Chapter 7 Chapter 7 From the Soviet Union to Russia
The first time I went abroad was to the Soviet Union.That was almost 50 years ago. In August 1954, I was sent to study in the Soviet Youth League School.I was 26 years old that year, a new father, and my daughter was only 20 days old.
Beginning in 1951, the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League sent some cadres to study at the Communist Youth League School of the Soviet Communist Party every year for a period of one year.I participated in the fourth period. The team leader was Comrade Xu Jingwu who was doing youth work in Northeast China at that time, and the deputy team leader was Zhang Xueshu from Peking University.
Our 19 students, plus two translators, a total of 21 people, left Beijing for Moscow at the end of August 1954.I remember that we took a small Soviet plane, took off from Beijing, landed twice on the way, and stayed overnight in Irkutsk, and changed to a large plane the next day, with several stops in the middle, and finally arrived at the destination .On the day I arrived in Moscow, my impression seemed that it had just rained there. When I walked out of the airport, I would step on patches of stagnant water after the rain from time to time.
The Soviet Central League School is located in the small town of Vishnyaki on the outskirts of Moscow, six suburban train stations away from downtown Moscow.There is a birch forest and a large lake around the school, and there is also a manor of a minister in the time of Peter the Great nearby, which has been converted into a museum at that time.
The curriculum of the Communist Youth League consists of three main courses: history of the Communist Party of the Communist Party of China (Bolsheviks), philosophy, and political economy, as well as several sub-courses such as Russian and youth league work.The group school teaching adopts a combination of classroom lectures and after-class self-study. Every day, the professor first lectures in class for three to four hours.Those Soviet professors have a deep theoretical foundation, and when they lecture, they really quote from the classics and follow the scriptures. A certain point of view or a certain sentence of Marxism-Leninism can be said one by one on the pages of any book, without any trace. not bad.After class, we have to spend a lot of time reading the designated theoretical books, which are the original classics of Marxism-Leninism.In addition, it is a classroom discussion organized by teachers around the teaching content, which is called "Siminaar" in Russian.In this kind of discussion, teachers and students are in an interactive relationship, and they can ask each other questions. Of course, the content is only from book to book, from theory to theory, and there are few discussions that are combined with practice.
Before going to the Soviet Union, all the trainees only received half a month of Russian training.At the beginning, the teacher's lectures and the communication between teachers and students had to go through translation, from Russian to Chinese, and then from Chinese to Russian.Learning Russian has become a top priority.
According to the level of the students, the Russian class is divided into four small classes, each class has about four or five students.There is a level test before placement, where you point out a city on a map and ask questions like "How did you get here?"I was in the same class with several students who had taught themselves Russian in China, which was dubbed the "advanced class" by other students.
After school started, everyone woke up early every morning and was busy reciting Russian words or reading texts aloud.By the end of the study, some students and I were able to answer questions in Russian.
In addition to classroom study, the Soviet League School also organized us to visit revolutionary sites, memorial halls, factories, collective farms, and participate in some cultural and recreational activities.We visited Tolstoy's former residence, Gorky Memorial, visited the Tretyakov Gallery, watched the classic ballet "Swan Lake" at the Bolshoi Theater, and listened to some famous operas.
In the winter vacation of 1955, we traveled to Leningrad.It was the middle of winter, and it was freezing cold.In a blanket of snow, we visited the Winter Palace, the Smolny Palace and the warship "Aurora" famous for the sound of the "October Revolution".The class also took a group photo in front of a small hut on the banks of Lake Razlev near the border between the Soviet Union and Finland.Back then, Lenin lived in that small hut and wrote the famous "State and Revolution".During the summer vacation, we were arranged to travel to Ukraine and took a boat trip to the Black Sea and Crimea.
In the mid-1950s, Sino-Soviet relations were at their best.The teachers, classmates, translators, and even the logistics staff of the Soviet League School are very enthusiastic about the Chinese students, and they also take good care of them in terms of study and life.Our Russian teacher heard that Chinese people like to eat peanuts, so she said in class that she would find some for everyone.After a long time, everyone almost forgot about it, but the teacher really brought us a lot of peanuts.That was what she managed to find in Moscow.When she distributed the peanuts to her Chinese students one by one, she had a satisfied smile on her face.Varya, the interpreter in the class, is also entrusted by the school to arrange various activities for the students and lead them to visit other places during the holidays.She worked tirelessly to help Chinese students solve various problems encountered in campus life. Her patience, enthusiasm and thoughtfulness left a deep impression on everyone.
At that time, in the minds of our Chinese students, the Soviet Union was a holy land of revolution, the hometown of Lenin, and a model of a socialist country.The Soviet Union has made great achievements in economic construction and won brilliant victories in the anti-fascist war, and the bright prospect of social development is even more desirable.Not long after the founding of the People's Republic of China, a lot of waste was waiting to be rebuilt. In many aspects such as economic construction, it was learning from the experience of the Soviet Union.When we arrived in the Soviet Union, we were very excited and lived a happy life. We were determined to follow the example of the Soviet Union and study hard.
However, after studying in the Soviet Union for a long time and interacting more with teachers and classmates, I gradually discovered that there were some incomprehensible and unsatisfactory social phenomena in the Soviet Union.Many Soviets expressed dissatisfaction from time to time in their conversations.Everyone was very surprised at first, and couldn't understand why there were so many problems in the Soviet Union, which had been building socialism for decades.Wouldn't a socialist society also be perfect?
In the summer of 1955, before the end of my study at the Soviet Youth League School, I was informed by the organization that I would stay and work in the embassy in the Soviet Union after graduation.
When we first arrived in the Soviet Union, our ambassador to the Soviet Union was Comrade Zhang Wentian. At the beginning of 1955, Zhang Wentian was transferred back to China, and Comrade Liu Xiao served as the ambassador.Comrades Chen Chu and Zhang Dequn successively served as Minister Counselors in the embassy.
I was first arranged to work in the International Student Management Office of the embassy.
At that time, there were more than 4,000 Chinese students studying in the Soviet Union at the same time in a year, of which more than 2,000 were in Moscow, and there were also many students in Leningrad, Kyiv, Sverdlovsk, Odessa and other places. Few people.The International Student Management Office of the embassy is responsible for all matters related to students studying in the Soviet Union, such as contacting institutions, determining majors, ideological education for international students, and even some issues in personal life.The director of the International Student Management Office is Comrade Li Tao, the counselor sent by the Ministry of Education.When working in the International Student Management Office, I have been to almost all Soviet colleges and universities with Chinese students, and lived in Leningrad for a year, full-time managing more than 1,000 international students there.
In 1960, I was transferred to the research office of the embassy and presided over the research work until I was transferred back to China in early 1962.
I studied and worked in the Soviet Union for eight years, from the time I went to study at the Communist Youth League School in the Soviet Union in 1954 to the time I returned to China in 1962.During this period, many far-reaching changes took place within the Soviet Union and in Sino-Soviet relations.Especially in 1956, when the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held, Khrushchev gave a "secret report" on the Stalin issue, which aroused strong reactions in Soviet society, and Western public opinion was widely disseminated.Soon, China published articles such as "Historical Experience on the Dictatorship of the Proletariat", and the two parties had differences.Beginning in 1959, China and the Soviet Union began a 30-year "Cold War."When I returned to China in early 1962, the Sino-Soviet parties were at the climax of the "ten-year debate," and the relationship between the two countries was slipping step by step into serious confrontation.
Ten years later, at the beginning of 1972, when I was working at the Anhui Cadre School, I was again ordered to go to the Soviet Union to serve as a political counselor at the embassy in the Soviet Union.
At that time, China was still suffering from the "ten-year Cultural Revolution", and people's minds were gestating a new understanding of socialism after experiencing social turmoil.On the train to Moscow, I also wondered what the Soviet Union would look like ten years from now, and how society would change.
From Beijing to Moscow, the train will travel for a whole week. Along the way, you can take a good look at it.Looking out from the car window, there are still endless forests and fields, tall and straight birch trees, vast grasslands... the scenery remains the same.It's just that you don't see any big buildings, new factories or new cities along the way.When the train stopped at one station, judging from the clothes and luggage of the hurried passengers, the rush to buy food at the station kiosk, and the situation of people carrying bread everywhere, there was no change in the Soviet Union, and the development seemed to have stagnated.The "grand plan" that Khrushchev boasted of "building communism within 20 years" has obviously come to naught.
If there is any change, it is that there are very few passengers on the international train from Beijing to Moscow, which is really different from the situation ten years ago.We can almost have the entire car to ourselves, and when the journey is boring, we can only chat with the flight attendants.At that time, there were very few exchanges between China and the Soviet Union, but the international trains between the two countries were still in operation.
The Chinese Embassy in the Soviet Union is located on Mount Lenin, covering an area of 12 hectares. The main building is a magnificent building.By this time, the staff of the embassy had been greatly reduced.Due to the tense relationship between the two sides, the Soviet Union set up several police posts to closely "protect" the Chinese embassy, that is, strictly monitor it.
From the upstairs of the embassy, you can clearly see the huge red star shining on the spire of the Moscow University building. In November 1957, Chairman Mao said to the Chinese students in the Soviet Union in the auditorium of this university that you young people are like the sun at eight or nine o'clock in the morning, and your hopes are pinned on you.At that time, the overseas students responded by shouting the slogan "Strive for the construction of the motherland for 50 years", and the scene was exciting.
Time has passed, and the passionate scene of that year is no longer there.The embassy in the Soviet Union is quite deserted, and there is not much diplomatic business with the other party, so they can only carry out work in the embassy.For the Soviet side, apart from some courtesy calls, it was our side who lodged a protest or dismissed the other side's "protest".
In the early 1970s, the ambassador to the Soviet Union was Comrade Liu Xinquan.There are three political counselors in the embassy, besides me, there are comrades Marxist-Leninist and Wang Jinqing.
As Moscow is located in a major traffic artery, there are still many Chinese delegations passing by.One of the tasks of the embassy was to introduce them to the situation in the Soviet Union and what to pay attention to during their stay.
We also took every opportunity to travel around the Soviet Union to learn about the situation.I visited Transcaucasus and the Baltic coast successively.The Soviet side paid special attention to our travel and adopted strict monitoring measures.Being "stalked" is a common occurrence.It's just that this kind of "stalking" is too easy to find, sometimes throwing them off, and sometimes making fun of them.Once, during the journey, I simply told the "stalking" person directly that it was too hard for you to follow behind, and we just didn't know the way, so please come to the front and show us the way. The "stalking" people were dumbfounded.
In the summer of 1974, I was transferred from the Soviet Union to Africa.
Counting from 1954, I spent a full ten years in the Soviet Union intermittently. I experienced the best period of Sino-Soviet relations and witnessed the gradual deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations. Stressful and difficult times.
After leaving the Soviet Union in 1974, I still visited the Soviet Union many times, and since 1982, I have presided over the Sino-Soviet consultations to restore the normalization of relations between the two countries.
Unexpectedly, since the beginning of the 1990s, with the continuous intensification of social, political and economic contradictions in the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union collapsed overnight.
In the late 1980s, the three countries along the Baltic Sea—Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania—was the first to voice their independence and demand control of their own property.Then Georgia, in the Transcaucasus, declared sovereign independence.As if the dominoes were falling, by the end of 1990, all 15 republics of the Soviet Union had passed a decision on sovereign independence, and four of them explicitly stated their withdrawal from the Soviet Union.
In this process, Russia's independence had a decisive influence. On June 12, 1990, Russia issued a declaration of sovereignty, which clearly stated that: Russia is a sovereign state, and the federal constitution and laws have supreme power in the country.When the laws of the Soviet Union conflict with the sovereignty of the Russian Federation, Russia will suspend its validity in the country.Russia also announced that Russia has the right to control all its wealth, solve all its social problems, and withdraw from the Soviet Union.Later, this day was designated as Russia's "Independence Day" and became their National Day.
The Soviet Union was originally formed by Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and the South Caucasus Federation at the end of 1922. After August 1940, it formed the largest country in the world including 15 republics and spanning 11 time zones.Russia has the largest land area and population among the republics of the Soviet Union, and its gross national product accounts for more than half of the Soviet Union.The day-to-day affairs of Russia are actually directly managed by various agencies in the Soviet government.Now that Russia has declared its independence, the basis for the existence of the Soviet Union has disappeared all of a sudden.
In order to save the crisis of the disintegration of the Soviet Union, in 1990, President Gorbachev put forward a new principle of alliance.This is a new alliance treaty that re-regulates the relationship between the central government and the union republics.The draft of the treaty was announced in November, and its main content is to stipulate that the central government of the alliance holds the power to adopt the constitution, defense, security and foreign affairs.The relations between the republics are equal, mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, and peaceful settlement of disputes.Countries are free to determine their national institutions.The heads of state participate in the Federal Council and participate in determining the basic policies of the alliance such as internal affairs and foreign affairs.
After the draft was announced, the three Baltic countries made it clear that they would not participate in the treaty.Georgia stated that "no treaty of any kind will be concluded until true sovereignty has been obtained".Russia and Kazakhstan require the central government to first recognize their declarations of sovereignty and clearly divide powers with them before they can conclude a treaty.
In the spring of the following year, the political and economic situation in the Soviet Union became more serious. In order to overcome the crisis, Gorbachev and the leaders of the nine countries including Russia agreed to take emergency measures to stabilize the domestic situation and sign a new alliance treaty as soon as possible.This is what is commonly referred to as the "9+1" agreement or the "Novo-Ogaryovo process".In the words of Arbatov, who was once the director of the American-Canada Institute of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, at that time, the "Novo-Ogaryovo Process" rekindled people's hopes.There is general agreement that, even without the Baltic states, the pressing problems facing our country could be solved on the basis of a confederacy rather than a union.
In mid-May 1991, General Secretary Jiang Zemin visited the Soviet Union.During the talks, Gorbachev emphasized to General Secretary Jiang that the solution to many problems in the Soviet Union would depend on how to renew the alliance.The first task now is to formulate a new alliance treaty.The New Union Treaty will define the competence and scope of activities of the Central and Union Republics.Whichever republic signs, the republic can enjoy various preferential conditions in the unified economic space of the Soviet Union.If you do not sign, you will be regarded as a foreign country, and you will not be able to enjoy various preferential conditions of a unified economic space.He said that people from the 15 union republics are now meeting in Moscow to discuss this issue. "It's like the election of the pope in Rome," he said metaphorically. "No one can leave the church until the result is out. Only after the smoke rises from the top of the church and the election result is announced to the outside world, the candidates are allowed to leave. We also have to There is a meeting of the Federation Council, and no one is allowed to leave Moscow unless smoke comes from the roof."
In early August, Gorbachev announced that the new alliance treaty would be publicly signed on August 20.Then, he went to the Crimea peninsula for vacation.
In mid-August, a draft of the unsigned treaty was published.This treaty clearly stipulates that the Soviet Union adopts a federal system and the name of the country is changed to "Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics".The republics are sovereign states, the natural resources are owned by each country, and the laws of the country are supreme in the country.The powers granted by the contracting states to the Union are: to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Union and its subjects, to conclude treaties and declare war, to approve the Union budget and to issue currency, etc.
Just the day before the treaty was scheduled to be signed, the "8.19 Incident" occurred.
What happened around August 19th is still a bit confusing.
At that time, the US ambassador to the Soviet Union, Matlock, recalled that in June of that year, Moscow Mayor Popov told him that someone in the Soviet Union was planning a "reverse" coup.He informed Gorbachev of the news on the orders of President Bush.Gorbachev told him: "I am in complete control of the situation."
Chernyaev, who was then an assistant to the President of the Soviet Union, also described the same in his memoirs.He also wrote that after the US ambassador left, he and Gorbachev exchanged similar information they each received.
Kryuchkov, then chairman of the Soviet State Security Council and later a member of the "National Emergency State Committee", explained it this way: On August 4, 1991, Gorbachev went on vacation, and he asked Kryuchkov , Interior Minister Pugo and Defense Minister Yazov are preparing to implement a state of emergency. On August 5, the three of them met in Moscow, and everyone clearly realized that after a while, the Soviet Union would cease to exist.Kryuchkov said several of them decided to come forward. On August 18, they went to Gorbachev, because they felt that he might still be able to play a role, and wanted to invite him back to Moscow to restore order.At the resort, Gorbachev said to them, you can do whatever you want.He neither agreed nor disagreed.
In the early hours of August 19, TASS and Soviet Central Television successively broadcast decrees of the Vice President of the Soviet Union, announcing that Soviet President Gorbachev could no longer perform the duties of President of the Soviet Union due to "health reasons", and that Vice President Yanayev would act as President.Immediately afterwards, a statement jointly signed by the Acting President, Prime Minister, Defense Minister and Chairman of the National Security Council of the Soviet Union was issued, announcing the establishment of a "National Emergency State Committee" consisting of eight people including them.In its report to the people of the country, this committee stated that it would immediately implement a state of emergency in parts of the Soviet Union for six months.
This move immediately aroused strong reactions in all parts of the Soviet Union, especially in the Union Republics.Russia, Ukraine, etc. have expressed their opposition to the implementation of a state of emergency.
Faced with strong opposition, the "National Emergency Committee" that announced to take over the state power was somewhat panicked.
On the afternoon of the 20th, Yanayev and others held a press conference, expressing the hope that Gorbachev would come back soon. On the 21st, some members of the "National Emergency Committee" went to Crimea to meet Gorbachev together with Prime Minister Silayev, Lukyanov, Ivashko and other Soviet party and government leaders.Subsequently, Gorbachev issued a statement through the Soviet Central Television, saying that he had fully controlled the situation and would resume his presidential duties.Early the next morning, Gorbachev returned to Moscow.
So far, the "8.19 Incident" ended in failure.
On August 22, I met Solovyov, the Soviet ambassador to China.When we met, the Soviet ambassador first conveyed to me President Gorbachev's message to the Chinese leaders, saying that his health is normal and that the Soviet Union will fully restore constitutional order in the near future.The policy of the Soviet Union to carry out democratic changes and conscientiously observe international treaties, conventions and other obligations remains unchanged.The Soviet cabinet will work to restore the rule of law and the economy throughout the country.I told the ambassador that the Chinese government has always advocated and believed that the internal affairs of the Soviet Union should be handled by the Soviet people themselves.We believe that on the basis of the principles set out in the Sino-Soviet joint communiqués of 1989 and 1991, Sino-Soviet good-neighborly and friendly relations will continue to develop.
Later events proved that things did not develop according to Gorbachev's wishes. On the contrary, the process of the collapse of the Soviet Union was further accelerated.
On August 24, President Gorbachev ordered the dissolution of the Soviet cabinet. On the 25th, he resigned from the position of General Secretary of the CPSU. At the same time, in the name of the president, he ordered the local Soviets to freeze the property of the Communist Party and stop all activities of all political parties in the Soviet army, law enforcement agencies, and state agencies. In early September, the Soviet Union's highest authority, the Soviet People's Congress, was dissolved.
On September 6, the Soviet State Council composed of the President of the Soviet Union and the leaders of the republics decided to recognize the independence of Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia, the three countries along the Baltic Sea.
On September 7, I called the foreign ministers of the three countries to inform the Chinese government to recognize the independence of the three countries, and Vice Foreign Minister Tian Zengpei went to negotiate the establishment of diplomatic relations. In mid-September, China formally established diplomatic relations with these three countries.
For the Soviet Union, the more fatal blow occurred in December of that year.
On December 7, Russian President Yeltsin and Ukrainian President Kravchuk came to Belarus.After getting off the plane, they turned to the Belovezh forest at the border between Belarus and Poland north of Brest, where they met with Shushkovich, chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Belarus.It is said that bison once appeared in this forest. When Khrushchev was the supreme leader of the Soviet Union, he built a "hunting lodge" here for him to rest while hunting.The leaders of the three countries met in the house for two full days in strict secrecy.
On December 8, the three leaders issued a joint statement, announcing that the negotiations on the signing of the Treaty of Union had “come to a dead end,” that the withdrawal of the republics from the Soviet Union and the establishment of independent states had become a reality, and that the Soviet Union, as a subject of international law, “has ceased to exist.” .
Therefore, the three countries decided to create the Commonwealth of Independent States, open to other republics, with its coordination center in Minsk, Belarus.
The "Triple Agreement" was quickly approved at the Supreme Soviet meeting of the three countries.Immediately afterwards, the leaders of the five Central Asian countries, including Kazakhstan, issued a statement after consultation, expressing that the five countries are willing to become equal sponsors of the Commonwealth.
On December 17, the Russian Parliament declared ownership of the property of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. On the 18th, the Russian government took over the Kremlin.
On the 21st, 11 republics signed the "Almaty Declaration" and the "Protocol of the Commonwealth of Independent States Agreement" in Almaty, Kazakhstan.Russia's "Izvestia" used the headline "Soviet history ends in Kazakhstan" when reporting the news.
By this time, the Soviet Union had become a country with no government and no land, and Gorbachev had become a president with nothing to rule.
On December 25, 1991, five days before the 69th anniversary of the founding of the Soviet Union, Gorbachev published a message to the people on television, announcing that he would cease to exercise the presidency of the Soviet Union.After his televised speech in less than half an hour, at about 7:30 pm Moscow time, the Soviet flag was lowered from the Kremlin sadly, and then the tricolor flag of the Russian Federation was raised.
The next day, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR Council of the Republic held its final meeting and announced the cessation of existence of the USSR.
On the 27th, the Russian Federation formally replaced the Soviet Union in the United Nations.
The disintegration of the Soviet Union can be said to be one of the most amazing and thought-provoking events of the 20th century.
The disintegration of the Soviet Union almost seemed to happen overnight, but many factors that led to its disintegration have accumulated over a long period of time.Here, we cannot fail to mention the observations made by two famous French writers on the Soviet Union at the beginning of the last century.
In the 1930s, the famous French writers Romain Rolland and André Gide both traveled to Moscow with great interest in this then thriving country.They all recorded what they saw, heard, doubted and thought in the Soviet Union in the form of diaries.
Gide named his diary "Return from the Soviet Union" and published it publicly in 1937, frankly expressing his realistic inspection and long-term thinking about the Soviet Union.Romain Rolland, who is famous for his novel "John Christophe", declared: "Without my special permission, this diary cannot be published before the expiration of the 50-year period from October 1, 1935." This move of his caused a lot of speculation, which cast a layer of mystery on his diary of his visit to the Soviet Union.
Now, we can look at their observations and thinking at that time.On the one hand, Romain Rolland said that "the main impression and feeling I got from this trip" is "a powerful wave of incomparably high vitality and youthful vitality", "they are creating a more beautiful, best, and splendid life for all mankind." work for the future”; on the other hand, they believe that “the untouchable class is being formed inhumanely there, and all of this must be acknowledged, and it can only be regretted, and can only be corrected and eradicated.”Gide wrote: "For the vast majority of workers, the daily wage is 5 rubles or less; for some privileged people enjoy more concessions." He concluded that , the Soviet Union appeared aristocratic.
Whether it is Romain Rolland or Gide, in their diaries, they constantly compare tall monumental buildings, spacious villas and narrow, simple and crowded ordinary people's houses.
In his diary, Gide had an in-depth observation of the Soviet market at that time.He described it like this: before the opening hours of the department store, there are already two or three hundred people queuing in front of the door.I was selling mattresses that day, maybe there were only four or five hundred pieces, but more than 800 to 1,000 customers came.Before dark, everything was sold out.With so much demand and so many customers, everything will still be in short supply even after a long time.
Roman Rolland expressed concern about the mental state of the Soviets: "I am sure that they sometimes even underestimate the vitality of other nations too much. Even if the capitalist government and system are their enemies, they cannot underestimate their vitality. Soviet workers Convinced that they have and themselves created all the best things that the rest of the world has lost (schools, sanitation, etc.) It is not possible for young people to freely associate their own intellectual achievements and ideas with those of their Western friends In comparison. I am really worried that something like this will happen suddenly one day, and it will cause turmoil."
Gide apparently felt the same way.He wrote: "Soviet people are amazingly ignorant of the situation and conditions abroad. Not only that, but they are also convinced that everything abroad is far worse than the Soviet Union." He said: "A few years ago, Germany and the United States could benefit us in some ways. Now, we have little need to learn from foreigners..."
Russian scholar Arbatov discussed the Soviet Union in the 1970s in this way: Economists have realized that the economic development of the Soviet Union has always been on the path of extensional development, and now the factors for extensional growth have dried up.Therefore, the shift to intensive development must be put on the agenda, and we must switch from relying on administrative orders to using economic levers to regulate the economy.We must pay attention to the new scientific and technological revolutions that have already begun.When these issues were brought up at the Congress of the CPSU, they were only discussed.In fact, everything remained the same, with no results.
By the late 1980s, in the words of Chernyaev, a former assistant to the Soviet president, doubts about Soviet society began to emerge.When Gorbachev said "loyalty to socialist values", "pure ideas of the October Revolution", etc., "we ourselves can't figure out what kind of society we are in".
Ligachev, who was once the leader of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, said that we were particularly surprised at the time that the gap between the Soviet Union and the West in terms of science and technology was very large, and we were also worried about the stagnation of social democratization, all of which affected the people Standard of living and social thinking.He believes that in the first few years of reforms in the Soviet Union, some social problems such as housing were solved, and then there were many difficulties, and economic disorganization appeared.Due to the eagerness to reverse the unfavorable economic situation and the lack of understanding of economic laws, they hastily decided to quickly switch to a market economy. As a result, they encountered many difficulties, especially the severe shortage of consumer goods, which caused strong social dissatisfaction.
When Ligachev analyzed the reasons for the collapse of the Soviet Union, he particularly emphasized the following factors: first, a large number of party leaders changed their quality under the influence of various factors at home and abroad; A lot of money, the best cadres, experts and scholars, the best equipment, materials and a large number of industrial enterprises have been invested in this field.
Chernyaev further analyzed that the threats of the West with superweapons turned out to be bluff scares, and Moscow was particularly vulnerable to these scares and was involved in a deadly spiral arms race, Sacrificing everything for it, ultimately including sacrificing the future of your own country.
Ryzhkov, former chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, believed that the declaration of sovereignty issued by the Russian Parliament in June 1990 was the decisive event for the collapse of the Soviet Union, and nothing could prevent the Soviet Union from collapsing.Once Russia clearly declared itself a sovereign state smaller than the Soviet Union as a whole, the disintegration of the alliance became inevitable.Other republics had no choice but to become sovereign states as well.
Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev believed that two things had a great impact on the disintegration of the Soviet Union. One was Russia’s declaration of sovereignty in 1990. Who wants sovereignty?The answer can only be: to the other republics, to the Soviet Union; and then the Communist Party of the Russian Federation announced its withdrawal from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.As soon as these two events happened, the fate of the Soviet Union was sealed, because the main pillars that supported it as a unified country had collapsed, and the discipline and ideology that maintained and guaranteed the unity of the country no longer existed.
Looking at it now, it can be said that, as far as the Soviet Union is concerned, Russia will succeed and Russia will lose.
On December 25, 1991, when I made a report on the international situation and diplomatic work to the 23rd meeting of the Standing Committee of the Seventh National People's Congress, I said: The disintegration of the Soviet Union marked the beginning of nearly half a century after the Second World War. The U.S.-Soviet confrontation, the East-West Cold War and the final end of the bipolar system.The Chinese people have a long tradition of friendship and friendly exchanges with the people of the former Soviet republics.After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Chinese government followed the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and respected the choices of the people of other countries. At the same time, it will continue to maintain and develop friendly and cooperative relations with these republics.
On the 27th, I called Russian Foreign Minister Kozyrev to formally inform him that the Chinese government has decided to recognize the government of the Russian Federation and decided to change the former Chinese ambassador to the Soviet Union, Wang Jinqing, to be the ambassador to Russia. On this basis, maintain and develop friendly and cooperative relations with Russia.
Ambassador Wang Jinqing originally arrived in Moscow at the end of November 1991 as my country's new ambassador to the Soviet Union. In early December, when he met with Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Luo Gaoshou as usual, the Soviet side told him that President Gorbachev might accept Ambassador Wang's credentials between December 7 and 14.
However, the situation is changing rapidly, and the Soviet Union has ceased to exist before this credential has been submitted.
After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, its Ministry of Foreign Relations (the former Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs) was handed over to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.The minister resigned, and four deputy ministers were temporarily appointed as "ambassadors for special missions" of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. On December 24, Luo Gaoshou, who has become one of the four ambassadors, met with Ambassador Wang and apologized for Ambassador Wang's failure to submit the credentials in time, and said that he would arrange for Ambassador Wang to submit the credentials to the Russian leaders as soon as possible.But at this time, the letter of credentials addressed to the head of state of the Soviet Union that Ambassador Wang brought with him when he took office was no longer valid, and the country immediately entrusted a courier to bring him a new letter of credentials.
By the time Ambassador Wang finally presented his credentials to President Yeltsin, it was already early February 1992.
On December 27, 1991, I called the foreign ministers of Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Moldova to inform the Chinese government of its decision to recognize the independence of these 11 countries. And prepare to negotiate the establishment of diplomatic relations with them.
At that time, the Chinese government delegation headed by Minister of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation Li Lanqing and Vice Foreign Minister Tian Zengpei was visiting Ukraine, Russia and other countries.They happened to arrive in Moscow when China's telegram of recognition was sent.When Minister Li Lanqing met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Shokhin, he conveyed the message from Chairman Yang Shangkun and Premier Li Peng to President Yeltsin.Vice Foreign Minister Tian Zengpei held talks with Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Kunadze on bilateral relations. On the evening of December 29, the two sides signed the minutes of the talks between the two countries.The minutes affirmed the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence as the basis of bilateral relations, and confirmed the basic principles stipulated in the two Sino-Soviet joint communiqués in 1989 and 1991 as the guiding principles of bilateral relations.The two sides agreed to continue to fulfill the obligations stipulated in the treaties and agreements signed between China and the Soviet Union, and to strengthen exchanges in various fields and at all levels.At the same time, the two countries will ratify the Sino-Soviet border agreement on the eastern section as soon as possible.这个纪要解决了中苏关系的继承问题，也是在新形势下开展中俄关系的第一个指导性文件。
在中俄两国副外长会谈期间，李岚清团长继续对白俄罗斯进行访问。代表团本来按计划要到中亚地区继续访问，但12月30日独联体各国首脑要在明斯克开会，到访国的主要领导人和外长均不在其国内。代表团便决定于29日先回乌鲁木齐，然后从1992年1月2日起，开始访问乌兹别克斯坦、哈萨克斯坦、塔吉克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、土库曼斯坦。代表团每到一地，即与对方进行建交谈判，签署建交公报。因当场来不及打印，许多建交公报的正本都是手工誊抄，这在新中国的外交史上，大概是从未有过的。
就在同时，代表团成员之一的王荩卿大使返回了乌克兰，同对方商谈建交问题，双方在1月4日签署了两国建交公报。
在访问期间，代表团还同乌克兰、乌兹别克斯坦等五国签订了经济贸易协定。中亚地区这些国家的主要领导人都会见了中国代表团，并都表示，非常愿意发展同中国在各领域的关系。有的国家领导人提出，应尽快实现高层领导人之间的互访；有的询问，中国何时能派来大使；有的国家外长还说，已经初步为中国使馆物色了馆址。
1月中旬，王荩卿大使又作为中国代表，同亚美尼亚、阿塞拜疆、格鲁吉亚和摩尔多瓦的代表在莫斯科进行建交谈判，后来又分别去了这些国家，与对方签署了建交公报。中国与白俄罗斯的建交公报，是1992年1月20日在北京签署的。这样，中国就完成了与所有的苏联前加盟共和国建立外交关系的任务。
苏联的瓦解，及其所造成的国际局势突变和世界社会主义运动的挫折，加上当时西方大国自1989年以来对我国施加的政治经济压力依然存在，这一切使得中国所面临的国际环境更为严峻和复杂了。
面对这种局面，邓小平同志指出：“一些国家出现严重曲折，社会主义好像被削弱了，但人民经受锻炼，从中吸取教训。”他要求大家不要惊慌失措，不要认为马克思主义就消失了，没用了，失败了。他说，中国搞社会主义，是谁也动摇不了的。我们搞的是有中国特色的社会主义，是不断发展社会生产力的社会主义，是主张和平的社会主义。
1992年春天，小平同志发表了著名的“南巡讲话”，中国的社会主义事业在进一步深化改革和开放中，显得更加生机勃勃了。
这时，应与俄罗斯及其他独联体国家建立何种关系，成为中国外交亟待解决的问题。
还在苏联的政治经济体制开始明显转变之前，小平同志就明确提出，中国观察国家关系问题不是看社会制度，不管苏联怎么变化，我们都要同它在和平共处五项原则基础上，从容地发展关系，包括政治关系，不搞意识形态争论。
根据这一论断，中国外交制定了超越意识形态和社会制度的不同，在平等互利、互不干涉内政的基础上，与俄罗斯及其他独联体国家开展政治经济等各方面交往的方针，使中国与这些国家的关系进入了新的发展时期。
1992年初，俄罗斯外长科济列夫在给我的信中表达了俄方愿按当年中苏之间的规模和级别，发展同中国关系的愿望。
1月底，联合国在美国纽约举行了历史上第一次安理会首脑会议。李鹏总理出席了这次会议。俄罗斯方面由叶利钦总统前往参加。这也是俄罗斯取代苏联在联合国的席位后，俄领导人首次参加联合国活动。李鹏总理和叶利钦总统在联合国总部见了面，就两国关系交换意见。
叶利钦总统首先表示，俄将恪守双方已有的两个联合公报，同时希望将两国关系提高到一个新的高度。俄将尽快批准两国东段边界协定。李鹏总理说，中国在处理与外国关系时，不以意识形态和社会制度划线，中俄两国人民有着传统的友谊，两国间的4000多公里边界应成为和平与友谊的边界。中俄之间经济上有很大的互补性。叶利钦还特别指出，俄很重视俄罗斯的西伯利亚和远东地区与相邻的中国省份发展经济合作关系。
这是中俄领导人的第一次接触，双方都对这次会面感到满意，认为这是个好的开端。
此后，中国和俄罗斯在各个方面的来往开始增多，两国关系的新局面逐渐展开。
这一年的2月份，中国全国人大常委会和俄罗斯议会先后批准了两国东段边界协定。
3月，科济列夫外长访华。行前，他来信告诉我，他的随行人员中有五位俄罗斯远东地区的边疆区和州的负责人，还有一些实业界人士，显示了俄方对其远东地区与相邻的中国省份发展经贸关系的重视。
在与科济列夫外长会谈时，我说，去年底中国代表团访问俄罗斯时双方签署的会谈纪要为两国关系的进一步发展奠定了基础。今年1月两国领导人在联合国的成功会见，更使双方在发展两国睦邻合作关系方面有了许多共识。我们认为，两国领导人通过各种渠道加强接触十分有益，并愿将这种接触继续下去。
科济列夫表示，俄中关系不是从零开始，而是有基础的，因为过去俄联邦就坚决支持苏中关系正常化。俄的对外政策是实现对外关系的平衡，既要同西方国家发展友好关系，也要进一步发展同邻国，特别是同中国的睦邻关系。在对华关系上，俄尊重过去，注重未来。俄非常希望同中国进一步发展经贸关系。
我对他说，两国发展经贸关系的前景很好，最近中国决定在中俄边境地区开放绥芬河、黑河、满洲里和珲春四个城市，为的就是开展两国之间的交流。
科济列夫在肯定中俄两国领导人在联合国安理会首脑会议期间的会晤对两国关系发展的作用时，提出希望两国领导人的这种接触继续下去。他说，叶利钦总统在纽约时就曾说过，应该去中国访问。
我当时表示，中国方面欢迎总统在双方方便的时间访华。
就这样，俄罗斯首任总统对中国的访问，提到议事日程上来了。
为了准备此次元首访问，中俄之间开展了一系列积极的外交活动。
1992年4月，俄罗斯新任驻华大使罗高寿到任。罗高寿大使和他的父亲都是研究中国的汉学家。他在上个世纪50年代到70年代，曾两次来中国工作，周总理授予过他中苏友谊奖章。80年代，他任苏联外交部副部长时，我曾同他进行过关于两国关系正常化问题的磋商，还同以他为团长的苏联代表团进行过两轮边界谈判，算是熟人了。
在我同他会面时，我先回顾了1989年中苏关系正常化以来双方领导人往来的情况，认为叶利钦总统访华将是中俄领导人高级接触的继续，是合乎逻辑的。我表示，中方愿在新的基础上与俄罗斯发展经济关系和政治关系，两国边界谈判和边境地区裁军谈判应继续进行下去。两国经贸关系已有一定的发展，特别是边贸十分活跃。对此，两国政府都应采取积极支持的态度，并共同协商在这个过程中可能遇到的问题。罗高寿大使对此表示完全同意。
8月下旬，俄方正式提出叶利钦总统访华的建议日期。
9月，出席联合国大会期间，我又与同来与会的科济列夫外长就访问的具体时间和将要签署的文件等交换了意见。
10月，俄罗斯副外长库纳泽来华，就叶利钦访华的政治文件及两国联合声明与中方进行磋商。由于苏联解体，当时中苏西部边界已经成为中国和俄罗斯等四国的边界，库纳泽同时率哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、俄罗斯、塔吉克斯坦联合代表团，同中国就边界问题进行会谈。
10月24日，中国与这四个国家签署了边界会谈纪要。纪要确认了在中苏边界谈判中已达成并载入两个中苏联合公报的解决边界问题的原则，确认中苏边界谈判中就边界线走向所达成的协议原则上仍然有效，并同意成立负责起草边界协定工作小组。对尚未协商一致的边界地段有关方面将继续进行讨论。
我在会见库纳泽时说：苏联解体后，中俄两国继承了中苏关系正常化以后的积极成果，而没有继承消极因素，使中俄关系在完全平等、和平共处、平等互利的基础之上不断地向前发展。我们相信，两国关系将会比过去中苏关系更健康，更正常。我们的边界线上充满生机和活力，这是令人鼓舞的。中国在实施沿海沿江开放的同时，沿边也在开放。而陆地边界开放主要就是面向俄罗斯和独联体各国。这样，我们的边界不再是军事对峙的、封闭的边界，而是开放的、鼓励双方往来和开展友好合作的边界。因此，在边界谈判中，我们也应适应新情况，用新方法来解决争议。
中国和俄罗斯、哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦四国的边界谈判，逐步发展成为“上海五国”的机制。五国领导人每年进行会晤，讨论范围扩大到在边境地区建立信任措施、地区安全形势和加强经贸往来。后来，乌兹别克斯坦也参加了。这成为“上海合作组织”（注）的前身。
1992年11月，我访问了俄罗斯，同时也访问了乌兹别克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦和哈萨克斯坦。这是苏联解体、上述国家独立后，中国外长对这些国家的首次访问。
24日中午，我从阿拉木图飞抵莫斯科，两小时后，就同叶利钦总统在克里姆林宫见了面。
叶利钦1931年出生在斯维尔德洛夫州的一个农民家庭， 1955年，从乌拉尔工学院建筑系毕业后，从事过建筑工作，后来，担任过斯维尔德洛夫州和莫斯科市的负责人，1991年6 月，正式当选为俄罗斯首任总统。年轻时，他还当过排球队的队员，后来又喜欢打网球，是一个运动爱好者，看上去，身体强壮，精力旺盛。
宾主刚一落座，叶利钦总统就切入主题，说我们两国关系开始了一个“新纪元”，这是一个具有历史意义的阶段。他又说，对华关系，无论在亚洲还是在世界政治方面，都将在俄对外政策中占优先地位。他还赞扬了中国改革开放取得的成就，说俄罗斯与中国的合作，实际上已经迈出了重要的一步，就是双方的贸易额不仅没有下降，反而取得了大丰收，今年可达45亿美元。这时，在座的科济列夫外长插话说，今年很可能达到50亿美元。
叶利钦总统当场确认了访华日期，并说，他相信访华时双方在很多问题上都能找到共同语言，希望这次访问既务实又充实。他还对身旁的俄方官员说，希望在准备两国将要签署的文件时，要避免苏联时期的老做法，在各个文件之间抄来抄去，弄得所有文件的文字都一个样，从这个五年计划抄到下个五年计划。
他表示，自己从未到过中国，中国有值得俄罗斯学习的东西，可惜，他这次实在没有更多的时间去更多的地方看一看。接着，他向我说起他12月份以后紧张的活动日程。
我对叶利钦总统说，我这次来访，就是为他访华做进一步的准备。动身之前，江泽民总书记等中国领导人特意要我转告总统，期待着同总统在北京见面。相信总统的访问将会取得积极的成果，开辟中俄关系的新阶段。俄罗斯是中国最大的邻国，俄罗斯人民是伟大的人民。我们相信俄罗斯人民能够克服当前的困难，迎来繁荣和发展。中国政府十分重视发展同俄罗斯的关系，珍惜两国人民的传统友谊。希望两国之间的友好和互利合作关系继续巩固和发展。
接着，我谈到了中苏关系经历了几十年的风风雨雨，既有深刻的教训，又有成功的经验。我们认为，要使两国关系健康、稳定、长期地发展，最重要的是互不干涉内政，尊重各自的选择，进行平等互利的合作。我还向他介绍了一个多月前闭幕的中共十四大通过的关于建立社会主义市场经济的决定，并强调这也是发展中俄经济往来的有利因素。此外，我还提出两国之间要加强交通联系，使边界成为一条开放的、活跃的、促进两国交往与和平友好的边界。
会见中，叶利钦的兴致一直挺高。看得出，他对中国正在发生的一切很感兴趣。谈话进行了一个小时，如果叶利钦不是五分钟以后要去参加一个政府会议，他也许还会有更多感兴趣的问题要问。
第二天，我同科济列夫外长进行会谈，主要是相互交流各自对中俄高级会晤的准备情况，并草签了中俄相互关系基础联合声明。
在结束访问回国前，我接受了记者的采访，回答了他们关于中国发展同俄罗斯等独联体国家关系的原则和中国发展同这些国家的关系对国际形势的影响等问题。我表示，我们一贯认为，意识形态、社会制度，以及价值观念、文化传统等方面的异同，都不应该成为发展国家关系的障碍。国家间的关系，应该建立在下列原则的基础上：从政治上讲，是和平共处、互相尊重、睦邻友好、互不干涉内部事务；从经济合作来讲，应该是平等的、互利的。如果有了这样的共识，中俄两国的关系一定能够得到良好的发展。
我接着强调，世界本身就是多样化的，各国差异很大，意识形态、宗教信仰、民族文化，形形色色，各式各样，社会制度以及发展道路也都有很大差别。在这样一个多样化的世界里，大家要和平相处、共同发展，首先要承认并尊重这样的客观事实。
至于说到中国与俄罗斯和其他独联体国家的关系，我指出，从前中国和苏联有过结盟关系，也有过很长的对抗时期。今后，我们同俄罗斯和其他独联体国家关系的原则是：既不结盟，也不对抗。这才是正常的国家关系。重新回到结盟，不需要也不可能，对缓和国际局势不利；重新回到对抗，对缓和国际形势也不利。只有建立这种正常的国家关系，才有利于地区的稳定和世界的稳定，对国际局势起到建设性的积极作用。
1992年12月17日上午，叶利钦总统夫妇一行飞抵北京。随同访问的，有俄联邦内的萨赫共和国总统、巴什基尔共和国最高苏维埃主席、俄联邦外长、最高苏维埃副主席、政府副总理等近百人，若再把随行记者和其他有关人员计算在内，总共要有250多人。
杨尚昆主席在人民大会堂主持了欢迎仪式，并同叶利钦进行了会晤。杨主席说，中俄进行高级会晤有重要意义，国际舆论对此也很重视。相信总统的这次访问定将推动两国关系的进一步发展。叶利钦对中方为他的访问所做的各种安排表示满意，说他作为建筑师，去参观故宫很有意义。他又说，毛泽东主席说过不到长城非好汉，代表团的成员也都想去当一回好汉。
叶利钦总统接着表示，是俄罗斯人民对中国人民的友好情谊促使俄罗斯领导人采取措施，扩大同中国发展各领域的友好关系。
杨主席说，我们没有理由把关系搞坏，只能把关系搞好，现在两国都面临发展本国经济的共同任务，更应该建立稳固的睦邻友好和互利合作关系。现在两国贸易额已超过中国与苏联的最高水平，这是个好的开端。两国各有所长，在经贸合作方面，以及其他领域的合作都有许多文章可做。除高级会晤外，两国在其他各个级别上，在公司和企业之间，都应更广泛地进行接触。
第二天，李鹏总理和叶利钦总统举行了会谈。李总理强调，两国人民有着传统友谊，今后两国发展关系的基础，应是“平等互利，睦邻友好”这八个字。叶利钦说，发展俄中关系是俄外交工作的优先方向，俄同西方的关系不能代替俄同东方的关系。俄尊重中国的内外政策。
中午，江泽民总书记在钓鱼台会见并宴请了叶利钦总统。
江总书记谈到，他本人从童年时代起就很熟悉俄罗斯科学家罗蒙诺索夫、门捷列夫的名字，而在中国，许多人喜欢托尔斯泰、普希金等俄作家的作品。两国间的关系有过美好的时光，也有过僵冷的岁月。这几年两国关系得到发展，相信总统这次来将会使两国关系发展得更健康，更顺利。
叶利钦说，两国的关系具有巨大的潜力和广阔的发展空间，他这次是抱着真诚的愿望来中国访问的。这次访问，双方一共要签署20多个文件，这是创记录的，可以载入吉尼斯世界记录大全了。他又表示，中国在改革开放和提高人民福利方面取得了很大的进展，坦率地说，中国改革中的某些独到办法值得俄罗斯研究和借鉴。
江总书记向他介绍了中共十四大系统阐明了邓小平关于建设中国特色社会主义的理论，确立了社会主义市场经济的模式，并表示，我们将坚定地按此目标，把经济建设搞好，也希望在此过程中，同俄罗斯开展各方面的合作。
17日晚和18日下午，分别举行了关于中俄相互关系基础的联合声明和24个政府间和部门间的合作协议及有关文件的两次签字仪式。杨主席和叶利钦总统在中俄相互关系基础的联合声明上签了字。我和科济列夫外长、绍欣副总理也分别在两国政府科技合作、文化合作、互免团体旅游签证、和平利用与研究宇宙空间等协定上签字。
两国元首在签署的联合声明中宣布：中国和俄罗斯相互视为友好国家。这意味着中俄关系在全面继承中苏关系正常化成果的基础上，又有所前进。
在叶利钦总统访华期间，中方参加接待的，除了国家有关部委负责人以外，还有来自黑龙江、吉林、内蒙古等地方的领导，他们还同随叶利钦来访的俄联邦的共和国、边疆区和州的领导人进行了接触。
叶利钦一行本来按计划应于19日去深圳访问，但那天一大早，俄总统办公厅主任就向外交部戴秉国部长助理提出，由于俄国内有些重要事情须总统亲自处理，叶利钦总统经过再三考虑，决定提前于今天上午回国。
后来，科济列夫外长等陪叶利钦夫妇先期回国，其他人继续去深圳参观。
关于叶利钦提前回国的原因，后来据他自己说，是因为政府组阁问题遇到了麻烦。他比喻为“分公文包”分出乱子来了，需要他赶回去整顿秩序。
1994年9月，江泽民主席对俄罗斯进行了正式访问。这是苏联解体后，中国国家元首首次访俄。江主席和叶利钦总统在会谈后签署的《中俄联合声明》中宣布：“两国已具有新型的建设性伙伴关系，即建立在和平共处各项原则基础上的完全平等的睦邻友好、互利合作关系，即不结盟，也不针对第三国。”
1996年4月，叶利钦总统再次访华。他这次访问的重要成果是，双方在《中俄联合声明》中宣布两国发展“战略协作伙伴关系”。
本来，在叶利钦启程之前，双方已经基本商定了联合声明的文本。4月23日晚，俄驻华使馆主管官员向中方紧急通报，说叶利钦总统在专机起飞不久就认真阅读了双方商定的文本，认为这个文件还不能真正反映两国关系今后一个时期的发展方向，他建议将两国关系表述为“平等信任、面向21世纪的战略协作伙伴关系”。外交部立即把这个情况报告了江主席。江主席同意了叶利钦总统的建议。
1999年12月，叶利钦总统第三次也是作为总统最后一次访华。回国后，正当人们兴高采烈地准备迎接新千年之时，他突然于12月31日正午12时出现在电视画面上，宣布了一个令世界吃惊的决定：“我决定在即将过去的世纪的最后一天辞去总统职务。”在声明中，他表示，之所以这样做，并不是因为健康原因，而是“出于对所有问题的综合考虑”。他还说，“俄罗斯应由有智慧、精力充沛的新政治家带入新世纪”。他立即签署了把总统职责交给政府总理普京的命令，旋即将核密码箱等移交给普京。普京代总统于当日签署命令，对卸任总统及家人的人身、财产安全提供法律保障。
2000年3月，普京正式当选为俄罗斯总统。当年7月，他应江泽民主席邀请访华。两国元首签署了《北京宣言》，强调中俄平等信任、面向21世纪的战略协作伙伴关系符合两国人民的根本利益。此外，在这一年，两国元首还在联合国千年首脑会议等场合进