Chapter 4 Chapter 4 Tokyo's "Funeral Diplomacy"

From February 23 to 25, 1989, as the foreign minister and the special envoy of the Chinese President, I went to Japan to attend the funeral of Emperor Hirohito and stayed in Tokyo for one and a half days.In addition to participating in the funeral and contacting the leaders of the Japanese government, I had talks with Indonesian President Suharto, who came to the funeral, on the normalization of relations between China and Indonesia, and reached a "three-point consensus", thus opening the closed door. The door to the 23-year-old diplomatic relationship between the two countries.This news became the headlines of various media in Tokyo for a while and attracted widespread attention.Some commented that China conducted a successful "funeral diplomacy" in Tokyo, Japan.

Let me talk about attending a funeral in Tokyo first. On the morning of February 24, 1989, the funeral of Emperor Hirohito was held in Shinjuku Gyoen, Tokyo.Shinjuku Gyoen National Garden is a large national park located between the Shinjuku and Shibuya districts of Tokyo.During the Edo period, it belonged to the territory of the Naito family, the Takato feudal lord of Shinshu (now Nagano Prefecture).At that time, it was called Tamagawa Garden because Tamagawa River passed by. In 1872, it was acquired as state-owned land as an agricultural testing ground, and in 1879, it became the Shinjuku Botanical Gyoen under the jurisdiction of the Imperial Household Province. In 1906, designed by a Frenchman, a French garden was built with an area of ​​580,000 square meters.The entire imperial garden includes a Western-style garden, a Japanese-style garden, a children's playground, and a greenhouse. In 1949, it became a national park and opened to the outside world.After the emperor's death, the Emperor's Funeral Committee set up a black and white tent in Shinjuku Gyoen as the main venue for the funeral.

That day, the emperor's funeral started at 7:30 am and lasted 13 hours and 20 minutes until 8:50 pm. The ceremony is divided into two parts, the first is the religious ceremony (note), which is only attended by the royal family, and the scene is separated by a large curtain; then there is the "big funeral ceremony", that is, the state funeral. Condolences to foreign guests. According to reports, in order to ensure the smooth progress of the funeral and the personal safety of the guests, the Japanese police dispatched 32,000 policemen and took unprecedented precautionary measures.On the streets of Tokyo, especially around the imperial palace and the main venue of the funeral, it can be said that there are three steps, one post, and five steps, one sentry.I remember that in the early morning of that day, the sky was gray and drizzly, and the weather in early spring in Tokyo was still quite cold.The foreign guests waiting in the big tent put on their overcoats and turned up their collars. The Japanese side specially prepared hand warming paper bags and distributed them to the guests.

At 9:30 in the morning, the hearse departed from the Imperial Palace, passing through the National Assembly Hall, Akasaka Imperial Palace, etc., to Shinjuku Gyoen. At 10:10, the hearse arrived at Shinjuku Gyoen.A religious ceremony attended by the royal family was first held in Shinjuku Gyoen. Emperor Akihito and members of the royal family offered sacrifices and bid farewell to the remains of Emperor Hirohito. Then, the "big funeral ceremony" began.Emperor Akihito, Prime Minister Takeshita, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Speaker of the Senate, and the Chief (President) of the Supreme Court delivered eulogies successively.Afterwards, distinguished guests from all over the world who attended the funeral paid their respects in silence before the coffin according to the roll call.After the funeral, dozens of concierge staff carried the coffin and walked slowly to the gate of Shinjuku Gyoen, carried the coffin into the hearse, and drove straight to the Imperial Musashi Mausoleum in Tokyo for burial.

In the evening, Prime Minister Takeshita held a reception at the Akasaka Guest House to express his gratitude to the distinguished guests from various countries who came to attend the funeral. It is worth noting that on the eve of the funeral, there were many remarks in Japan denying the aggressive nature of Japan's war of aggression against China and exonerating Emperor Hirohito from responsibility for the war.After Hirohito's death, Japanese media reported a lot of his life story, exaggerating how Hirohito "shared joys and sorrows" with the people and cared about the "noble character" of the country's peace and prosperity. On February 14, when Prime Minister Takeshita answered questions from members of the opposition party about the responsibility and nature of the Second World War in the National Assembly, he even stated that whether the last war was an invasion should be evaluated by future historians.On the same day, Ji Mimura, Chief of the Legal Affairs Bureau of the Japanese Cabinet, also stated in his defense in the National Assembly that Emperor Hirohito was not responsible for the war, whether in terms of domestic law or international law.This is the first time the Japanese government has stated that Emperor Hirohito is not responsible for the war.

The spokesperson of the Chinese Foreign Ministry immediately reacted to this, emphasizing that the wars of aggression launched by Japanese militarism in the past caused enormous disasters to the Chinese people and the people of other Asian countries, and the Japanese authorities should adopt a correct attitude of respecting historical facts.Any words or deeds that blur the nature of the war and shirk responsibility for the war are against the principles and spirit of the Sino-Japanese Joint Statement and the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Peace and Friendship, and will definitely hurt the feelings of the people of China and other war-victim countries in Asia. It is also very unfavorable.

Liu Danian, a member of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and a well-known historian, also refuted the Japanese side's remarks to shirk responsibility for the war. In fact, Emperor Hirohito was the culprit in the war of aggression against China.He was educated in the spirit of Bushido since he was a child. He became regent in November 1921 and ascended the throne in November 1926.Japan invaded and occupied the three northeastern provinces of China in 1931, created the puppet Manchukuo, and launched an eight-year war of aggression against China in 1937. All of these were carried out when Emperor Hirohito was the supreme ruler and commander-in-chief of Japan. Inescapable responsibility.

China is the biggest victim of Japanese militarism's foreign aggression. Whether or not my country will send people to the emperor's funeral has always been the focus of attention. Many people and overseas Chinese sent letters and calls asking China not to set too high a standard for attending the emperor's funeral, and some even suggested not to send people to attend.Some anti-China elements even made use of the topic to abuse and attack China with ulterior motives. After many considerations and considerations, the central government decided that I, as foreign minister and special envoy of the President, would attend the funeral.This decision not only took into account the normal diplomatic etiquette in the world, but also took into account the feelings of the general public, including overseas Chinese.In this regard, domestic and foreign reactions are normal, and most of them understand it.Japanese officials also expressed that Japan attaches great importance to its relations with China and thanked China for sending people to attend the funeral.

As China and the international community expressed strong dissatisfaction with Japan's excuse of Emperor Hirohito's responsibility for the war, on February 21, Prime Minister Takeshita urgently convened key cabinet members to discuss countermeasures and decided to explain the situation to relevant countries through diplomatic channels in order to seek understanding. The next day, Japanese Ambassador to China Toshijiro Nakajima explained to the Chinese side about Prime Minister Takeshita's defense in the Diet.He said that Prime Minister Takeshita had made a clear statement on the previous war of aggression, and there has been no change so far.Prime Minister Takeshita's understanding is: 1. Japan has caused great damage to the people of neighboring countries through wars in the past.It is a fact that the above-mentioned behavior of Japan is regarded as a war of aggression by the international community and has been severely criticized. Japan must fully understand this fact; 2. The Japanese government’s understanding of past behavior was expressed in the 1972 Japan-China Joint Statement However, this understanding has not changed so far.The fact of the aggression cannot be denied; 3. Japan, as a peaceful country, will contribute to world peace and stability in order to prevent such a thing from happening again.

On February 24, when I met with Japanese Foreign Minister Sosuke Uno at the Iikura Mansion in Tokyo, on behalf of the Japanese government, he once again expressed regret over Prime Minister Takeshita’s inability to express his sincerity in his defense of past wars in the Diet, emphasizing that Japan’s understanding of the nature of wars has already Written into the Japan-China joint statement, and said that the Prime Minister's position on this issue has not changed.I said that the development of China-Japan relations today has not come easily and needs to be cherished.Due to historical reasons, some sensitive issues between China and Japan should be treated with caution.Only by treating history correctly can we open up the future and avoid hurting the feelings of the people of war-victim countries.

On the afternoon of the same day, when Prime Minister Takeshita met with me at his official residence, he expressed his consistent belief in the development of Sino-Japanese friendship, and emphasized that he would insist on developing bilateral relations on the basis of the Japan-China Joint Statement and the Japan-China Treaty of Peace and Friendship.I told him that only by treating history correctly can China and Japan maintain friendship.That night, Masayoshi Ito, a veteran of Japanese politics, made a special trip to the Chinese embassy in Japan to meet me, expressing his gratitude to me for coming to Japan to attend the funeral, and expressing his willingness to do his best for Japan-China friendship. The next day, major Japanese newspapers reported in detail my meeting with the Japanese Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, and made some comments.Some reports said that Prime Minister Takeshita’s urgent meeting with the Chinese foreign minister during the funeral diplomatic event was an exceptional move, indicating that the Prime Minister himself and the Japanese government have deeply realized the serious consequences of the speech on the issue of war responsibility, and are eager to take advantage of this. This is an opportunity to explain Japan's position again and seek understanding from China.Some comments reminded that Japan should realize that when dealing with its Asian neighbors, it cannot simply deal with historical issues from the perspective of differences in national characteristics, but must adopt a meticulous attitude. Afterwards, Prime Minister Takeshita made amendments to his last speech in his parliamentary defense on February 27, clearly stating that the last war caused great damage to neighboring countries, and the fact of its aggression cannot be denied. Practice has proved that the Chinese government's decision to send people to attend the emperor's funeral, as well as the candidates to attend the funeral, are appropriate and safe. It does not lose diplomatic etiquette, and is also conducive to enhancing the relationship between the two countries. Further show the attitude and achieved good results. I went to Tokyo to attend the funeral this time. Although I mainly focused on Sino-Japanese relations, it was the bilateral relations between China and Indonesia that really made a breakthrough. At the funeral in Tokyo, I met with Indonesian leaders, bringing about a swift restoration of relations after a 23-year hiatus.It was a successful negotiation that took advantage of a unique opportunity to achieve a diplomatic breakthrough. The significance of this "funeral diplomacy" may be seen from the ups and downs and complicated evolution of the relationship between China and Indonesia. China and Indonesia are close neighbors with a long history of friendly exchanges between the two countries.In modern times, the people of the two countries have shared weal and woe, sympathized with and supported each other in the struggle against colonialism and foreign aggression.After the founding of New China, Indonesia was one of the first countries to establish diplomatic relations with China. In April 1955, Premier Zhou Enlai attended the Asian-African Conference (also known as the "Bandung Conference") held in Bandung, Indonesia, and expounded in detail the famous Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence that China insists on implementing in its foreign relations.Subsequently, Premier Zhou Enlai paid an official visit to Indonesia, and the two sides signed the Treaty on Dual Nationality, which provided a good example for resolving the issue of dual nationality between China and other countries.China has always supported Indonesia's just struggle to recover West Irian, and Indonesia firmly advocates the restoration of China's legitimate seat in the United Nations. However, in September 1965, the "9.30" incident occurred in Indonesia.Subsequently, the domestic situation in Indonesia changed drastically, and the relationship with China deteriorated rapidly until the relationship was severed. The so-called "September 30" incident, according to Indonesian reports, refers to September 30, 1965, when a group of officers headed by Lieutenant Colonel Weng Dong, commander of the third battalion of the Indonesian Presidential Guard Force, conspired with the Army's "Generals Committee" to On the grounds of launching a military coup, six generals including Army Commander Yanni were arrested and killed.Several generals of the Indonesian Army immediately took countermeasures and thwarted the actions of Lieutenant Colonel Weng Dong and others.Indonesia immediately began to severely suppress and eliminate the Communist Party of Indonesia and the political forces pro-President Sukarno. China knew nothing about the "September 30" incident beforehand, and did not express its position on the Indonesian political situation for quite a long time afterwards, but the Indonesian military accused China of planning and supporting the "9.30" coup from the very beginning , interfered in Indonesia's internal affairs, and developed to send troops to search the commercial office of the Chinese embassy.In 1967, the relationship between the two countries deteriorated further, until October 30, the diplomatic relations between the two countries were interrupted. After the 1970s, many major changes took place in the international situation.China resumed its legal seat in the United Nations and became one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. In 1972, US President Nixon visited China, and the two sides issued a joint communiqué, which markedly eased Sino-US relations.China and Japan established formal diplomatic relations.Many countries in Western Europe, Latin America and Africa have also established diplomatic relations with China.Especially in early 1973, after the signing of the Paris Agreement on the restoration of peace in Vietnam, the United States ended its war of aggression against Indochina, withdrew its troops, and began to shrink its military power in Southeast Asia.In the context of significant changes in the international landscape, ASEAN's foreign policy has also undergone major adjustments, and the relationship between ASEAN and China has begun to shift from mutual hostility to friendly cooperation.Three of the six ASEAN countries, namely Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand, have successively established diplomatic relations with China. At this time, Indonesia, the head of the six ASEAN countries, how to develop its relationship with China has become the key to determining peace and stability in Southeast Asia. At the end of 1978, Comrade Deng Xiaoping paid official friendly visits to Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore. This was the first time that a senior Chinese leader visited an ASEAN member state.The two sides exchanged views candidly on maintaining peace and stability in Southeast Asia and the relationship between China and ASEAN countries, which enhanced mutual understanding and eased Southeast Asian countries' doubts about China.Since then, the relations between China and ASEAN countries have further developed, especially in terms of opposing Vietnam’s invasion of Cambodia, peacefully resolving the Cambodian issue, and maintaining peace in Southeast Asia. The two sides share common ideas and have close and good cooperation. At the same time, the economic and trade relations between China and ASEAN countries are growing rapidly, and cultural exchanges are also very frequent. In November 1988, during his visit to Thailand, Premier Li Peng announced the Chinese government's four principles for establishing, restoring and developing relations with ASEAN countries, namely: (1) in state relations, strictly follow the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence; 2) In any case, adhere to the principle of opposing hegemony; (3) In economic relations, adhere to the principles of equality, mutual benefit and common development; (4) In international affairs, follow the principles of independence, mutual respect, close cooperation, mutual principles of support. Under such circumstances, Indonesia's relationship with China has also loosened, and contacts between the two sides have begun to increase. In 1975, President Suharto said that Indonesia was preparing to improve relations with China, given that Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand established diplomatic relations with China. In November 1977, Indonesia sent a delegation from the Chamber of Commerce and Industry to participate in the Guangzhou Fair for the first time. In April 1985, at the invitation of the Indonesian government, State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wu Xueqian led a Chinese delegation to Indonesia to attend the 30th anniversary commemoration of the Bandung Conference. Indonesia is the largest country in ASEAN and plays a leading role in ASEAN.On the Cambodian issue, Indonesia has basically maintained the same position as other ASEAN countries.Indonesia hosted two informal meetings on Cambodia - then called "cocktail parties" - in July 1988 and February 1989.Due to serious differences between the parties, the meeting failed to achieve any breakthrough.As one of the co-chairs of the Paris Conference on the Cambodian issue, Indonesia feels that it must maintain close consultation and good cooperation with China in order to seek a political solution to the Cambodian issue. Some people of insight in Indonesia believe that as a big country, China's strength is an important and unchangeable reality in this region, and Indonesia can no longer refuse to deal with China. Changes in the international environment and common strategic interests have brought about positive changes in Indonesia's attitude towards China. In March 1988, when talking about the restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries, President Suharto gave up his original request for China to make a "public apology" for the alleged involvement of China in the "9.30" incident. At the beginning of 1989, Indonesian Foreign Minister Alatas, through Ambassador Sutresna, the representative of Indonesia to the United Nations, told Ambassador Li Luye, the permanent representative of China to the United Nations, that Indonesia would fully promote the process of resuming diplomatic relations between China and Indonesia. Said that he would like to meet with the Chinese Foreign Minister as soon as possible.Ambassador Li Luye replied to Ambassador Satresna that China appreciates Indonesia's efforts to promote the process of resuming diplomatic relations between the two countries. China is willing to restore diplomatic relations between China and Indonesia as soon as possible on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.Chinese Foreign Minister also hopes to meet with Foreign Minister Alatas as soon as possible. It was at this time that the timing of "Tokyo Funeral" appeared.However, we learned that since Foreign Minister Alatas did not go to Tokyo with President Suharto, the meeting between the foreign ministers of the two countries would be difficult to achieve.In order to seize the opportunity, we still told the Indonesian side that the Chinese Foreign Minister would go to Japan as a special envoy to attend Emperor Hirohito's funeral. This would be a good opportunity for the two sides to meet. On February 13, the Indonesian Permanent Mission to the United Nations informed China that Minister of State Mudiono would accompany President Suharto to the emperor's funeral.Since Foreign Minister Alatas is not in the entourage, Minister Mudiono will hold talks with the Chinese Foreign Minister and said that President Suharto is willing to meet with the Chinese Foreign Minister, and the specific arrangement will be negotiated through the embassies of both sides in Japan. The Indonesian side also said that although Modiono is the Minister of State, he is quite familiar with the bilateral situation between China and Indonesia. Mudiono is a major general who has assisted Suharto since he was a captain.After Suharto came to power, he worked in the cabinet secretariat, and later served as cabinet secretary, deputy minister, and state minister. He also served as the director of Indonesia's China Relations System Preparatory Committee, responsible for handling important affairs with China.He is highly valued by Suharto, is one of the important members of Indonesia's high-level think tanks, and is also a powerful figure in the Indonesian cabinet.The State Secretariat under his control is just across the wall from the Presidential Palace. Its main responsibilities are to draft presidential speeches and promulgate various government decrees and regulations, and to coordinate the relationship between the President and various government departments. In fact, it plays an important role in communication from top to bottom.After the weekly cabinet meeting, he usually briefs the media or releases important information, so he is called the "little president".It can be seen that Indonesia's decision to have Modiono come forward to discuss the normalization of relations between the two countries is a well-thought-out arrangement. The Tokyo meeting between China and Indonesia is the result of years of hard work.At that time, we analyzed that there may be two possibilities for this meeting. One is that the Indonesian side will adopt a more positive attitude than before on the issue of the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries; step-by-step plan. We have envisaged countermeasures for various possible problems.Our basic attitude is to make full use of this opportunity and actively promote the process of the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries. On the afternoon of February 23, according to the time agreed in advance by both parties, I first met with Minister Mudiono at the Imperial Hotel in Tokyo where the Indonesian delegation stayed.This is my first meeting with Mudiono.He is easy-going, outspoken, quick-witted and humorous. During the talks, I first reviewed the sound cooperation between the two sides in recent years in terms of direct trade and international affairs such as the Cambodian issue, and clarified China's views on the current international and Asian situations.I said that both China and Indonesia are big countries in Asia. China has a population of 1.1 billion and Indonesia has a population of 170 million.Both our countries are facing the task of building our own country and improving people's lives, and we both need a peaceful international environment.If our two major countries can concentrate on domestic construction and work together for peace, it will be an important factor for peace and stability in the region. I also specifically explained to him the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence that China follows in its foreign relations.I said that the most important of the five principles is mutual respect for sovereignty and non-interference in each other's internal affairs.We are not only like this when dealing with state relations, but also when dealing with party relations.We always believe that the affairs of each party belong to the internal affairs of the country, and each country has the right to handle issues in this regard by itself.China will never use the party's relationship to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. Regarding the normalization of relations between the two countries, I told him that the time is ripe for the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries, and China has always held a positive attitude towards it.Taking advantage of this opportunity today, I would like to hear your views. Modiono agreed with my analysis of the international situation, and then talked about the major impact and serious harm caused by the two domestic coups (note) in Indonesia.He said that your Excellency just mentioned the five principles of peaceful coexistence. Indonesia also has five principles in dealing with domestic issues, that is, the "five foundations of nation building", namely: belief in Allah, justice and civilized humanity, national unity, democracy and society. justice and prosperity.He went on to say that Indonesia's national philosophy and ideology may be different from other countries, but we are willing to develop relations with other countries.Indonesia respects the ideology of other countries, and at the same time hopes that other countries will respect Indonesia's ideology and worldview, as well as the above-mentioned Indonesian principles for handling domestic issues.He also stressed that Indonesia has always adhered to the one-China policy.During the conversation, Modiono no longer dwelled on the so-called China's involvement in the "9.30" incident in the past. I emphasized that we respect the principles adopted by Indonesia at home, and we also hope that both sides will abide by the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in international relations.We have fully noticed that Indonesia is particularly concerned about non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries in handling state relations. Frankly speaking, China has no connection with the Indonesian Communist Party, and we don't even know if there is such a party now.Some Indonesians lived in China in the past, but now most of them have left. There are only a few dozen people left. Some of them are old and retired, and some are employed.As foreign nationals in China, we do not allow them to engage in political activities.As for how to realize the goal of normalizing the relations between the two countries, if you think this issue can be discussed, I suggest that the two sides can continue the discussion through their respective missions to the United Nations. At the same time, the foreign ministers of the two countries can also discuss it when they meet.Discussions through the United Nations channel can be more specific to make necessary preparations for the meeting between the foreign ministers of the two countries. Mudiono thanked me for my explanation and expressed his agreement with China's proposal that the permanent missions of the two countries to the United Nations will have further consultations on the normalization of bilateral relations. If necessary, the foreign ministers of the two countries can meet directly. Having said that, he glanced at his watch and offered to adjourn the meeting for a while without giving any reason.In fact, he went to the next room to report to President Suharto about our meeting.About 5 minutes later, he came back and said to me with a smile, "Your Excellency the President wants to meet with His Excellency the Foreign Minister alone." President Suharto gave people the impression that he looked like an old professor with silver hair, who was gentle and courteous.In fact, Suharto is a soldier, who was born in the army.He studied in the school attached to the mosque when he was a teenager, and joined the army at the age of 19, and was promoted step by step from a soldier to a general. After the "September 30" incident in 1965, Suharto took over Sukarno's presidential power and served as the interim head of the army, the commander in charge of restoring law and order, the cabinet minister, and the army commander.From 1968 to 1998, he was elected president seven times and became Indonesia's political strongman. According to public opinion analysis, under Suharto's rule, Indonesia's political and social order was basically stable, and the Indonesian Communist Party had become history. At that time, he had decided to restore relations with China.However, when Suharto was in power, strict restrictive and discriminatory policies were implemented against overseas Chinese, and this situation continued until after he stepped down.The environment of Chinese Indonesians did not improve much until Megawati, the daughter of former President Sukarno, took over as president. However, in that one-on-one meeting, Suharto was friendly and in good spirits.I first conveyed the Chinese leader's greetings to him, introduced the situation of my talks with Modiono, and praised Indonesia's achievements in developing the national economy under his leadership. Suharto expressed his thanks and asked me to convey his greetings to the Chinese leaders.He said that Indonesia has always abided by the ten principles reached at the Bandung Conference, the most fundamental of which is mutual respect for sovereignty, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, and the development of equal relations.He said that after the "September 30" incident, Indonesia banned the Communist Party in the country, but this does not mean that Indonesia adopts a hostile policy or has any hostility towards the country ruled by the Communist Party.If the governments, peoples, and parties of the two countries adhere to the principles of peaceful coexistence, respect for sovereignty, and non-interference in each other's internal affairs, the road to developing substantive relations and cooperation between the two countries will be smooth.Suharto also said that Indonesia has always recognized the People's Republic of China.In the future, consultations in the political field should be conducted between our two countries, not through a third country.What needs to be done now is a small thing, which is to eliminate mutual suspicion between the two countries.He agrees that the permanent representatives of the two countries to the United Nations can continue to have contacts, and the foreign ministers of the two countries can also meet directly if necessary. I told him that China and Indonesia base their mutual relations on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, which is not only in the interests of the two countries, but also conducive to peace in Asia and the world, and will set an example for countries in the region. After a private meeting with Suharto, Modiono said solemnly that now it is time to resolve the most pressing issues.After hearing this, everyone felt puzzled at first, and then laughed again.What he meant was to let everyone "make it easier" before continuing to work.Perhaps because the talks between the two parties and the meeting with the president went very smoothly, he was in the mood to make a joke. Afterwards, the topic of discussion between the two sides was how to release the news of the meeting to the press.The Indonesian side suggested that the two sides jointly meet the journalists and issue a mutually agreed press release to the press.Therefore, we have drawn up a "three-point agreement" on the normalization of relations between the two countries: (1) Both sides agree to take further measures to realize the normalization of relations; (3) The two sides decided to conduct specific discussions on the normalization of relations between the two countries through the delegation to the United Nations. When necessary, the foreign ministers of the two countries will hold meetings. Modiono asked, if the reporter asked how the Tokyo meeting was realized, how should he answer?I said that it can be said that it was agreed through the United Nations channel.He asked again, if the reporter asked who took the initiative?I said that it can be said that both sides share this desire.I also suggest that the meeting with reporters this time is mainly to announce our common opinions, and the time should not be too long, so as to avoid interference from the outside world on our negotiations on the resumption of diplomatic ties. It was agreed that we will meet with the press together, and he will make an opening statement, announcing the above-mentioned "three points of agreement", and then I will make a supplementary explanation, expressing satisfaction with the meeting and emphasizing that the normalization of relations between the two countries has begun. Since no information was disclosed in advance, a press conference will be held after the talks, and it is impossible to notify all reporters in time.Reporters from some major Japanese media rushed to the scene one after another, but Chinese reporters did not have time to participate. The news released at this joint press conference became the front page headlines of major Japanese newspapers the next day, and the TV stations also quickly and repeatedly broadcast relevant scenes. Another victory for diplomacy" is an "epoch-making event" that will have a huge impact on peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. The Tokyo meeting between China and Indonesia has also attracted strong attention from Japanese officials.Prime Minister Takeshita welcomed this when he met with me.The Japanese Prime Minister, who likes to use numbers to explain problems, said that six countries with a population of more than 100 million in the world are in Asia. Apart from China, there are India, Indonesia, Japan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan.Now, all major Asian countries with a population of more than 100 million have established diplomatic relations with China. This is a major event that deserves celebration.The Tokyo meeting between the leaders of China and Indonesia was a successful "funeral diplomacy" of China. After the Tokyo meeting, in order to speed up the process of normalizing relations between the two countries, we discussed with the Indonesian side through the channel of the United Nations, focusing on how to resolve the issue of resuming diplomatic relations.We suggest that the two sides first issue a communiqué on the resumption of diplomatic ties in an appropriate manner. We are willing to listen to the opinions and suggestions of the other party on issues such as the content of the communiqué, who will sign it, and when it will be published.Regarding the specific issues that need to be discussed and resolved in the relationship between the two countries, further consultations can be conducted after the resumption of diplomatic relations. However, in June 1989, political turmoil occurred in Beijing.The United States and some Western countries have set off an anti-China wave internationally.In just one month, the US government and Congress have issued statements or passed resolutions four times, attacking China, and announced a series of sanctions such as suspending the exchange of visits between senior officials between China and the US and preventing international organizations from lending to China.The two "clubs of rich countries" in the world, the European Community and the Summit of the Seven Western Countries, also successively issued statements criticizing China, and announced the suspension of high-level contacts with China and the freezing of cooperation projects under negotiation. Under such circumstances, Indonesia has shown a wait-and-see attitude towards the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In the face of the complex and severe international environment, China's diplomacy adheres to principles, is pragmatic and flexible, and responds calmly in the international arena. It quickly broke the sanctions imposed by Western countries and won the understanding of more and more countries. The country changed its position and restored friendly relations with China. At this time, Indonesia's attitude towards the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries became positive again.In addition to continuing to maintain contact through the United Nations channel, the two sides also took advantage of some international occasions to exchange views on how to complete the formalities for the resumption of diplomatic relations as soon as possible. In August 1989, while attending the Paris Conference on Cambodia, I met with Foreign Minister Alatas.This is the first meeting between foreign ministers of the two countries since their meeting in Tokyo in February. Alatas told me that the Tokyo meeting has made a decision at the highest level to normalize relations between the two countries, and what remains is to reach an agreement on necessary technical issues.From the Indonesian side, the preparations for the resumption of diplomatic relations are nearly complete. The permanent representatives of the two countries to the United Nations can continue to negotiate before the current UN General Assembly. During the UN General Assembly, the foreign ministers of the two countries will meet again. I said that as soon as the time is right, we should hurry up and complete this work.I also suggested that since the Chinese permanent representative to the United Nations is not very familiar with technical issues, it is possible to consider opening up another channel while the United Nations representative maintains contact, and the two sides send a team to discuss directly, either in Beijing or Jakarta, so as to solve the problem It's easier. In early October, Alatas and I met again in New York. The two sides agreed that a delegation of seven or eight members led by department-level officials from their respective foreign ministries would meet in Jakarta in November or December to discuss and resolve technical issues concerning the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries. .If necessary, a second meeting can be held in Beijing. After an agreement is reached and approved by the two governments, the communiqué on the resumption of diplomatic relations can be formally signed.At the same time, the two sides also agreed to exchange lists of issues to be discussed through their respective representatives to the United Nations before the end of October. From December 4th to 8th, Xu Dunxin, Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs and Director of the Department of Asian Affairs, held talks in Jakarta with Rohana Pesi, Director General of Political Affairs of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the normalization of bilateral relations.The two sides reviewed the treaties and agreements concluded by the two countries in the past, and discussed the convenience for each other when the two sides re-established embassies, the size and number of their respective embassies, issues of dual nationality and overseas Chinese, issues of debts owed to China by Indonesia and repayment issues, and bilateral discuss other issues in the relationship. Frankly speaking, at that time there were many technical issues in the negotiations between China and Indonesia, and they were quite complicated, and it would take a lot of time to resolve them one by one. We consider that Indonesia is the leader of the ASEAN countries and plays a pivotal role in the ASEAN countries. Trying to resume diplomatic relations with Indonesia as soon as possible will not only drive the other two ASEAN countries Singapore and Brunei to establish diplomatic relations with China, but also help to further open up our relations with ASEAN countries. It can also effectively contain the "flexible diplomacy" that the Taiwan authorities are trying to promote, and break the sanctions imposed on China by Western countries.For this reason, we adopt the policy of "adhering to principles and being appropriately flexible" in the negotiations on technical issues in the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries. For some more complicated issues, we generally agree on principles and reserve them for continued negotiations after the resumption of diplomatic relations. After several rounds of talks, the two sides reached consensus on several major issues and signed the meeting minutes.The talks had a friendly atmosphere and progressed smoothly.Since we had an accurate understanding of the problem before the talks and the constructive plan we put forward, the other party felt our sincerity, and the technical issues related to the resumption of diplomatic relations were basically resolved. In March and May 1990, the expert groups of the two sides held several meetings in Beijing and Hong Kong on the amount of debt owed by Indonesia and the method of repayment. Through verification and negotiation, an agreement was finally reached. So far, the negotiations on all technical issues in the process of resuming diplomatic relations between the two countries have successfully concluded. On July 1, 1990, Foreign Minister Alatas visited China at my invitation.This is the first visit to China by an Indonesian foreign minister since the two countries broke off diplomatic relations in October 1967. When meeting him, General Secretary Jiang Zemin said that the dark clouds that had hung over the two countries for as long as 23 years have passed, and the sunny days have come. During the visit, I held two rounds of talks with Alatas.On the afternoon of the day when the delegation arrived, according to the proposal of the Indonesian side, the foreign ministers of the two countries had a "separate meeting" on the issue of resuming diplomatic relations. Alatas said straight to the point that after the meeting in Tokyo last February, after several technical talks, the issues related to the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries have been resolved.Regarding the time and method of the resumption of diplomatic relations, President Suharto instructed that it should be completed at an appropriate time within this year.Alatas emphasized that since the two countries established diplomatic relations in the 1950s, it is not the establishment of diplomatic relations, but the resumption of diplomatic relations, that is, the reopening of the embassy.Therefore, the method can be simpler, in the form of exchanging notes, and of course, the ceremony can be more grand to emphasize its importance.He said that President Suharto intends to invite Premier Li Peng to visit Indonesia, and the resumption of diplomatic relations can be announced during this visit.访问时间可在8月17日印尼独立日之前，也可在今年其他双方方便的时间。 阿拉塔斯还说，考虑到外界对他此次访华十分重视，双方有必要签署一项公报，内容包括两国关系正常化日期、互派大使和李鹏总理访问印尼等内容，同时还可发表一项新闻公报。他向我提交了复交公报和新闻公报文本，供中方考虑。我当即表示，同意以互换照会的方式来实现复交，赞赏苏哈托总统把复交和高层访问结合起来的建议。 紧接着，双方举行了第一轮正式会谈，会谈的重点却是柬埔寨问题。 阿拉塔斯说，印尼和中国都致力于政治解决柬埔寨问题。雅加达曾几次是关于柬埔寨问题非正式会晤的地点，试图为柬埔寨问题的解决寻求一个大致的框架。因在停火方式、由谁主持国际监督机构、过渡时期政权和越南移民等问题上，与会各方没能达成一致意见而陷入困境，如今不得不休会。但雅加达的这些会晤，导致了巴黎国际会议的召开。他认为，去年巴黎会议的基本精神，是柬埔寨问题必须得到全面解决，现在的问题是，太多的厨师都来做同一道菜，有关各方又提出不同的新方案，结果使柬埔寨问题的和平解决失去了势头和方向。他强调，停火必须同全面解决联系在一起，要警惕部分解决的危险。他希望中国继续做西哈努克、宋双、乔森潘三派的工作，劝说各方下定决心，面对核心问题，接受公正、合理的妥协。 我说，我们对印尼为政治解决柬埔寨问题所做出的努力表示赞赏。在寻求政治解决柬埔寨问题上，中国和印尼有很多共识。我们赞成印尼关于柬埔寨问题必须全面解决的立场。任何部分解决，都不可能使这一问题得到真正的解决，相反，还将留下很多后遗症。我表示，中国将尽力做柬埔寨抵抗力量三方的工作，希望柬埔寨问题能在巴黎会议的框架内获得全面解决。 第二天，我们举行了第二轮正式会谈。这次是就两国复交问题进行磋商，并十分顺利地达成了几点一致：（一）双方决定于1990年8月8日恢复两国外交关系，同意互派大使，并为对方大使馆的重新开设提供方便。（二）李鹏总理将在两国复交之际于1990年8月6日至9日对印尼进行正式友好访问。（三）关于台湾问题，中方赞赏印尼一贯坚持一个中国的立场，但这对中国是一个敏感问题，有必要达成内部谅解。如需要进一步讨论，中方可于7月之前派小组赴印尼磋商，就此达成内部谅解备忘录，李鹏总理访问印尼时签署。（四）鉴于阿拉塔斯希望李鹏总理访问印尼时双方签署贸易协定，中方向印尼方提交了协定草案供对方研究。（五）双方商定7月3日签署复交公报，并共同举行记者招待会。 阿拉塔斯表示，印尼理解台湾问题对中国的重要性，相信能找出适当的文字加以表述，并同意中方派小组就内部谅解备忘录进行磋商。在整个会谈过程中，阿拉塔斯与在雅加达的穆迪奥诺不断通电话，保持联系。这表明复交谈判是在苏哈托直接遥控下进行的。 7月3日下午6时，在钓鱼台国宾馆芳菲园，举行了中国、印尼两国复交公报和关于解决印尼所欠中国债务问题协定的签字仪式。上百名记者涌到现场，采访了这一重要事件。 整个签字仪式不过十多分钟，可这包含着双方多年来的艰苦努力。中国、印尼关系从此揭开了新的篇章。 签字仪式后，我和阿拉塔斯联合举行了记者招待会。 我首先宣布，1950年建立、以后又中断23年之久的中国和印尼的外交关系将于1990年8月8日恢复。两国人民长久以来的共同愿望终于实现了。我强调，亚太地区两个人口最多的国家关系正常化，必然会对这个地区的和平、稳定与发展产生深远的、积极的影响。这件大事之所以能够顺利完成，是由于两国领导人的远见卓识。我相信，不久以后李鹏总理对印尼的访问，将使得复交后的两国关系充满新的活力。 阿拉塔斯接着说，今天我们所取得的重大进展，预示着两国关系将开始新的一页，两国复交不仅符合两国人民利益，而且将对亚洲地区的和平与稳定做出重大贡献。他还说，我们这次迈出了重要的一步，李鹏总理即将对印尼的访问将是历史性的，一定会把两国关系推向高峰。 接着，我们分别回答了记者的提问。 有记者问，新加坡方面曾表示，只有等中国同印尼恢复外交关系以后，才同中国建立外交关系，现在中国和印尼已经复交，中国方面是否已着手同新加坡建立外交关系的工作？我回答说，中国方面和新加坡方面，目前都在着手准备这一工作。 在回答印尼同中国复交之后两国间经济合作问题时，阿拉塔斯说，在1985年，印尼和中国就建立了直接贸易往来，从那以后，两国贸易关系得到了显著发展。现在关系恢复之后，要做的一件事就是，准备拟定新的贸易协定，双方都已经为此做了准备。印尼和中国，作为亚太地区两个重要国家，在经济领域的合作不仅限于贸易领域，复交之后，在别的领域的交往也必然会有发展。已经得到发展的贸易，当然会得到更大的发展。 还有记者问，印尼与台湾有着广泛的贸易和投资关系，印尼和中国之间是否已确定了某些原则和规定来处理此类事务。阿拉塔斯说，同其他东盟国家不同，印尼在50年代就同中国建立了外交关系，而且是基于坚定的一个中国的政策基础上，甚至在两国关系中断时，也没有改变。印尼与中国建立外交关系之后，以及关系暂时中断期间，印尼都同台湾有着经济和贸易关系，但印尼一直继续坚持一个中国的立场。印尼承认只有一个中国，这就是中华人民共和国。 中国和印尼的复交，在国际上，特别在东盟国家中，引起了良好反响。新加坡外交部于7月4日发表声明，欢迎中国和印尼实现两国关系正常化，并重申，一旦中国和印尼实现关系正常化，新加坡将与中国正式建立外交关系。泰国外交部表示，中国与印尼复交，将有助于东盟与中国之间各方面关系更趋完善和全面发展，并将使东盟与中国在国际事务中的合作，尤其是在柬埔寨问题上的立场，更趋一致。菲律宾等国官方及舆论也纷纷发表谈话或评论，欢迎中国与印尼复交。 在同印尼恢复外交关系的推动下，我国于1990年10月和1991年9月，先后同新加坡和文莱建立了外交关系。至此，我国实现了同东盟成员国全部建立外交关系。1991年7月，东盟首次邀请我出席在马来西亚举行的第二十四届东盟外长会议开幕式并与东盟六国外长磋商；1994年7月，东盟接纳中国参加“东盟地区论坛”；1996年7月，中国成为东盟的正式对话伙伴；1997年底，我们与东盟建立了“面向21世纪的睦邻互信伙伴关系”；2002年11月，中国与东盟十国领导人签署了《中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议》，决定于2010年建成中国与东盟自由贸易区。双方还签署了或发表了《南海各方行为宣言》、《中国与东盟关于非传统安全领域合作联合宣言》等文件。我国同东盟国家关系进入了一个新的发展时期。