Chapter 8 Chapter 8 African Complex
My relationship with Africa began in 1964.At that time, I worked in the Ministry of Education and accompanied Minister Yang Xiufeng to visit Egypt, Algeria, Mali and Guinea.We left Beijing on April 1 and did not return to China until May 14. We visited Africa for one and a half months.There are four members of the delegation. In addition to Minister Yang Xiufeng and me, there are also Peking University professor Ji Xianlin and the director of the Ministry of Education Hu Sha.Among them, Minister Yang Xiufeng was the oldest, 30 years older than me; followed by Professor Ji Xianlin, 17 years older than me; I was 36 years old that year, and Hu Sha was about the same age as me.In a group of people, there are "old, middle-aged and young people".
Counting it, this trip to Africa was nearly 40 years ago.After the visit, Ji Lao published his travel notes, and I also wrote an impromptu short article, introducing the two completely different customs and cultural atmospheres of North Africa and sub-Saharan Black Africa, as well as the fiery brotherhood of the African people towards the Chinese people.
It is necessary to explain the journey to Africa in those years, so as to see the hardships of traveling at that time.We first flew from Beijing to Kunming and stayed overnight.Fly to Yangon the next day and stay overnight.On the third day, I flew to Dakar (the capital of East Pakistan at that time). In order to change the ticket, I waited at the airport until late at night before boarding the plane to Karachi and staying there overnight.After a rest day in Karachi, fly to Cairo.It took nearly a week before and after, before finally setting foot on the land of Africa.
The first stop on my trip to Africa was Egypt.We felt the long history of African civilization there.At that time, there was a "sound and light" performance in the pyramid. In the vast night, the lights and sounds kept changing, making people seem to feel the dialogue between the souls of the ancient Egyptian pharaohs.It is said that the program has been revised several times and has been performed until today.
After visiting Egypt, we first traveled west, visited North Africa, and then went south, entering the hinterland of the African continent.
In the early 1960s, the African national liberation movement flourished, and one country after another got rid of colonial rule and gained independence.Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, and Mali are all vanguards of national liberation movements, and China is their staunchest supporter.
Our visit this time happened not long after Premier Zhou Enlai's visit to Africa. When the police saw our convoy flying the Chinese flag, they all stood at attention and saluted.People along the way also waved their hands, children shouted "Zhou Enlai! Zhou Enlai!".All countries have given us high-level receptions, which must include local folk dances and drumming performances of African "Tam Tam" drums.The enthusiasm shown by the black brothers with their bodies and percussion makes us immersed in a deep friendship for a long time.
At that time, Algeria, Mali, and Guinea had not long since become independent. They paid special attention to their own education, eager to eliminate the influence of colonialism, and hoped to train their own talents and cadres.President Keita of Mali told us that Mali will solve the problem of enrolling all school-age children within 10 to 20 years.After Guinea became independent, it immediately withdrew its educational sovereignty and nationalized private schools. Guinean President Toure personally took charge of educational reform.The education funds in Mali and Guinea account for 20% of the national budget, and all students in the schools are provided with board and lodging, and some also provide clothing.In Algeria, the education expenditure is as high as 30% of the financial budget, and all college students enjoy a relatively high amount of stipends. In some girls' middle schools, students have single-room dormitories, and the standard of food is very high.
There was an episode while visiting Mali.Minister Yang Xiufeng suddenly received instructions from China to go to Zanzibar to participate in the "May Day" celebrations as a representative of the Chinese government.At that time, the Republic of Tanganyika and the People's Republic of Zanzibar in East Africa decided to merge to form the United Republic of Tanzania.
Minister Yang Xiufeng needs an interpreter for this trip, but the people in Zanzibar speak English, and the delegation has a French interpreter.Everyone discussed again and again, seeing that I was the youngest and knew English, so they sent me to accompany Mr. Yang, serving as secretary, interpreter, and guard duty.
At that time, the transportation between African countries was very inconvenient, and it was generally necessary to fly to the European suzerain country before changing planes.In order to go to Zanzibar, Mr. Yang and I flew to Paris, France first.At that time, China and France had just established diplomatic relations, and the embassy had not yet been established. Only some advance personnel were there.When we got there, we had to cook our own dinner.From Paris, we fly to Rome, Italy.At that time, China and Italy had not yet established diplomatic relations, so we had to ask the Albanian embassy in Italy for help.From Rome, we passed through Kenya, and then Tanganyika and Zanzibar.After attending the celebrations there, we flew back to Guinea via Sudan, Nigeria, Ghana, and continued our trip to Africa.At that time, Comrade Yang Xiufeng was already 66 years old, and he traveled all the way, which was quite hard. Fortunately, everything went well, and I finally successfully completed this special task.
Africa was the first region I visited outside of the Soviet Union. This trip to Africa in 1964 gave me a personal experience and a perceptual understanding of the magic of this land and the diversity of culture.What I didn't expect at the time was that ten years later, I would be sent to Africa as an ambassador.
In July 1974, I was appointed as the Chinese ambassador to Guinea and concurrently the ambassador to Guinea-Bissau.
I returned to Conakry, the capital of Guinea, in August of that year.On the way from the airport to the embassy, I sat in the car, looked out the window silently at the street scene, and couldn't help but recall the scene of my visit to the embassy ten years ago.The scenery of Conakry on the Atlantic Ocean is still the same, but the buildings on the street are much older than ten years ago.In the face of economic difficulties, the enthusiasm that people burst out with the national independence movement in the past seems to have dissipated.
As an ambassador, the first thing is to submit credentials.The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Guinea quickly made arrangements. On August 20, I presented my credentials to President Toure and conveyed to him the cordial greetings and respects from Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai.President Toure praised the friendly and cooperative relations between China and Guinea, saying that the people of Guinea will never forget China's assistance to Guinea in various aspects.The ceremony of presenting the credentials was very grand, and the prime ministers of several parties attended together with more than a dozen ministers, showing that they attached great importance to China.
At the same time as the ambassador to Guinea, I also served as the first Chinese ambassador to Guinea-Bissau.At that time, Guinea-Bissau had just finished its guerrilla warfare, had just declared its independence, and the regime was under construction.
In late September of that year, the government of Guinea-Bissau decided to hold celebrations for the first anniversary of independence in the temporary capital of Boe, the former guerrilla base, and invited me to attend the celebration and present my credentials to the head of state Cabral.
That time, there were about 20 envoys and guests from other countries who went to the Guinea-Bissau celebration together.President Toure sent planes and convoys.Our group first flew to the capital of Bokai Province, which borders Guinea-Bissau, and then changed to a car to enter Guinea-Bissau and head for Boe.
When the car drove into the border of Guinea-Bissau, the eyes were full of the African savannah, with wild grass everywhere, no human habitation, very desolate.There is not even a road on the grassland, and it is all based on the experience of the locals, walking along the ruts left in the hills and valleys.It is said that we took the path that the guerrillas used to communicate before and after.
After some turbulence, we finally arrived at Boe.The "hotel" we stayed in was an African-style igloo made of bamboo and leaves.Inside the hut, there are two simple bamboo beds, and the walls are airy and bright.Every morning, local women place a bucket of cold water on their heads and put it at the door for visitors to use.Behind the thatched hut, a pit was dug, with a small hole left in it, and you could tell it was a toilet.
Despite the best efforts of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Guinea Bissau, the dietary needs of the guests were still not well met. Fortunately, we had already prepared canned food and biscuits.
On September 25, in a larger round thatched hut nearby, I formally presented my credentials to Chairman Cabral.Luis Cabral, or "Ca" as we call him, is the half-brother of Amikal Cabral, former general secretary of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde.Both brothers have been to China and have friendly feelings towards China.Unfortunately, his elder brother was assassinated in 1973. In the 1960s, we supported the Party of Independence of Guinea in its struggle for national independence and trained more than 20 cadres for it. These people later held important positions in the party, government and military departments.
During the conversation, Chairman Cabral repeatedly expressed his gratitude to China for its support.He said: "Our first batch of cadres were trained in China. In the process of our liberation struggle, we absorbed China's experience and enabled us to defeat the enemy. After the war, we will rely on the power of the people to restore our country my country’s economy also needs to learn from China’s experience.”
Less than a month after I submitted my credentials, the government of Guinea-Bissau moved its capital to Bissau, which was the capital of the Portuguese colonial period. On December 16, I went to Bissau again to discuss with Guinea Bissau on issues such as building a pavilion and providing technical assistance for rice planting.When meeting with me, the leaders of Guinea Bissau, General Secretary Pereira, Chairman Cabral and Prime Minister Mendes, all expressed their warm welcome to China's establishment of an embassy in Guinea Bissau and promised to do everything possible to help China choose an embassy in the shortest possible time site, to complete the building work.
Bissau is a fairly Europeanized consumer city.The buildings in the city are all in Portuguese style, and the houses are not big, giving people a small and exquisite feeling.The city is not big, half an hour is enough to drive to enjoy the street view.However, large commercial firms from various countries have set up agency banks here, and Portuguese, Western European and Japanese products are flooding the market.The economic development of Bissau is backward and the cultural facilities are simple. There is only one Portuguese-funded beer and beverage factory, one middle school, one movie theater, two hospitals, and a few stationery stores that also sell a small amount of books.At that time, the big Portuguese capitalists left one after another, and a large amount of funds flowed out.Small and medium-sized business owners are barely holding on, but business is deserted and prospects are bleak.My impression at the time was that revitalizing the economy would be the main challenge for the Guinea-Bissau government for quite a long time.
In the future, Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde became two independent countries respectively. Guinea-Bissau's residents are mainly Africans, while Cape Verde's residents are mostly descendants of Portuguese or Portuguese-African mixed blood.
Finally, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Guinea-Bissau found a two-story building for us on Domingo Avenue in Bissau, and we used it as the Chinese embassy.Domingo Ramos was an outstanding fighter of the Independence Party of Guinea-Bissau. He was the commander of the Gabu Military Region in the eastern part of Guinea Bissau and died on the battlefield.The street is named after him.
At that time, as the ambassador to Guinea, my main job was to be in charge of the economic cooperation between the two countries.Since the establishment of diplomatic relations, my country has been aiding Guinea's economic construction. There are dozens of aid projects, including the People's Palace, radio station, movie theater, martyr's cemetery, tea factory, sugar factory, cigarette factory, agricultural tool factory, oil mill, and hydropower station. Wait, a medical team was also dispatched.These projects are urgently needed for local development of national economy and improvement of people's lives.Whether it is a project that has been built and put into use or is under construction, the embassy must follow up and pay attention.
At that time, the relationship between China and Guinea was very friendly. To paraphrase what President Toure often said, the sky of the two countries was always clear and cloudless.
Of course, this is not to say that there are no problems at all. African affairs have their own complex aspects.
On November 16, 1975, President Toure suddenly summoned me to talk about the Angola issue.During the meeting, President Toure mainly talked and talked for nearly an hour.Also present at the meeting were Prime Minister Beavoj and nine key ministers.From this situation, it can be seen that Toure attaches great importance to this meeting.
After everyone shook hands and sat down, Toure said that the ambassador was summoned today because the Democratic Party of Guinea and the Guinean government had important words to convey to the leaders of the Chinese party and government.There has always been mutual trust and agreement between China and Guinea.The two countries share common goals, the people of the two countries belong to the same ideological category and the same strategy, and the actions and positions of the two sides are consistent, as coordinated and unified as a person's right and left hands.Toure paused and said that Guinea does not know much about international issues, especially Asian issues, and always waits for Beijing to express its position before expressing its position. However, the Guinean people have a frank and credible vanguard position on African issues.Having said that, he turned to the Angola issue.He said with a serious expression that the current situation in Angola is very serious, and the Chinese side may not know the inside story.
At that time, the Angolan people had just ended 500 years of colonial rule and gained independence after a long struggle.In the long-term anti-colonial struggle, there are a total of three factions, namely the National Liberation Front of Angola, the National Union for the Complete Independence of Angola and the Angolan People's Liberation Movement.The Chinese government has always supported the just struggle of the Angolan people. It has never only supported any one faction, but supported the three factions in their anti-colonial struggle at the same time.
President Toure said that the Angolan National Liberation Front was founded by the Guinean Democratic Party. Its chairman Roberto went to the United Nations General Assembly with a Guinea passport to make a speech, and was recognized by the Organization of African Unity at the initiative of Guinea. and financial aid.However, Roberto later became a member of the CIA. Guinea exposed him and suggested that the "Anti-Liberation Front" be expelled from the leadership of the Organization of African Unity.As for the National Alliance for the Complete Independence of Angola, its chairman, Savimbi, openly admitted that he was supported by the racist regime in South Africa, and he is also a full supporter of imperialism.Now, when Africa hears that China has sided with imperialist supporters, it is a shame for the people of Guinea.
Then, Toure eased his tone and said that the actual situation in Angola is that since February 4, 1961, only the Angolan People's Liberation Movement has fought against Portuguese colonialism with the people in the country. The "Anti-Liberation Front" has remained in Zaire, only issued some statements, and did not carry out actual struggles. The leader of Zaire, Mobutu, was a traitor, and Lumumba was killed by him.Guinea is in favor of China's presence in Zaire, and believes that China's presence in all reactionary African countries is a good thing, but China should not help Mobutu's counter-revolutionary forces.
Toure finally said that Guinea asked the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese government to seriously consider the actual situation of the current revolutionary and counter-revolutionary tendencies in Africa, and not to damage the anti-imperialist cause in Africa.
I immediately realized that this was a reflection of Sino-Soviet confrontation in Africa.I told President Toure that the Chinese Foreign Ministry just issued a statement on the Angola issue yesterday.The Chinese people are happy with the Angolan people's independence after a long struggle and the end of 500 years of colonial rule, and congratulated them.The Chinese government has always supported the just struggle of the Angolan people, and has provided various assistance to the three factions in Angola.After January this year, in order to avoid civil war in Angola, we stopped providing new military aid to the three factions in Angola.The distressing situation in Angola at present is entirely due to the rivalry between the superpowers.I said that although the situation in Africa is complicated, we firmly believe that the Angolan people will be able to solve their own problems without any external interference.
On December 2, I systematically introduced my country's position on the Angola issue to several parties according to the post sent by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.Foreign Minister Sissoko knew the importance of the issue as soon as he heard it, and immediately called for a recorder to record the conversation verbatim.He didn't say anything beyond the phrase "report to the president in 30 minutes."
After that, the Angola issue was shelved, and the two sides did not discuss it again.President Toure didn't talk about it again until October 28, 1976, when I paid my farewell call before I left office, but it was a bit defensive.
President Toure told me that several parties have full trust in China, and even if some unexplainable things happen, this belief will not change.China is fighting for the proletarians of the country and the world, therefore, in the minds of the people of Guinea, China's status is always high.Guinea is determined to maintain, develop and strengthen China-Guinea relations.Toure said that Guinea was worried about the Sino-Soviet dispute. Some people once suspected that Guinea was purely a radical flank of the Chinese Communist Party, and the Chinese side may also think that Guinea has directly or indirectly adopted an anti-China stance.For a time, Guinea was in a difficult situation, threatened not only by imperialist powers, but also by certain socialist powers.He went on to say that with regard to the African issue, China and Guinea should have close cooperation and hope that they can always be united in any test.If there are differences of opinion, it is only a matter between the two countries, and the common enemy of both sides should not be known.
I thank him for his friendly attitude towards China, and understand his concern about the differences between China and the Soviet Union.I told him that the friendly cooperation between China and Guinea will not change.It is understandable that the two sides have different views on the Soviet Union, and China will not ask Guinea to adopt the same policy as ours in relation to the Soviet Union.
President Toure was born in the trade union movement and was famous for his eloquence. He spoke eloquently and was very provocative to the people. His speech collection had already published more than 60 volumes that year.In Guinea's struggle for independence from French rule, he almost responded to everything, and finally succeeded.During the turbulent years of the African national liberation movement, Toure was always enthusiastic about the cause of national liberation in Africa, but he was not good at managing economic affairs. Under his leadership, Guinea never got rid of economic difficulties. In March 1984, President Toure died of a sudden acute myocardial infarction at the age of 62.
Both are developing countries, and both have a history of being oppressed and exploited by imperialism and colonialism. China and African countries can easily understand each other's pursuit of independence and freedom, and have a natural sense of closeness to each other.Since the founding of New China, we have always supported the unrelenting struggle of the African people for independence, and actively assisted African countries in developing their national economies.Therefore, the African people and their leaders have always regarded China as their most reliable friend.At the same time, African countries have also given China a lot of valuable support and assistance.What is most memorable to the Chinese people is that when the twenty-sixth session of the United Nations General Assembly adopted the resolution to restore the lawful seat of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations in 1971, 76 countries voted in favor, of which 26 were African countries, accounting for one-third.At the UN Human Rights Conference, the United States and other Western countries used human rights issues to put pressure on China.In this protracted international human rights struggle, the reason why China was able to defeat anti-China proposals ten times in a row is inseparable from the firm support given to my country by the vast majority of African countries.The same is true in the diplomatic struggle over Taiwan.Although the Taiwan authorities took advantage of the economic difficulties of African countries and engaged in "money diplomacy", the vast majority of African countries still stood by our side, insisted on the one-China position, and opposed Taiwan's independence or "two Chinas", "one China, one China" Taiwan” and opposes Taiwan’s membership in the United Nations and other international organizations that only sovereign states can join.
After the political turmoil broke out in 1989, Western countries imposed sanctions on China, which constantly created various obstacles for us on many issues.At this time, it was African friends who came forward to help and extended a hand of friendship in difficult times.
In mid-July 1989, in order to break the sanctions imposed by Western countries and create a new situation in diplomacy, we held the seventh meeting of foreign envoys.At the meeting, I made a report on "International Situation and Foreign Policy", emphasizing that no matter how the international situation changes, China will continue to focus on economic construction and continue to pursue an independent foreign policy of peace.
At that time, an important task was to find a way to go out, break the diplomatic blockade of the West, and let the world see that China's major policies and foreign policies have not changed.
At that time, the momentum to isolate China was rampant internationally, and sanctions against China became a fashion, but the attitude of African countries towards China was still very friendly as before.
So, I decided to visit Africa.First went to Southern Africa, visiting six countries including Lesotho, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Angola, Zambia and Mozambique.In September of the same year, he visited Egypt and Tunisia in North Africa.
During my visits along the way, I focused on introducing China's domestic situation to the leaders of the countries I visited, and told them that China will not bow to any external pressure, and that other countries have no right to interfere in China's internal affairs, let alone put their own social system, ideology and Values are imposed on us.African friends agree with me very much, because many African countries are often under pressure from the West when building their own countries.
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said he was worried about the situation in China.Angolan Foreign Minister Lowy said that if the Chinese Communist Party and government cannot control the situation, the consequences will be disastrous, and it will also have a negative impact on the third world.More national leaders have expressed to me that their delegations will oppose the passing of a motion to interfere in China if the issue of China is discussed at the upcoming Inter-Parliamentary Union meeting.
After the political turmoil in 1989, the first foreign head of state, first head of government, and first foreign minister to visit China were all from Africa.They said that the reason for visiting China at this time is to show the world that Africa is China's true friend, even in China's most difficult time.China has helped them in the past, so they will spare no effort to express their solidarity with China when China needs support most.
All this is in stark contrast to Western countries' unreasonable accusations against China, cancellation, postponement or suspension of high-level mutual visits.
In the 1990s, the situation in Africa became increasingly severe.Politically, Western countries took advantage of the upheaval in Eastern Europe to step up pressure on African countries and threatened "aid" in an attempt to fully promote their political and economic models and values in Africa. more turbulent.Economically, the world economy is in recession, the prices of raw materials and agricultural products have fallen, and the flow of funds to Africa has decreased, making most African countries heavily in debt and making their economies even more difficult.At this time, some countries that used to have close relations with the Soviet Union felt a sense of loss because of the Soviet Union's contraction of its African strategy.Some pro-Western countries are also disappointed with the West because the United States promotes "American-style democracy" in them.
Under such circumstances, African countries turn their attention to China.They see the correctness of China's adherence to independence and reform and opening-up policy, and try to use China's strength to defend their country's sovereignty and develop their national economy.This has brought new meaning and connotation to China's development of relations with African countries.
General Secretary Jiang Zemin attaches great importance to the work in Africa. He has repeatedly called on leaders to go to Africa more, and set an example.
In the second half of 1990, I visited Africa again, visiting Morocco, Algeria and Egypt in North Africa.
After New Year's Day in 1991, I visited Africa again.During this trip, I visited four countries: Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania.
In January 1992, I made the same arrangement and visited six countries including Mali, Guinea, Senegal, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, and Namibia, and stopped in South Africa.
Since then, it has almost become a practice that I visit Africa for the first time at the beginning of each year.I counted. Since I became foreign minister, I have visited Africa 12 times in total. Except for a few non-established diplomatic relations, I have almost traveled all over Africa. Some of these countries have been to more than once and met the leaders and foreign ministers of African countries. .
During my visits to African countries, I clearly felt that African countries are very dissatisfied with the political strings attached to the economic aid provided by Western countries.
In 1992, President Bowani of Côte d'Ivoire once said to me that the wave of "democratization" in Africa in the past two years is a kind of mania.Poverty and freedom are incompatible, and there is no freedom for the hungry.
Cameroonian President Biya recalled his visit to China in 1987 with great interest, saying that China's construction achievements had left a deep impression on him.He also told me that Cameroon has also started a democratic process in recent years. In a country with a population of 12 million, more than 70 political parties have emerged. Coupled with external interference, it has affected domestic stability.He said that Cameroon respects human rights and democratic principles, but it is very worrying that some people use such lofty ideals to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.
Togo's President Eyadema is also a veteran among African leaders, having been in power for 36 years. For more than 30 years, political enemies opposed him, and Western countries did not like him.He was in danger many times, but survived. In the 1990s, he also survived the wave of multi-party systems in Africa. When I visited Togo in 1995, Eyadema held a grand military parade and a parade of more than 20,000 people to welcome me.When talking about human rights, he said angrily that Western countries never talked about human rights during the colonization period, and they didn't talk about human rights when they plundered African resources. Now they talk about human rights, which is really shameless.
There are 53 countries in Africa, which play a decisive role in the international arena.World peace cannot be separated from the stability of Africa, and the prosperity of the world economy cannot be at the expense of Africa's economic development.
On the international stage, China continues to speak for Africa.China fully respects the struggles of African countries to defend national independence and sovereignty, supports African countries' efforts to maintain domestic unity, develop the economy, and improve people's living standards, and supports African countries' demands for debt relief, safeguarding economic interests, and strengthening South-South cooperation and North-South dialogue and other reasonable claims.On the question of the candidate for the Secretary-General of the United Nations, China has clearly supported the re-election of Africans.All this reflects China's support for Africa.
South Africa is one of the largest and most important countries in Africa, and it is also the latest African country to establish diplomatic relations with China.
With the changes in the international situation and South Africa's domestic situation, the South African apartheid government began to improve its relations with China. In April 1989, the South African government "unofficially" entrusted Mr. Liang Zhaoli, Chairman of the South African Chinese Association, to convey to the Chinese side a message of willingness to develop bilateral relations and eventually establish diplomatic relations. In May, the Chinese side conveyed an oral message through Mr. Liang, expressing appreciation for the attitude of the South African government, and hoped that the South African side would follow the historical trend and adopt an enlightened policy.As for the development of bilateral exchanges, the Chinese side stated that it is willing to give serious consideration when the conditions are ripe.
By 1990, the South African government continued to convey to China the message of hope to establish relations through various channels, and thanked China for its efforts in developing relations between the two countries and supporting the political settlement of South Africa's domestic issues. To cooperate tacitly.Obviously, South Africa is eager to establish a normal direct relationship with China.Of course, we are also willing to establish normal relations with South Africa.However, there are two key points here: one is that South Africa must abolish the apartheid system; the other is that South Africa must sever so-called "diplomatic relations" with Taiwan.
In 1991, the situation in South Africa underwent a major turning point. The three pillar laws of the apartheid system, the Group Residents Act, the Land Act, and the Population Registration Act, were about to be abolished.This marks that this human rights-violating and unpopular apartheid system will soon be history.All major political forces in South Africa have the political will to seek a compromise.The political solution to the South African issue is an irreversible trend.
At this time, the attitude of African countries towards South Africa has been greatly relaxed, and the international community's sanctions against South Africa have also begun to be greatly relaxed.
One of the two major obstacles to the normalization of relations between my country and South Africa is about to be eliminated, but the other obstacle—the Taiwan issue still exists.
In October of this year, South African Foreign Minister Botha came to China in secret, accompanied by Evans, Deputy Director-General of the South African Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Bufuya, South African Consul General in Hong Kong.I met him in a lounge at Capital Airport.He left by plane immediately after the meeting.
Botha became foreign minister in 1977 at the age of 45, and is considered the "spiritual leader" of the liberals in the South African National Party who advocate "reform" of the apartheid system.He once said that if the rights and security of the white racial group are guaranteed, there can be a black president in the new constitutional structure, so he was reprimanded by conservatives in the party.
During the meeting, Botha first explained to me that the majority of white South Africans are Dutch, and they arrived in Africa very early, so they are also Africans.Just as the British came to North America and were called Americans. At the end of the 18th century, the British entered South Africa and defeated the Boers, descendants of the Dutch, and South Africa immediately became an autonomous territory of the United Kingdom.Therefore, when talking about white South Africans, it cannot be generalized. The British are invaders, and the Dutch are resisting foreign aggression.
Then, he briefed me on the progress of the political settlement of the South African issue and the relevant policies of the South African government.
I said that the South African history you introduced did not regard blacks as the main body of the local residents at all.The apartheid system pursued by the South African white regime is itself inhumane.China hopes that the political settlement process in South Africa can continue.
When talking about bilateral relations, I told him that South Africa is an important country in Africa, China is an important country in Asia, Taiwan is a part of China, and the relationship between the two countries should move forward.Officials from the foreign ministries of the two countries have already had contact with each other, and the Chinese side suggested establishing mutual agencies and establishing direct communication channels.China's Xinhua News Agency is also preparing to send resident reporters to South Africa.In short, the two sides can have some contacts first, and then discuss the possibility of further development of bilateral relations.
Botha said that to communicate with each other, it is very important to establish reliable communication channels.We welcome the Chinese side to set up a permanent mission in South Africa.Influenced by Western news media propaganda in the past, South Africa has had many misunderstandings about China over the years.Now, China is quietly undergoing changes according to its own cultural traditions. If China continues to reform and open up, it will surely become one of the greatest powers in the next century.
Botha noticed my reminder that Taiwan is part of China, and he proceeded to talk a long way, which was obviously prepared long ago.He said that the relationship between South Africa and Taiwan has a long history and was established against the background that South Africa was very isolated at that time. Now it cannot be resolved overnight, but the situation is changing.South Africa adheres to the view of one China, one country and does not interfere in China's internal affairs. It hopes that China can overcome division and achieve reunification.
After returning from his visit to China, Botha sent me a letter, saying that the visit was quite unusual and he thanked me for giving him and his country the special and important courtesy.He said in the letter that the meeting "was the historic first contact between our two governments," adding: "The People's Republic of China has a remarkable history. I believe that China will play an important role on the African continent and in the world. We can learn from We benefit a lot from good relations. We attach great importance to our relations with the Chinese in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau, and our relations with the People's Republic of China will develop in due course. As a result of our meeting, as far as the current situation allows , the channel to do so has been opened.”
The South African press disclosed Botha's visit as an exciting diplomatic breakthrough, paving the way for future official contacts between the two sides, and speculated that the two sides may hold scientific, cultural and other research institutions in the form of scientific, cultural and other research institutions. The territories of the other party set up "indirect representative offices" in each other's territory.
In this year, after many secret consultations, we and South Africa reached an agreement on mutual establishment of non-official institutions.
In February 1992, the China Institute of International Studies established a South African Research Center in Pretoria.In March of the same year, the South African China Studies Center was also officially established in Beijing.
In January 1992, I was planning to visit five countries in West Africa, and I added Namibia in southern Africa to the foreign ministry's request for instructions on the visit.At that time, Namibia had just been independent for more than a year, and it was a good time to further strengthen exchanges.
Due to historical reasons, African countries generally have direct air routes with their former sovereign states, while there are very few air routes between them.The last stop of my visit to West Africa was Ghana. There is no direct flight from Ghana to Namibia. I have to go through Lagos, the capital of Nigeria, from there to Johannesburg, South Africa, and then transfer to Namibia.With such a route arrangement, there is an opportunity to transit through South Africa and to stop at Johannesburg Airport for a transit.
The Chinese side contacted the South African side about this, and the South African side quickly agreed, and expressed their willingness to provide a special plane for our party to take us to Cape Town, the legislative capital of South Africa, for a visit, where we will meet with Foreign Minister Botha, and then send us off Fly directly to Windhoek, the capital of Namibia.Therefore, this time is only a transit and a return visit to Botha's meeting at Beijing Airport, not an official visit. Therefore, I declined the warm invitation from South Africa and only agreed to meet with Foreign Minister Botha at Johannesburg Airport.
During the meeting, we exchanged views on the situation in South Africa, Africa and bilateral relations.Botha introduced the latest development of South Africa's domestic situation, expressed his appreciation for the concept of "one country, two systems" put forward by Comrade Deng Xiaoping, and believed that South Africa and China have many common interests and the relationship will continue to develop.他说，他不会放弃同中国发展关系的努力，并感谢我去年对他的热情接待，希望有更多的机会见面。
我说，自上次会晤以来，我们两国关系有了很大发展，尽管离达到关系正常化还有一段路要走，但目标明确，双方应保持接触，增加信任。我再次向他表明了中方关于台湾问题的立场。
会见后，博塔外长在机场宴会厅设宴招待了我们，气氛颇为融洽。宴会结束后，博塔提议我们去看看南非行政首都比勒陀利亚。比勒陀利亚距约翰内斯堡机场只有40公里左右。因为还有时间，我们就接受了这一邀请，同意坐车去一览市容。车队行驶的途中，大家曾下车，伫立山巅，远眺这座著名都城。少顷，驱车入城，隔车窗望出去，只见道路畅通，高楼林立，犹如身临欧洲都市。不过，这是一座只供白人享用的美丽城市。由于南非实行种族隔离政策，黑人只能白天进城工作，晚上却不能待在城里，必须回到城外的黑人社区。
这次我与博塔在约翰内斯堡的会晤，是我国调整对南非政策方面迈出的较大一步。会晤虽以过境方式举行，但也给了台湾当局重重一击。为此，台湾驻南非“使馆”异常紧张，深恐动摇其在非洲的这一重要据点，立即向南非外交部提出了“强烈抗议”。
此次，我除了会晤博塔外，还会见了南非非洲人国民大会副主席西苏鲁、阿扎尼亚泛非主义大会副主席姆塞尼克等，向他们通报情况，争取南非各解放组织对我们调整南非政策的理解和支持。在见西苏鲁时，我请他转告曼德拉主席，中国政府和杨尚昆主席邀请他在方便的时候访问中国。我也邀请西苏鲁在适当的时候访华。西苏鲁说，曼德拉主席非常渴望去中国访问，一旦时机成熟，即可成行。
曼德拉是在世界享有盛誉的非洲政治领袖人物。他为废除南非的种族隔离制度，领导南非人民进行了长期艰苦卓绝的斗争。1964年6月，他被南非白人政权投入牢狱，从此在狱中度过了近27年的铁窗生活。他始终没有屈服，一直坚持自己的政治信念。在南非成千上万黑人群众和国际社会的声援下，南非政府才于1990年2月11日释放了曼德拉。他出狱时，已经73岁了。
曼德拉获释后，中方以不同方式向他表示了祝贺。3月28日，我在七届三次人大会议的记者招待会上表示，我们对南非当局释放曼德拉感到高兴。
曼德拉获得自由后，即对非洲国家展开一系列访问。在他访问赞比亚和乌干达时，中国驻两国的大使或临时代办都拜访了他，代表我们党邀请他10月访问中国。曼德拉说，他对中国心仪已久，很想去看看那块伟大的土地和人民。只是10月份访问远东，日程安排太紧，难以实现。中国是个大国，安排访问时不能太匆忙，来年5月份比较从容，届时，可以好好看看中国。
曼德拉本人虽多次表示愿意尽早访华，却迟迟没有成行，不免令人感到奇怪。后来，他身边的人向我们透露，曼德拉希望我国以政府名义正式邀请他。这次，我特意请西苏鲁向他转达了我国政府和杨尚昆主席对他的正式邀请。
半年之后，1992年10月4日至10日，曼德拉访华之旅终于成行。杨尚昆主席举行欢迎仪式，会见并宴请了他，江泽民总书记也会见并宴请了他，李鹏总理同他进行了会谈。中国政府还向“非国大”捐款捐物1000万美元，北京大学授予曼德拉名誉博士学位。接待规格之高，如同接待国家元首。曼德拉在北京举行的记者招待会上说，对自己所受到的真诚欢迎和高规格的接待，深为感动。
三年来，我们通过多渠道的广泛交流，无论是南非政府，还是“非国大”领导人，对我国政治解决南非问题的立场，以及对台湾问题的实质，都有了更为清楚的了解，这为两国正式建交做了良好的铺垫。
台湾当局对我们在南非的外交攻势感到非常紧张，密切关注着我们的一举一动，想方设法地加以阻挠和破坏。他们施展各种手段，加紧拉拢南非政府和行将上台执政的“非国大”。曼德拉访问中国时，就坦言相告，他已收到台湾的邀请。他解释说，他和“非国大”都感谢中国的长期支持，珍视同中国的友谊，只同中华人民共和国建立外交关系，设法把台湾驻南非的官方机构赶出去。他承诺，关于对访台邀请的处理，“非国大”一定会事先同中方进行磋商，不会背着中国朋友另搞一套。
1993年至1994年间，南非国内局势正处于重大转折时期。南非多党谈判取得了突破性进展，各派商定，在1994年4月举行首次不分种族的民主选举。
曼德拉访华后，台湾立即允诺向“非国大”提供2500万美元的援助。当时“非国大”为了赢得大选，正急需竞选资金。“非国大”又是一个人员广泛的民族运动组织，存在着不同的政治信仰和派别，其内部有一股亲台势力。在这样的背景下，“非国大”决定曼德拉接受访台邀请，寻求资金援助。
为了不使曼德拉的台湾之行影响到“非国大”与中国的关系，“非国大”派其国际部主任、现在的南非总统姆贝基到中国来做解释。我会见了姆贝基。
姆贝基说，台湾已答应向“非国大”提供大额援助，邀请曼德拉赴台接受援助。“非国大”认为这笔援助很重要，决定由曼德拉于1993年7月赴台接受。这样做并不意味着“非国大”改变了对中国的政策。“非国大”只承认中华人民共和国，绝不会背叛老朋友。“非国大”将努力改变中国与南非无外交关系的状况，相信这种改变已为时不远。
我回答他说，希望“非国大”警惕台湾的这种活动，你们接受援款可以理解，千万不要接受台湾附加的任何政治条件。我们相信“非国大”会妥善处理同台湾的关系。
这一阶段，南非政府的对华态度也有了一些新的动向。从双方接触的情况来看，南非政府更重视同我们发展经贸关系和人员往来，对发展两国政治关系不太积极，因为在两国关系正常化问题上，南非不会舍弃台湾。而“非国大”的根本思想是，不抛弃台湾，同时，又不忽视我们在国际上的地位和影响，试图转向“双重承认”。
对此，我们十分警惕，也是有所准备的。
1993年10月，南非总统顾问维尔容来访，我同他见了面。维尔容说，就南非而言，两国建交在很大程度上取决于南非民主改革成功与否，以及谁将担任国家首脑。如果曼德拉获胜，将有利于南非与中国建交；如果德克勒克当选，则倾向于与台湾保持“大使级关系”，而不急于同中华人民共和国建交。德克勒克更愿意增加向中国的出口，着眼于经贸利益，希望在经济上获得更多实惠。如果中国能够比较成功地支持南非经济的发展，则会对建交有利。但无论如何，南非与台湾的关系是要保持的，南非不愿意失去在台湾的利益。
他的这一番言论，更证实了我们的一个判断：南非白人政府是不可能放弃台湾而同我们建立外交关系的。
斗转星移，转眼到了1994年。根据南非公布的日程，大选将于这一年4月27日至29日举行。这次选举，对我国和南非都是至关重要的，有可能成为中国与南非关系正常化的契机。
年初，我对外交部的同志说，对南非大选后两国建交之事要早做准备，制定具体方案和对策，争取顺利实现建交。
为此，田曾佩副外长在南非大选前，以中国驻南非研究中心客人身份访问了南非，与南非各方面高层人士广泛接触，争取南非在大选后与我们顺利建交，其中重点是做“非国大”的工作，推动其尽早与我们开始建交谈判，以争取在南非大选前就两国建交事宜和大选后邀请我们而非台湾官方代表出席总统就职仪式达成内部谅解。
2月20日，田曾佩副外长会见了曼德拉和姆贝基等人，并向曼德拉转交了江泽民主席的信函。江主席在信中预祝曼德拉和“非国大”在此次大选中获胜，并期待着一个统一的、民主的、种族平等的新南非的诞生。江主席表示，随着新南非的诞生，中国与南非关系正常化问题提上了日程。中方非常高兴地注意到阁下一再重申，“非国大”将按照联合国的立场处理对华关系，同中华人民共和国建交。
在谈话中，田曾佩副外长强调，新南非与中国建交，大选后不邀请台湾方面代表出席庆典，是合乎逻辑的历史发展。中方希望在大选前即与“非国大”就两国建交问题达成谅解，新政府成立后，双方即签署文件，宣布建交。
曼德拉表示，多年来，中国始终给予“非国大”援助，对此非常感激。中华人民共和国同南非建交这件事是早应该做的。两国建交，对两国都十分有利，将认真研究中方提出的看法，也要考虑南非现政权同台湾已经建立起来的外交关系，以使这个问题得到全面解决。
田曾佩副外长还向姆贝基提交了我方准备的两国建交联合公报和谅解备忘录，供“非国大”研究，以便双方在南非大选前达成原则协议，同时再次阐明中方对台湾问题的原则立场。
姆贝基表示，“非国大”一再重申其一个中国的立场，并认为同中国发展关系十分重要，双方建交不存在问题。但是，由于目前忙于竞选，又要处理许多复杂的政治斗争问题，还要制定大选后的各种计划和人事安排，恐怕无暇开展建交谈判。此外，未来的南非政府，将是一个民族团结政府，南非现政府的一些人也要参加，他们的对华立场与“非国大”很不一致，“非国大”需要时间来做他们的工作。至于邀请我方代表参加新总统就职庆典问题，姆贝基未做明确承诺，仅表示，中方关于应由中国而不是台湾官方代表参加新总统就职仪式的主张，是符合逻辑的。但是，“非国大”难以劝阻现政府不邀请台湾官方代表团出席庆典。
从“非国大”领导人的表态来看，新南非政府成立后，两国建交的进程还会有一些障碍要克服。
为了体现我国在处理重大国际事务中的作用，扩大我国在南非的影响，我们决定参加联合国南非观察团行动，派出了45人前往南非，观察全民选举。
3月30日，南非庆典筹备委员会发出邀请信，请江泽民主席出席5月10日举行的新总统就职庆典，但同时也向台湾当局发出了邀请。李登辉视其为救命稻草，赶紧宣布将亲自率团出席。当然，在这种情况下，我们不会派政府代表团出席，而只派了一个民间性质的代表团出席仪式。
“非国大”执政后，南非新政府并未马上做出与台湾“断交”、与我们建交的抉择，而仍是幻想着“双重承认”的可能。新南非领导人甚至做出了“不会因与中国建交而与台湾断交”的表态。
这给台湾当局造成了可乘之机。台湾当局力图以南非作为台湾推行的“双重承认”、“两个中国”政策的突破口。台湾“外长”钱复在台湾立法院声称，台湾准备接受南非对海峡两岸的“双重承认”。
中国外交部发言人立即发表谈话，对此进行批驳，指出钱复的讲话是台湾当局不顾民族大义、制造“两个中国”或“一中一台”，分裂祖国的又一图谋。中国政府赞赏南非总统曼德拉和“非国大”坚持一个中国、承诺将按照联合国惯例解决对华关系问题的立场，相信中国与新南非的关系，将在和平共处五项原则基础上得到全面发展。这不仅有力地揭露了台湾当局的险恶用心，同时也向南非新政府及国际社会表明，我们坚持一个中国、反对搞“双重承认”的坚定立场。
同时，我们加大了与南非新政府沟通的力度。
6月23日，我国常驻联合国代表李肇星在纽约会见了南非新政府的外长恩佐，祝贺南非重返国际大家庭，表示我国愿与南非建立和发展正常关系。恩佐回顾了自己1986年的中国之行，说他十分珍视与中国人民的友谊，南非重视与中国发展关系。但又说，南非与台湾之间毕竟有一段很长时间的关系，双方签有许多协定，有不少合作项目，南非调整对台关系，不是一两天就能完成的，希望中方能够理解。
7月，我请新任驻南非研究中心主任吉佩定向恩佐外长转交我的一封信。在信中，我对新南非的诞生表示祝贺，强调新南非的诞生为中国与南非实现关系正常化创造了良好条件，中国政府愿随时与南非政府就两国建交问题开始接触。我还邀请恩佐外长再次访华。9月7日，恩佐给我复信。他在信中说，南非同中国的关系正在跨越政治党派的界限，得到民族团结政府的关注，希望能在双方利益和国际惯例的基础上很快解决这一问题。
9月28日，我在纽约出席联大期间会见了恩佐外长。我对他说，中国一贯支持南非人民反对种族主义的正义斗争，现在新南非已经诞生，希望两国能建立正常的国家关系。恩佐表示，新南非恢复在联合国席位时，中国给予了支持，两国已有了很好的关系。南非了解中国在国际事务中的重要地位，愿意全面发展与中国的双边关系。过去的种族隔离政府与台湾有关系，这是现在民族团结政府所面临的问题。相信不用很长时间，这个问题就可以得到解决，但需要有耐心。
我向他指出，中国对南非并没有提出什么新的要求，只是希望南非新政府像世界上绝大多数国家一样，采取同样的做法，与中国建立正常的外交关系。在一个中国政策的前提下，中国不反对南非保持与台湾的经济关系。中国愿意参与南非的经济发展，也欢迎南非参与中国的国际经济合作。南非的民族团结政府刚刚建立，新政府需要处理的问题很多，我们对此理解，也有耐心，但是，我们希望南非在对待中国的问题上，采取与绝大多数国家同样的立场。
在中国与南非发展关系的过程中，曼德拉显然是最为关键的人物。他在南非国内和国际上都有很高的声望，在中南非建交问题上，他的态度至关重要，因此，他也成了我们工作的重点。
当时，曼德拉欲凭借其个人威望，在台湾问题上创下一个美、英、日等西方大国都办不到的“双重承认”的先例。他曾在记者招待会上公开表示，南非尽管希望同中华人民共和国发展关系，但无意同台湾断交。
是年7月上旬，应我国外交学会邀请，南非议会外委会代表团访华。该团是由南非议会中各主要党派代表组成，有着广泛的代表性。行前，曼德拉曾专门指示，要求他们重点了解与中国建交的利弊。
我在北京会见了这个代表团。在会见时，我着重就中国与南非关系，以及台湾问题，向他们详尽地阐述了中国政府的原则立场和鲜明观点。代表团成员通过此次访华，对中国不接受“双重承认”的立场有了更深入的了解。代表团团长南非议会外委会主席沙特纳说，这次访华对南非调整对华政策将产生影响。
同年11月18日，曼德拉在记者招待会上发表讲话。他说：“我与江泽民主席已经有过接触，与李鹏总理的关系也很好。现在我们正在努力解决外交问题，因为我们现在与台湾有外交关系。我不断向国际社会解释我的这种态度：我们一直与台湾有外交关系，除非台湾做出一些什么事情，向我证明应该取消这种关系，否则我看不出有什么道义上的力量，能够取消这一外交关系，我准备保留它。尽管联合国对此有过决议，我也对决议表示尊重，但我们现在有着很特殊的情况，我必须根据南非人民的利益行事。我准备就此进行谈判。”
曼德拉公开表示奉行“两个中国”政策的态度，构成两国建交的障碍。这个障碍不克服，中国和南非建交的事情将会一拖再拖。
江泽民主席11月30日给曼德拉去信说：我对阁下所谈尊重联合国关于台湾问题的立场，愿与中国建交并准备进行建交谈判表示赞赏。我时常回忆起阁下1992年对中国的成功访问，对阁下关于新南非将按国际惯例解决对华关系的讲话记忆犹新。中国人民和包括我本人在内的中国领导人，对阁下始终怀有友好感情。中国人民曾把南非人民争取种族平等的斗争视为自己的斗争，并同南非人民分享过新南非诞生的喜悦。江主席在信中又说，我们都认识到，要实现两国建交，就必须妥善解决台湾问题。台湾问题事关中国的主权和领土完整，牵系着中华民族的根本利益和12亿中国人民的感情。中国绝不会接受“双重承认”。中国与世界上159个国家建立了外交关系，成功地解决了台湾问题。相信阁下会以政治家的远见卓识，推动中、南非关系朝着正确的方向发展。中国政府愿对南非政府为发展两国关系采取的实质性步骤做出积极反应。
应该说，“非国大”领导层对我方立场的理解是明白无误的。南非制宪议会主席、“非国大”总书记拉马弗萨就曾说过，台湾试图用金钱拖住南非，手法极为卑劣。在这一问题上，南非不应继续采取骑墙态度。
12月初，“非国大”召开执委会，讨论对华关系问题，曼德拉出席了会议。“非国大”执委会建议政府派一高级代表团访华，同中国讨论两国关系问题，启动两国关系正常化进程；另外也将派团赴台湾，将有关决定通知台湾。会议就一个中国的立场达成了共识。
曼德拉对“非国大”执委会的决定表示同意，但他又认为，“非国大”接受了台湾方面的财政援助，不应被人视为“忘恩负义”，不能只凭一纸声明，就终止同台湾的关系，把台湾甩掉，而应派人赴台，将“非国大”的立场向他们说清楚。
台湾与南非的关系久远。
1948年，南非国民党执政后，变本加厉地推行种族歧视和种族隔离政策。南非种族隔离政权的暴政遭到了国际社会的严厉谴责和抵制。
1962年，恰恰在南非处境十分困难的时刻，台湾乘隙而入，同南非建立了“领事关系”。1976年，又升格为“大使级外交关系”。以后十余年间，移居南非投资办厂的台商高达一万余人，合资公司、企业、银行等约有300多家，台商还购买了大片的土地进行经营。这是台当局维系与南非关系的重要经济基础。在国际社会制裁南非期间，台与南非经贸关系迅速发展，签署了数十项“政府间”协定，双边贸易额每年约15～19亿美元，南非顺差5亿美元，得到了不少实惠。台在南非纺织及鞋业、塑料制品、箱包、金属加工等工商和服务业投资15～16亿美元，雇用员工4万余人，其中黑人占85.8%。
20世纪90年代初，随着南非国内政治改革的发展，台湾极为担心将来黑人一旦掌权，台湾就会失去在新南非的阵地。因此，加大了对南非黑人解放组织示好的力度，频频招手，或派人出席这些解放组织的全国代表大会，或邀请其领导人访台，送上援助。
曼德拉执政后，台承诺捐赠4000万美元给为安置前“非国大”武装人员而建立的职业培训中心，全力支持南非新政府的“重建和发展计划”，先后向其电力、电信、交通部门及小农计划提供了四笔优惠贷款。
台湾当局对南非欲与我们建交感到极为紧张，加紧在南非活动。1996年，李登辉向南非做出了每年援助5亿美元的姿态。这年的8月下旬至9月初，台湾当局还派“行政院副院长”徐立德率团，考察南非的经济、贸易情况，与南非签署了多项合作协定和备忘录。徐立德还随口允诺，台湾将提供50亿美元资金，帮助南非建一座石化工业园区。
具有讽刺意味的是，徐立德随口的允诺，反倒引起南非企业界和政界人士的怀疑，50亿美元毕竟不是一个微不足道的小数目啊。
从20世纪50年代起，南非的黑人、有色人和亚洲人掀起了大规模反对种族隔离的群众运动。我国一贯坚定支持南非人民反对种族主义的正义斗争，把南非人民反对种族隔离的斗争视为非洲大陆争取民族独立和政治解放事业的组成部分，同“非洲人国民大会”、“阿扎尼亚泛非主义者大会”等南非民族解放组织，建立和保持了友好关系。在那种情况下，中国自然不可能和南非建立外交关系。
南非新政府成立后，曼德拉执政，中国和南非的关系理应有一个突破。
1996年3月