first to cancel the referendum and then to surrender the chancellorship to Nazi Interior Minister Dr. Artur von Seyss-Inkwart.Seth Inkwart, who had been in telephone contact with Berlin in the past, issued a Berlin-inspired statement demanding that the German government "as soon as possible send German troops ... to maintain peace and order ... to stop the bloodshed. "In fact, the army crossed the border two hours before the request was made due to a misunderstanding. On March 13, decrees from Berlin and Vienna declared Austria part of Germany, and the next day Hitler swaggered into his birthplace.Thus Germany took over Austria by telephone; the event was not even mentioned in the League of Nations.
With the safe annexation of Austria, Hitler turned his sights on neighboring Czechoslovakia, a larger and much stronger country with a fighting force in addition to the only surviving democracy in Eastern Central Europe. A modern army and a considerable number of industrial enterprises (see Chapter 22, Section 2).However, the presence of a Germanic minority of 3 million on the Sudeten fringe made Czechoslovakia vulnerable to Nazi propaganda and subversion.In fact, the Sudeten Germans enjoyed much more freedom than other minorities in Europe, so they used to be more content and settled.After Hitler came to power, Nazi agents came to work, and their agitation, combined with the discontent caused by the severe unemployment caused by the Great Depression, turned the majority of the Germanic minority against Prague.
With the annexation of Austria by Nazi Germany, the Sudeten issue suddenly became a serious threat to Czechoslovakia.The country was now surrounded on three sides by an expanded Germany.More seriously, there were certain signs that the British and French governments were prepared to abandon Czechoslovakia, just as they had previously abandoned Austria. On March 24, Chamberlain announced in the House of Representatives that he could not guarantee aid to Czechoslovakia, nor France in the event that France aided Czechoslovakia, because British interests "were not the same as those of France and Belgium".In contrast to Britain, France was bound by a treaty obligation to help Czechoslovakia against unprovoked aggression.French generals, however, warned that their armies could not fight beyond their national borders because the entire military establishment was adapted only to the fortifications of the defensive Maginot Line.The French government was thus obliged in theory to respect its obligations to the treaty, but in practice it was not at all willing to do so; and when the final contest came, it flatly refused to aid Czechoslovakia.
The Czechoslovakian crisis began on September 12, when Hitler delivered an inflammatory speech in which he lashed out at President Benes' "persecution" of the Sudeten Germans and warned, " If these tortured people don't get rights and help, they will get it from us." Hitler's demand was supported by Lord Runciman, a wealthy British businessman with no experience in Central European affairs, who had been sent by Chamberlain To Czechoslovakia as his personal "investigator and mediator".Runcimann reported at the time that "the vast majority of the population was eager to merge with Germany" (this is an unsubstantiated opinion, since the Sudeten Nazis had traditionally demanded autonomy rather than secession from Czechoslovakia, and with this program won the support of the Sudeten Germans), he therefore proposed the secession of the regions with a "Germanic minority majority" from Czechoslovakia and the "non-majority" regions of the Germanic minority with Zemstvo.
The above was the background to the famous Berchtesgaden meeting between Chamberlain and Hitler that decided the fate of Czechoslovakia.The meeting was facilitated by the Sudeten Germans, who caused a general uproar after Hitler's speech.The Prague government declared martial law, the Nazi leaders fled to Germany, and Hitler concentrated his troops along the Czechoslovakian border.Chamberlain worried that if Hitler did invade, it would likely set off a chain reaction that would draw France and, eventually, Britain into disputes.In order to avoid this danger, Chamberlain accepted the advice of Prime Minister Daladier and proposed to Hitler to hold a private meeting.Hitler accepted the proposal, and Chamberlain arrived in Berchtesgaden on September 15.
Hitler unabashedly demanded the annexation of the Sudetenland on the basis of the principle of national self-determination, saying that in order to achieve his goals he would rather "risk a world war".Upon his return, Chamberlain persuaded first his cabinet and then France to accept Hitler's terms.The Governments of both countries urged the Government of Czechoslovakia to accept these conditions; when the latter objected, they exerted all pressure on it, including the threat of abandoning Czechoslovakia. On September 21, Prague finally succumbed to Germany's demands. In return, Britain and France agreed to guarantee the new borders of Czechoslovakia.
The next day, Chamberlain flew to Goldesberg, thinking that he only needed to work out with Hitler the specific method of ceding the territory.However, the "Führer" made new demands: immediately hand over the Germanic-majority areas without waiting for a referendum, and that no military or economic institutions in these areas should be dismantled or destroyed.In addition, Hitler at this time also supported the territorial claims of Poland and Hungary to Czechoslovakia.
These new requirements caused a serious international crisis.Czechoslovakia ordered a general mobilization of the whole country, and France also mobilized 600,000 reservists to join the army. Soviet Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov announced at the League of Nations Congress on September 21: "We intend to fulfill our obligations in accordance with the Soviet-Czech Treaty." obligations and is ready, together with France, to provide assistance to Czechoslovakia in the manner available to us."
As Churchill noted, the Western powers were "indifference, if not contempt, to this just and unconditional declaration."Instead, following Mussolini's suggestion, they convened a conference of Britain, France, Germany, and Italy.The conference was held in Munich on September 29, without Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union; it was decided to grant all Hitler's demands, with the only changes being a few face-saving provisions: German occupation of the Sudetenland should be carried out in stages, with the final Allocation shall be determined by an international committee.
As Churchill pointed out to the House of Commons: "The German dictator did not grab food from the table, but was willing to be served dish by dish—that is all the prime minister got for Czechoslovakia." Still, the fact remains However, the Munich compromise was welcomed by the people of both Britain and France.Chamberlain and Daladier were hailed as messengers of peace by the enthusiastic crowd.Chamberlain was applauded when he declared "I think this is the peace of our time."When Hitler declared "this is the last territorial claim I shall have to make to Europe," people believed it easily.The events of the following year proved the worth of such statements with disastrous results.
The gradual occupation of many of Czechoslovakia's frontier regions was the first sign that further German demands were imminent.In accordance with the provisions of the Munich Conference, an international committee was established to decide on the new national borders.It soon became apparent that Britain and France, despite their commitments, were not interested in the Commission's activities.Consequently, no referendum was held and decisions were made by the two German generals who were members of the committee.In the end, Germany gained 10,000 square miles of Czechoslovakia and a population of 3.5 million, one-fifth of whom were Czechs.At the same time, Poland captured the coal-rich Teszin region, and Hungary occupied large areas of Slovakia and Lusignia.With the help of Germany, the incomplete Czechoslovakia was now divided into three small parts: autonomous Slovakia, autonomous Lucinia, and the Czechoslovak provinces of Bohemia and Moravia.
In March 1939, the final scene opened: Hitler summoned the heads of the puppet governments of the Czech Republic and Slovakia to Berlin and asked them to dissolve their respective countries; on March 15, German troops entered Prague.Bohemia and Moravia were declared German protectorates, and Slovakia was placed under German protectorate.At the same time, Hitler also allowed the Hungarians to invade and annex Lusignia in the east.In this way, not only did people shatter the illusion that Hitler's goal was simply to regain the Germanic territories, but he also wiped out the country of Czechoslovakia.The partition of Czechoslovakia, which was dominated by the Slavs, made those who fully believed the words of the "Führer" suddenly realize that something was wrong.Chamberlain was particularly appalled because, as an Orthodox British businessman, he had previously assumed that Hitler would keep his promise not to have any territorial ambitions for Europe.Hitler's breach of this promise forced not only Daladier but also Chamberlain to painfully reconsider their policy, taking a firmer stand when Hitler suddenly attacked Poland.
With the occupation of Austria and Czechoslovakia.As Spain and Hungary joined the Axis, it became increasingly clear that the Western powers must join forces with the Soviet Union in order to deter further aggression.Churchill wrote: "The key to a great alliance is an understanding with the Soviet Union." For its part, the Soviet government was more than happy to reach this "understanding." On March 18, the Soviet Union notified Berlin that it refused to recognize the partition of Czechoslovakia.Three days later, the Soviet government proposed a meeting of the six nations (Britain, France, Soviet Union, Poland, Romania, and Turkey).Discuss measures to deal with future aggression.London replied that the suggestion was "premature" and therefore it was not followed up further.In a private letter dated March 26, Chamberlain explained his reasons for rejecting the suggestion:
However, that same month, Hitler forced Lithuania to surrender the city of Memel and made tough demands on Warsaw over Danzig and the Polish corridor.Faced with the prospect of unrestricted German expansion, Chamberlain pledged on March 31 that Britain and France would come to the aid of the Poles in the event of "any apparent threat to Polish independence".A week later, this pledge developed into a mutual aid treaty.The next move by the Axis powers was Italy's invasion and occupation of Albania, which began on April 7.Britain and France again turned tit-for-tat, and on April 13 they pledged their full support to Romania and Greece should their independence be clearly threatened.In the second month, the British-Turkish and French-Turkish Mutual Assistance Treaties were formally signed.
These British commitments to the countries of Eastern Europe marked a revolutionary beginning for British foreign policy.Six months ago, Chamberlain refused to help Czechoslovakia because it was a "distant country" and Britain had no immediate interest in it.Now he is promising aid to countries more distant, harder to reach, and less at stake with Britain.In fact, the inaccessibility of these countries rendered Chamberlain's promise worthless unless Britain and the Soviet Union acted in unison.As Churchill declared to the House of Representatives on May 19, "Our interests in the West cannot be satisfactorily secured without an effective Eastern front, and without the Soviet Union there cannot be an effective Eastern front." front." Eventually, Chamberlain began negotiations with the Soviets on April 15.
By this time there was still a great deal of mistrust between the two sides, so little progress had been made.Western leaders were still troubled by the doubts and concerns expressed by Chamberlain about the combat effectiveness of the Soviet Red Army, the motives of the Soviet leaders, and the reaction of the Soviet Union's neighbors.Likewise, Stalin's misgivings grew as the Axis victories continued in Spain, Austria, and Czechoslovakia.He became increasingly suspicious that the fundamental purpose of Western diplomacy was to turn German expansion eastwards against the Soviet Union; this suspicion was underpinned by his abandonment of the Spanish Republic in mid-1938 and his ruthless old Party membership on May 1, 1939. It was evident in the way Vyacheslav M. Molotov replaced Litvinov, a relentless supporter of the League of Nations.
这种相互间的不信任使1939 年夏苏联与西欧两大强国的谈判流产，而关于哪一方应对这一失败负责的问题至今仍处于争议中。美国两位历史学家断定：“总的说来，苏联在这一阶段后期的政策是一种无耻的欺骗。”相反，英国一位历史学家坚持认为，“人们无论怎样旋转占卜用的水晶球、试图根据1939年8月23日（《德一苏互不侵犯条约》）的观点去研究未来，都很难看出苏联还有其他什么路可走。”也许这些评价中的每一个都是相当确实的，因为当时相互间的疑心非常大，以致双方不仅仔细考虑了与希特勒打交道的可能性，而且也在这一方面采取了措施。
从表面上看，苏联和西欧强国都赞成组成“和平阵线”。不过，若考虑到当时的环境，这一点却是说起来容易做起来难。例如，5月31日，莫洛托夫宣布，组成和平阵线是不可能的，除非英法接受互惠与平等义务的基本原则。具体地说，他要求苏联的邻国——芬兰和波罗的海的三个国家——必须得到与波兰、希腊、罗马尼亚和土耳其所得到的同样的保证。但是，波罗的海各国已与德国缔结了互不侵犯条约，拒绝接受苏联和西方的任何保证。伦敦认为这就结束了提供保证的可能性，而苏联人则把这种见解说成是对这一问题的墨守成规的推托和回避。同样，波兰人拒不同意战时让苏联红军在波兰领土上作战。他们坚持认为，苏联的援助应仅限于提供军用物资方面。从波兰人的观点看，这是可以理解的，但苏联元帅伏罗希洛夫却反驳道：“正如第一次世界大战中英国和美国军队如果不能在法国领土上作战就不可能同法国军队实行军事合作一样，现在，苏联军队如果不能进入波兰领土，也就不可能同法国和英国军队实行军事合作。”
在这一争论的背后是伦敦方面的令人痛苦的怀疑——怀疑苏联人的真正目的是要获得随意进入波兰和波罗的海各国的正当理由；当苏联人坚决主张向波罗的海各国提供的保证除了要针对直接的侵略外还应针对间接的侵略时，这种怀疑被进一步加深。苏联人的这一主张意味着如果波罗的海某国的政治变化看上去有利于侵略者，苏联就会立即采取行动。对伦敦来说，这样的安排是招致苏联扩张主义的一个无法容忍的因素。
就苏联人方面来讲，他们担心，如果他们答应在德国人进攻波兰时参战，而他们又不能派军队开入波兰领土迎战向前推进的德国人，那么，德国人就会很快地占领波兰而到达苏联边界。那时，英国和法国是向德国正式开战，还是按兵不动，让苏联独自对付德国人的猛攻呢？7 月，当张伯伦的两位代表按照他的指示向在伦敦的一名德国官员提及签订英-德互不侵犯条约的可能性时，苏联人的担心被进一步加重了；这一条约将使英国摆脱它对波兰所承担的义务。当时，张伯伦因向波兰所作的保证而感到不愉快，因与苏联的谈判而更感到不愉快，因此，他是在抱着恢复他的绥靖政策的目的试探德国人的态度。德国政府对英国的这些主动姿态毫不感兴趣，而这些姿态无疑可用来证实克里姆林宫的怀疑，即张伯伦最感兴趣的是孤立苏联，促使希特勒转向东方。
所有这一切促使斯大林作出了转向以往一向是他的不共戴天的敌人——轴心国的重大决定。8月中旬，他通知“元首”说他准备谈判。莫洛托夫与德国外交部长约阿希姆·冯·里宾特洛甫会谈，这是一位现实主义者与另一位现实主义者的会谈。8 月23日，他们宣布了震惊世界的外交革命。不共戴天的仇敌签订了互不侵犯条约，并同意缔约国之一如与他国交战，另一缔约国将保持中立。十分重要的是，这一条约不包含如果缔约国之一侵略他国就会使该条约无效的所谓的“例外条款”，而包含这种例外条款是苏联与其他国家缔结的互不侵犯条约的特点。也许这种省略与条约中的一个秘密议定书有关，这个议定书规定，如果发生“领土或政治上的重新安排”，立陶宛和波兰西部将属于德国的势力范围，而波兰其余地区连同芬兰、爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和比萨拉比亚则属于苏联的势力范围。
希特勒因为他的东侧受到了保护，便认为他可放手出击了。8 月25日，他命令军队于第二天早晨五点四十五分开始入侵波兰。这时，希特勒希望，失去苏联支持的西欧列强不会设法援助波兰。但是正相反，就在希特勒发布命令的同一天，英国政府的代表与波兰正式签订了联盟条约。与此同时，希特勒听说墨索里尼已决定不参战，至少暂时不参战。这两个挫折使希特勒确信，暂时的退却是必须的，8月25日晚，他取消了入侵命令。
这位纳粹领袖这时满怀希望地等待着外交上的另一个慕尼黑。在以后几天中，欧洲各国外交部纷纷提出了各种和解、调停和公民投票的建议，而紧急关头的这些努力没有一个产生实际的效果。其时，德国将军们正提醒希特勒，只要再过一个月，便是使我们无法在波兰平原上调动坦克的秋雨季节。因此，8 月31日，“元首”发布了向波兰进军的最后命令。同时，他发表了相当有节制的十六点建议要求波兰政府考虑；这十六点建议是仅供记录在案用的。在建议送到华沙之前，希特勒就宣布它遭到了拒绝，他企图利用这一欺骗手法来证明这时已发生的对波兰的猛攻是有理的。1939年9月1日清晨，德国军队、坦克和飞机未经宣战就已全线越过波兰边界。9月3日，英国和法国都对德国宣战。墨索里尼尽管发表过有关轴心国“钢铁般条约”的演讲，但仍保持中立。第二次世界大战已开始。