Chapter 3 Chapter 3 Fly to Baghdad

On August 2, 1990, the Gulf crisis broke out.Iraq aggressively invaded and occupied neighboring Kuwait, and before long, officially annexed it.For a while, countries were in an uproar and the whole world was shocked. Although the incident was sudden, it was not without trace.In late July of this year, I happened to be visiting Saudi Arabia and was about to sign the communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Saudi Arabia.On the first day of the visit, I held talks with Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal, and everything went smoothly. The two sides agreed to formally sign the communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations the next day.On the second day, the minister suddenly disappeared, and he could not be found throughout the day, and the communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations could not be signed as scheduled.The Saudi side only said that the foreign minister had urgent matters to deal with today.We are confused and worried whether the establishment of diplomatic relations has changed.In the evening, Prince Faisal suddenly appeared again, and the two sides completed the signing of the communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations that night as agreed.Prince Faisal told me that the reason why he could not sign the communiqué as scheduled was because King Fahd asked him to rush to Iraq and Kuwait that day to mediate the conflicts between the two countries.At that time, the Iraqi-Korean conflict had become public, but none of the parties expected that the situation would quickly evolve into a war of arms.

The conflict between Iraq and Kuwait has a long history.Historically, both Iraq and Kuwait were part of the Ottoman Empire and were later ruled by the British. Iraq became independent in 1921, and Kuwait did not declare independence until 1961.During the Ottoman Empire, Kuwait was once a county in Basra Province, which is probably the historical reason why Iraq coveted Kuwait.The border between the two countries has not been fully demarcated since independence, and border disputes will arise from time to time.Kuwait is a small country with few people, but it is rich in oil resources. After eight years of the Iran-Iraq War, Iraq owes a lot of debts, a considerable part of which is owed to Kuwait.After entering 1990, the dispute between the two countries over the price of oil intensified.Arab states have been trying unsuccessfully to mediate the dispute between the two countries.Now, Iraq is taking advantage of the Kuwait's vacation in Europe in summer, and suddenly sent troops to capture Kuwait.

Both Iraq and Kuwait are developing countries and have friendly relations with China.This time, Iraq's military invasion and occupation of Kuwait is a serious violation of the norms governing international relations and must not be allowed.The spokesperson of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement on the same day, expressing the position of the Chinese government and calling for the settlement of the dispute through peaceful negotiations. On August 4, Vice Foreign Minister Yang Fuchang urgently summoned the Iraqi and Kuwaiti envoys to China, calling on Iraq to withdraw its troops as soon as possible, the sooner the better; and hoped that the two fraternal Arab countries could resolve their differences through negotiations. On the 22nd, when I met with visiting Kuwaiti Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Prince Al-Sabah, regarding Iraq's announcement of annexing Kuwait, I emphasized that China firmly opposes Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait.No matter what pretext Iraq uses, an armed invasion is unacceptable.We strongly demand that Iraq withdraw its troops unconditionally, and Kuwait's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity should be respected and restored.

After the sudden attack in Kuwait, protecting the Chinese citizens there is an urgent and arduous task, and the Chinese embassy in Kuwait has made great efforts to this end.At that time, there were nearly 5,000 Chinese laborers and expatriates in Kuwait.Due to the deteriorating situation, they have lost their minimum working and living conditions.On August 29, we evacuated all Chinese citizens to a safe place, including many compatriots from Taiwan and Hong Kong.Taiwan has a commercial representative office in Kuwait. After the war broke out, the person in charge of that agency fled and went to save his own life. More than 100 Taiwan compatriots had no choice but to seek help from our embassy, ​​and we fully met their requirements.There are also some Hong Kong compatriots who hold British passports, which will not only no longer work at that time, but will also bring more danger.They also found the Chinese embassy, ​​and we all tried to assist them so that they could evacuate safely.

The Gulf is a strategic location. Once a crisis occurs there, it will inevitably affect the stability of the entire world situation. The United Nations quickly responded.The Security Council held an emergency meeting on August 2 and passed Resolution 660, which condemned Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and demanded the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops. China voted in favor of it.Later, the Security Council passed a series of resolutions, imposing comprehensive sanctions on Iraq and a sea and air blockade, and also established a special committee, the 661 Committee, to review the implementation of the resolutions.China is in favor of all these measures.

The Arab world is even more anxious about this crisis. They don't want to see a situation where brothers fight against the wall.Gulf countries have conducted emergency diplomatic mediation and put forward many plans and suggestions.However, due to the different interests and positions of Arab countries, there are many differences on how to solve this crisis, and all efforts have failed to make progress. When the Gulf crisis broke out, the Soviet Union was falling into increasingly serious domestic political and economic difficulties. At this time, the United States responded most strongly. On August 7, US President Bush formally signed the action plan for sending troops to the Gulf, and immediately began to dispatch troops to the Gulf region to increase the military power in this region on a large scale.

For a while, the clouds of war were thick and the situation was critical. By October of that year, instead of easing up, the situation in the Gulf had slipped to the brink of war step by step. During this period of time, in order to seek a peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis, all parties in the world are engaged in intense diplomatic activities.As a big country, especially one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, China's importance in maintaining world peace and regional stability has begun to emerge. Many Arab countries sent envoys to China.The foreign ministers of Kuwait, Jordan and Saudi Arabia successively paid working visits to Beijing.Iraq also sent its First Deputy Prime Minister Ramadan to present the Iraqi side's point of view.

The more important diplomatic arena is at the United Nations. From late September to early October of that year, I went to New York to attend the 45th session of the United Nations General Assembly.At the Security Council foreign ministerial meeting on September 25, I expounded China's position on the Gulf issue and called on Iraq to face up to the strong desire of the international community, adopt an attitude of cooperation with the Security Council, immediately stop its occupation of Kuwait and withdraw its troops from Kuwait.I pointed out that the Chinese government advocates a peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis, supports the role played by the Security Council, welcomes the continued mediation and good offices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and supports the extensive efforts of the Arab countries on the basis of relevant resolutions of the Security Council.I also pointed out that in principle, China does not approve of the military involvement of major powers in the Gulf, because it will only make the situation more complicated, and I call on the relevant countries to exercise maximum restraint.In response to the Security Council's just-passed Resolution 670 imposing an air embargo on Iraq, I also emphasized that relevant countries must strictly abide by the relevant provisions of international law when implementing the resolution, and strictly prevent any actions that endanger the safety of civil aircraft and the people on board.

During the UN General Assembly, the Chinese delegation borrowed a consultation room of less than 30 square meters from the Non-Aligned Movement countries as a meeting room, which became a central place for multilateral diplomatic consultations and dialogues.In that hut, I met foreign ministers or leaders of more than 60 countries in an endless stream, and the Gulf crisis was the main topic. After meeting more than a dozen foreign ministers in the Middle East, my general feeling is that most countries are worried about the possible outbreak of war and firmly oppose Iraq's annexation of Kuwait, but they have different opinions on how to resolve this crisis.Some time ago, countries tried to resolve the crisis in the Arab way, but with little success.They all appreciate China's position and hope that China can play a greater role at this time.

The Secretary-General of the United Nations, de Cuellar, told me that no matter whether the war is fought in the name of the United Nations or by the United States itself, it should be avoided.If the United States insists on going it alone, it will be even more dangerous.He said the Korean War was a bad experience.He does not believe that the United States will hand over the military to the command of the United Nations. When talking with Soviet Foreign Minister Shevardnadze, he told me that what the Soviet Union is currently worried about is the more than 5,000 oil and other experts stranded there.The Soviet Union once sent Primakov, who was familiar with Middle East affairs, as a special envoy to Baghdad twice. In terms of mediation, he returned without success and only completed one task, which was to facilitate the return of Soviet experts.He said that it is difficult for the Soviet Union to play a role in the current situation of the division of Arab countries.

At this time, the United States was actively planning for the Security Council to authorize the use of force against Iraq.The United States, together with several other Western countries, on the one hand expressed appreciation for China's position, and on the other hand tried to ask China to follow their steps. When I met with French Foreign Minister Dumas, when I suggested that France should use its influence in Iraq to urge Iraq to withdraw its troops from Kuwait, the foreign minister made a helpless expression and said that sometimes friends are not obedient.I emphasized to the foreign ministers of Western countries that the Security Council has passed many resolutions and that more time should be allowed for mediation by the United Nations, Arab countries and other parties.China voted in favor of all Security Council resolutions on sanctions against Iraq, which is not easy, because three of the five permanent members of the Security Council are still imposing sanctions on China, which is an abnormal state. On October 15, King Hussein of Jordan proposed to our ambassador in Jordan that he hoped that China would send a high-level special envoy to visit Iraq and the Gulf region.Previously, Oman and Palestine also made similar proposals. Looking at the overall situation of the world and focusing on the peace of the Gulf, the central government decided that I would visit the Middle East from November 6th to 12th, and visit Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Iraq as a special envoy. After the 1980s, China advocated the implementation of an independent foreign policy. From the perspective of national security and interests, it focused on improving bilateral relations with neighboring countries, and based on its own vital interests, it established relations with other countries in the world, including Western countries. normal state relations. In the Middle East, China has no direct interests, let alone seeks any self-interest. It has a special status and is deeply trusted and respected by Arab countries.At the same time, as a major developing country, China is gaining more and more voice and influence in major international affairs.Visiting the Middle East at this time to seek the possibility of a peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis has far-reaching significance for enhancing China's international status and expanding its influence in the region.The maintenance of world peace is the consistent purpose of China's diplomacy. Every effort to avoid war, no matter what the final result, is also China's contribution to the cause of world peace. In this way, I became the only foreign minister of a permanent member of the Security Council who visited Baghdad during the Gulf crisis. In view of the complicated situation at that time, we formulated the policy of the visit: no solution, no mediator, extensively listen to the opinions of all parties, persuade Iraq to withdraw its troops from Kuwait, and strive for a peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis. At the preparatory meeting for the visit, I emphasized that different countries should have different talking points.Iraq is the focus of this visit, and we want to make it clear to the Iraqi side that it is unacceptable to forcefully occupy the territory of other countries for any reason.The current situation is grim. It is in Iraq's interest to avoid war, and the Iraqi side should respond accordingly.For Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, we should fully understand and sympathize with their situation, express China's just position of opposing aggression and upholding justice, and at the same time explain that a military solution is not the best choice for them, and that the crisis should be resolved in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council.As for Jordan and Egypt, the main purpose is to understand their actual attitudes towards Iraq and to jointly explore the possibility of peacefully resolving the Gulf crisis. Our original order of visits was Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt.After the United States learned of my upcoming visit, it immediately proposed that Secretary of State Baker, who was going to visit Egypt, hoped to arrange a meeting with me in Cairo. At this time, the United States realized that they needed a vote from China, one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, on the issue of authorizing the use of force against Iraq.This vote is crucial. On the morning of October 31, the US sent a message from Washington, saying that Secretary Baker would visit the Middle East on November 3 and hoped to arrange a meeting with me in Cairo, Egypt, on the afternoon of the 6th.We agreed.Not long after, the US submitted another "non-paper" (Note), stating that the meeting between the foreign ministers of the two countries in Cairo on November 6 would be beneficial and would help strengthen the five permanent members of the Security Council on the need for Iraq to withdraw its troops from Kuwait. And restore the unanimous position of Kuwaiti sovereignty so that a peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis is possible. Therefore, we adjusted the order of our visits to Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Iraq.Later, Saudi Arabia also proposed that King Fahd also very much hoped to meet with me in Jeddah, a port city in western Saudi Arabia, after my visit to Iraq.In this way, the final itinerary is set as: Beijing - Cairo - Taif - Riyadh - Amman - Baghdad - Jeddah - Beijing. In the past, I usually took a commercial flight when visiting abroad. However, due to the sanctions imposed by the United Nations, there were no international flights in and out of Iraq.At first, we planned to fly over Turkey to Iraq, but for some reason, the Turkish side declined.We changed our route, entered from Jordan, and returned home via Saudi Arabia. We left Beijing at 9:00 am on November 6th. The Boeing 767 aircraft was refueled and flew for 12 hours. It arrived in Cairo at 3:30 pm local time.Baker also arrived in Cairo that morning and left just in the afternoon.So, at Cairo Airport, the visiting Chinese foreign minister "coincidentally ran into" the US Secretary of State. At that time, the United States was still imposing so-called sanctions on China, and the two sides had not yet resumed their high-level meeting.After the Gulf crisis, the United States needed China's cooperation, and the contacts and exchanges between the two sides increased rapidly. In fact, the Cairo meeting was the fourth meeting between the foreign ministers of China and the United States since the summer of 1989. On the day Iraq invaded Kuwait, the US ambassador to China, Li Jieming, introduced the US position to the Chinese side and understood our attitude. From August 4th to 5th, the United States sent Assistant Secretary of State Solomon to Beijing to exchange views with China on the situation in the Gulf.President Bush wrote to Chairman Yang Shangkun more than once, seeking cooperation from China.Secretary of State Baker has also sent me letters or messages to me many times.Baker and I met on the sidelines of the Paris Conference on Cambodia in July 1989 and the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York in September of the same year. In September 1990, they also met during the 45th session of the United Nations General Assembly.During that meeting, the Gulf crisis was the main content of our discussions.The US originally wanted to issue a joint statement with China on the Gulf crisis. We considered that based on the Sino-US relations at the time, it was not advisable to have a joint statement on the Gulf issue alone, and we did not agree.Baker had a private conversation with me about some of the major fundamental considerations for the United States regarding the Gulf issue.He told me that if, after many months, the sanctions were ineffective, the use of force would have to be considered.The United States will ask the United Nations to authorize multilateral military operations.If the UN does not authorize it, the US will have to invoke Article 51 of the UN Charter and act alone. During the meeting in Cairo, the United States really wanted to know exactly our attitude on the issue of the use of force authorized by the UN Security Council. With the assistance of the Egyptian side, I met Baker at the VIP room of Cairo Airport at 4:00 p.m. and talked for an hour and a half. Baker expressed his appreciation for China's role in resolving the Gulf crisis.He said the United States has no intention of permanently stationing troops in the Gulf.After the crisis is resolved, the United States will withdraw its troops immediately, leaving only the naval forces that have been stationed there since 1949.If I can make Saddam Hussein realize that China will eventually support the passage of a resolution authorizing the use of all appropriate means to implement Security Council resolutions during my visit to Iraq, it will increase the chances of a peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis.He also said that the United States will continue to implement the sanctions that have been in place for three months and is preparing to send more troops to the Gulf to exert political, economic and military pressure.If the sanctions are ineffective, it is hoped that China will not obstruct the authorization to take all necessary actions against Iraq, including military actions. I explained to him that the main purpose of my visit this time is to discuss with the leaders of relevant Arab countries the possibility of a peaceful solution to the Gulf crisis. There is no "solution" and no authorization for mediation. Persuading Iraqi leaders.I will tell them frankly that they are faced with a final choice, either withdraw their troops from Kuwait unconditionally, or suffer a serious disaster.I said that the current situation in the Gulf is very serious, and the danger of war is increasing. At the same time, international calls for a peaceful solution to the crisis are also growing.The Chinese government is deeply worried and uneasy about the situation in the Gulf. As for Sino-US relations, I said that although there are some differences between the two sides, the cooperation between the two sides on this issue is still good.We believe this is the key to the peaceful resolution of the Gulf crisis.I emphasized to Baker that as long as there is still hope for peace, even if there is only a glimmer of hope, the international community should strive to solve problems through peaceful means. Baker and I also exchanged ideas on other solutions.I told him that like many Arab countries, China also believes that it is unrealistic to solve Iraq's occupation of Kuwait and many problems in the Middle East together, and such a connection is not beneficial.However, if the United States can emphasize its concerns about the Middle East issue, it will help to relieve the misgivings of many Arab countries.This would go a long way in winning over the Arab people without diverting attention from resolving the Gulf crisis. Regarding the "partial solution" that some countries are considering, Baker explained that it refers to the withdrawal of Iraqi troops, but in exchange for the entire Rumaila oil field or Bubiyan Island and other outlets to the sea, or that the legal government of Kuwait is not restored on the grounds that it is not democratic. .Baker said the United States opposed such a plan because it would be a reward for Iraqi aggression.He also said that some people suggested that an international conference on the Middle East should be held immediately after the withdrawal of Iraqi troops.Egypt and other countries are firmly opposed to this, believing that this will make Saddam Hussein a "hero" in resolving the Middle East issue.The United States will abide by its commitment to Israel's security, but will also work with Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Morocco and other countries to promote the Middle East peace process. During the meeting, the United States was most concerned about our attitude towards the use of force authorized by the Security Council.Baker believes that the current sanctions against Iraq are the most severe in history, but he does not know whether this can force Iraq to withdraw its troops.He asked me, how much time does China think the sanctions should be given, and if the sanctions are ineffective, can other means be considered?I replied that it is difficult for people to make a precise estimate of the time it will take for sanctions to take effect, and that countries have different circumstances and different views.China hopes that those big countries that have influence on the world will take a longer view.The time required for a peaceful settlement may be longer, but the aftermath will be less.I also asked him, when the US sent troops to Saudi Arabia, it said its purpose was to protect the security of Saudi Arabia, and now the Emir of Kuwait has asked the US military to liberate Kuwait.If the United States takes military action for this purpose, can it be limited to the territory of Kuwait?Baker replied that to liberate Kuwait would necessarily require military action against Iraq itself. Through this meeting, we have a basic understanding of the intentions of the US side.In fact, Baker and I spent a considerable amount of time discussing how to improve bilateral relations and reached an understanding on mutual visits between the foreign ministers of the two countries.In this regard, he is unwilling to announce to the outside world, and I do not force it.Later, the news released to the outside world only said that the two sides held consultations on the Gulf issue. After meeting Baker, I officially began my visit to the Middle East. China has long-term contacts with the Arab world. Banchao of the Eastern Han Dynasty once sent Gan Ying as an envoy to Daqin, but they stopped at Tiaozhi.Daqin was the Roman Empire at that time, and Tiaozhi was now Iraq and Syria.Gan Ying failed to reach his destination in the end. I have visited Arab countries in the Middle East many times, but this time the mood is different.The danger of war is imminent. All people who have lived in war-torn times will cherish peace very much and know the cruelty of war.As long as there is a glimmer of hope for peace, it should not be given up. On the morning of November 7, I met with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Majid successively in Cairo.The relationship between China and Egypt is friendly, and the leaders of the two countries have also communicated for many years, and the conversations were candid and unrestrained.The Egyptian side stated that Iraq's invasion of Kuwait was a long-planned event and that it used deceitful tactics. On July 24, President Mubarak visited Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.During the talks with Saddam, he was told that Iraq would not take military action against Kuwait.Mubarak conveyed this to the Kuwaiti leaders, and together with King Fahd of Saudi Arabia, arranged a meeting between the leaders of Iraq and Kuwait in Jeddah.On the second day of the meeting, Iraq began to attack Kuwait.From the very beginning of the crisis, Egypt advised Iraq to withdraw its troops from Kuwait and restore the legitimate government of Kuwait, but was repeatedly rejected.The current situation is very dangerous. The United States has huge military power. If it launches an attack, Iraq will have no chance to fight back.At this point, Saddam's aides did not provide him with the correct information.Therefore, the Egyptian side hopes that I can make Saddam realize the seriousness of the situation, and let him understand that not withdrawing troops will bring huge disasters to himself and the entire Iraqi country. It's a military strike. I promised the Egyptian side that I would point out the way out to the Egyptian side to preserve their own country.I also hope that Egypt will continue to make efforts to resolve the crisis peacefully by using its influence in the Middle East.I asked Mubarak if war broke out, would the Middle East be in turmoil for a long time?He replied that if there was a war, it would involve the entire region, but Israel would not be involved in it.I asked him again, is it possible to resolve the crisis without bloodshed?He replied that Iraq withdrew from Kuwait.The problem now is that there is no such thing as saving face in Iraq, but Saddam does not accept any sensible course of action.If he does not respond to the call of the international community, he will be hit hard, and then the problem of Kuwait's occupation will be resolved. In the evening, we left Cairo, Egypt, and flew to Taif, a small city in western Saudi Arabia.Taif is a mountain city with a comfortable climate and a peaceful environment. It is a summer resort in Saudi Arabia.None of our crew members flew there, so the pilot had to check the charts and fly over. After Iraq invaded and occupied Kuwait, the princes and nobles of Kuwait fled here and were placed in a local high-end hotel. The entire government also moved here. A minister with a room is also a government department.The luxurious style of the past is gone. That night, I met with Emir Jaber and Crown Prince and Prime Minister Saad of Kuwait and listened to their grievances. Jabir appeared to be physically weak, and he spoke in a weak, slow voice.He condemned the Iraqi leaders for treachery, deliberately occupying Kuwait, and refusing to implement all resolutions of the Security Council.He said that the world cannot accept Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, and Iraq's attempt to erase Kuwait from the map is absolutely impossible.Saddam is playing tricks in the name of Arab countries. Therefore, it is worthless for Arab countries to propose a solution to the crisis.Saddam is massacring the people of Kuwait. If this continues, the people of Kuwait will be wiped out in a short time.Iraq can no longer be given more opportunities, and more pressure must be exerted on it to force it to implement the resolutions of the Security Council. I reiterated to him that China firmly supports the legal regime of Kuwait and is very sympathetic to the huge disaster suffered by Kuwait.What Iraq has done has been widely condemned by the international community, and it is in a very isolated situation.Small tricks played by Iraq, such as releasing a few hostages, cannot alleviate its plight, and the only way out is to withdraw troops from Kuwait.If Iraq insists on going down the road of self-destruction, it will be to blame. Probably because of his health, Jaber did not speak much, and the meeting ended after 35 minutes. Afterwards, I continued my talks with Crown Prince Saad.Saad was physically strong and full of vigor, and he spoke impassionedly, appearing quite resentful and tenacious.He expounded Kuwait's views and wishes on whether the Security Council should take new tough measures to force Iraq to withdraw its troops.He said that since Iraq invaded Kuwait, the Security Council has passed many resolutions, but economic sanctions have had little effect, and it can even be said that they have failed.Kuwait is a small country, and the crisis is getting worse day by day, so it cannot be delayed for long.The Security Council should consider taking new measures to force Iraq to withdraw its troops from Kuwait. It is hoped that friendly countries including China will use all means to save the Kuwaiti people. I reviewed China's vote in favor of and serious implementation of the ten Security Council resolutions, and told him that the sanctions against Iraq were working and, over time, would be doing more and more. Maybe he felt that I didn't express my position on "taking all means", so he immediately turned a corner and proposed that the United Nations should set a timetable for sanctions, or discuss new resolutions and propose measures to force Iraq to withdraw its troops.He asked me, is China more willing to determine the timing of the sanctions?At this time, the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Kuwait, Al-Sabah, who accompanied the meeting, interjected that he hoped that China would not appear as a mediator, but to make the Iraqi leaders understand that Iraq must implement the resolutions of the Security Council in order to avoid the fate of extinction. I agree with that.I told them that an agreement had been reached with US Secretary of State Baker on this and that Iraq would not be given any latitude to exploit. The crown prince didn't seem to understand the foreign minister's intention to intervene, and still asked, if Saddam does not implement the resolution, will the Security Council discuss measures to force Iraq to implement the resolution?I smiled and said, "I think so." The Crown Prince understood what I meant, was satisfied, and asked no further questions.And so the conversation ended. After meeting with the Kuwaiti leaders, I rushed to Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia overnight, and it was already midnight when I arrived. The next afternoon, I held talks with Foreign Minister Faisal.He told me that Saudi Arabia does not want war and is working hard for peace. Whether it is war or peace now depends entirely on Iraq.But the current facts show that Iraq does not want to withdraw its troops from Kuwait.Saudi Arabia hopes that China will support all measures, including military means, to force Iraq to withdraw its troops if necessary.Faisal also strongly criticized the positions of Jordan, Palestine and Yemen on the Gulf crisis.I briefed him on meeting with Baker, Egyptian and Kuwaiti leaders.I made it clear that China will continue to make efforts based on its consistent position of supporting justice. On the evening of November 9, I flew to Jordan again.The next morning, he held talks with Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Qasim, and met with King Hussein at noon. Jordan's attitude towards this matter is not exactly the same as that of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait.The Jordanian leader told me that Jordan has also been calling for the withdrawal of Iraqi troops and the immediate release of the hostages, advocating that the crisis should be resolved within the international framework and within the Arab framework.The problem is that some parties are exerting enormous pressure to make it impossible to continue the peace effort.Some people are pushing the Arab countries to take action, the purpose of which is to attempt to usurp regional resources. King Hussein also complained that the international community only imposed an embargo on Iraq, and no one had a dialogue with him.Then, he expressed his appreciation for China's principled position, and hoped that I could have a direct dialogue with Iraqi leaders in a better and more acceptable way for the Iraqi side. I pointed out to them that China has no self-interest in the Gulf crisis, but only hopes that the crisis can be resolved peacefully.If the Gulf crisis can be resolved better, it will create conditions for solving other problems in the Middle East.I also emphasized that if a war breaks out, it will be a devastating disaster for Iraq, and Iraq's neighboring countries will also be implicated.At present, the international community has reached a consensus on resolving the Gulf crisis. If Iraq can take some flexible actions, especially on the issue of troop withdrawal, it will help the international community's efforts for a peaceful solution. At noon on November 11, I flew to Baghdad.Due to the imposition of sanctions, Baghdad's airport was empty and there was no plane in sight. It was completely different from the busy scene of planes taking off and landing and crowds flowing in and out of Baghdad half a year ago when I arrived in Baghdad. At noon and evening that day, I held two consecutive rounds of talks with Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Aziz.Although in a Muslim country, Aziz is a Christian. He served as foreign minister for many years and is considered a close friend of Saddam Hussein. I first briefed Aziz on my visit, including the meeting with Kuwaiti leaders and US Secretary of State Baker.I told him that the occupation of Kuwait was unacceptable.Now the situation is grim, war may break out at any time, and war will be a disaster, Iraq is facing the choice of life and death.The international community hopes to resolve the Gulf crisis peacefully. To this end, Iraq should show a flexible attitude on the issue of troop withdrawal. Aziz gave a lot of reasons for Iraq's attack on Kuwait. He believed that Kuwait deliberately lowered oil prices to launch an economic war against Iraq. He also said that the most dangerous thing in the Middle East was not the August 2 Iraq attack on Kuwait, but the Palestinian issue.During the talks, Aziz was most concerned about whether the United States would actually use force, and China's attitude towards the possible authorization of the use of force by the Security Council. I reiterated to him China's principled position on resolving the Gulf crisis, and told him that we support the United Nations to hold a peace conference on the Middle East issue, but it is very difficult to link the Gulf crisis with other issues in the Middle East.I told him that the use of force by the United States does not necessarily have to be authorized by the Security Council.Baker has already hinted at that. During my meeting with Aziz, there were two stenographers on the Iraqi side who were taking notes in rotation and going out alternately. They were probably printing records at any time and reporting them immediately.It can be seen that Saddam is not ignorant of the situation, on the contrary, he is always aware of the dynamics and in control of everything himself. On the morning of the 12th, I went to see Saddam Hussein.The Iraqi side sent two cars to pick us up.There were no signs on the car, but it passed all the way and drove very fast.The car drove to a place that looked like a barracks, stopped, and asked us to get out of the car and go inside to have a rest.Then, the other two cars were changed, as were the drivers.The car ran for a while before arriving at the meeting place. Around 11 o'clock, I met Saddam Hussein.In early March of that year, when I visited Iraq, I met Saddam Hussein.However, this time he was dressed in military uniform with a pistol pinned to his waist, which made people feel the atmosphere of an impending war.During the nearly two-hour conversation, there was a break in the middle, when he took off the pistol and put it by the table. I first expressed to him the Chinese government's concern about the tense situation in the Gulf region, hoping to resolve the crisis peacefully.I said that the danger of war breaking out is getting bigger and bigger, and I want to hear his opinion. When Saddam spoke, he was blunt and straightforward, but his words were unreasonable, and he showed arrogance from time to time. He said that Kuwait has been a part of Iraq since ancient times, just like Hong Kong is a part of China.Then, he described the historical relationship between Iraq and Kuwait in detail, and said that Iraq has never legally recognized the border between Iraq and Kuwait.He made various accusations against the Kuwaiti government, saying that before the "8.2" incident, the United States and other Western countries had conspired against Iraq, and Kuwait had colluded with the United States and Israel.He also said that although Kuwait has a small population and weak power, it has economic advantages and can use economic warfare to bring down Iraq. Therefore, the "8.2" incident was Iraq's self-defense action. Saddam also said that the fundamental issue in the Middle East is the Palestine issue, and the same standard should be adopted instead of double standards when dealing with the Middle East issue.The current problem should be linked with the resolution of a series of issues such as the withdrawal of US troops and the cessation of sanctions.Iraq has been one of the key countries in the region ready to make sacrifices for peace.In an atmosphere of equality and mutual respect, Iraq is willing to engage in dialogue with all parties in an open and generous manner.Without prior assurance, any flexible attitude by the Iranian side may lead to serious consequences. In response to his claim that Kuwait is like Hong Kong belonging to China, I seriously point out that the Hong Kong issue is completely different from the relationship between Iraq and Kuwait.Hong Kong has always been China's territory, but it was occupied by Britain for more than a hundred years through the Opium War.Even so, China negotiated peacefully with Britain and finally reached an agreement to resolve the Hong Kong issue.However, Iraq and Kuwait have diplomatic relations and have mutual embassies. They are both members of the United Nations and the League of Arab States. In any case, Iraq's military occupation of Kuwait is unacceptable. I told him that the Middle East issue should be resolved in the long run, but the immediate problem was the tension created by Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, which was increasing the danger of war. At this time, Saddam changed the subject and asked me, is the United States really going to war? Clearly, like Aziz, this was at the top of his mind. I said that if a big country has assembled hundreds of thousands of troops, if it fails to achieve its goal, it will not retreat without a fight. 我告诉他，中国不准备提出方案或充当调解人。为了避免战争，应当由伊拉克自己提出解决方案。 谈话中，萨达姆没有表示出任何愿意撤军的意思，但陪同会见的阿齐兹告诉我，此次萨达姆的表态比以往任何一次都要灵活了。至于萨达姆说希望进行平等对话，阿齐兹私下向我解释说，这可以先从小范围对话开始，如包括伊拉克、沙特在内的三四个阿拉伯国家，伊拉克也愿同美国开展对话。 如今看来，萨达姆后来的一系列战略失误，都是基于当时的一个错误判断，以为只要伊拉克做出一些缓和姿态，美国就不会真的动武。 12日，我还应约会见了巴勒斯坦国总统阿拉法特。阿拉法特强调，海湾危机应在阿拉伯和国际组织范围内和平解决。美国不仅要打伊拉克，而且还要摧毁阿拉伯的经济、军事力量。美国控制海湾石油资源，也是为了对付欧洲、日本、苏联以及中国。为此，美军将在海湾地区长期驻扎。他认为，应以互让的精神解决伊科争端。阿拉法特还说，他不要求同时一揽子解决中东的所有问题，但应有个协议，先从科威特问题着手，然后召开国际会议，按先后顺序解决巴勒斯坦问题和中东其他问题。我理解阿拉法特希望早日解决巴勒斯坦问题的迫切心情，但他想把巴勒斯坦问题同海湾危机挂钩是不现实的。 结束了对伊拉克的访问，我于当晚再赴沙特，在吉达分别会见了沙特国王法赫德和外交大臣费萨尔。 我先向费萨尔通报了访问约旦、伊拉克的情况，主要是萨达姆的态度。费萨尔逐一驳斥了萨达姆的观点，惟一没有驳斥的，就是美国在阿、以之间奉行双重标准的问题。费萨尔重申，海湾危机没有阿拉伯的解决办法，只能依据国际法解决。 法赫德国王会见我时，已是晚上10时30分了。法赫德首先谈到的是沙中两国关系和沙特外交政策，然后才转到海湾危机。他显然已经了解我与费萨尔的会谈情况，有针对性地谈了几个问题。 对于伊方所说愿同沙特对话，他说，伊拉克入侵科威特前后，他曾多次与萨达姆联系，试图阻止入侵。后来，又多次促使伊拉克从科威特撤军，但萨达姆始终不愿同他见面。他强调，伊拉克侵占科威特是个严肃的原则问题。阿拉伯和国际社会没有人会接受这个结果。他还批评萨达姆故意混淆科威特问题和巴勒斯坦问题的不同性质，认为巴勒斯坦问题是个民族独立的问题，而科威特问题是一个阿拉伯国家对另一个兄弟国家的侵略。法赫德还以萨达姆处理同伊朗关系为例，说明伊拉克从科威特撤军并不会是件难堪的事。萨达姆如果想找出路，就应以国家和人民的利益为重，无条件从科威特撤出。 我向他介绍，萨达姆曾表示，如果得到一些保证，伊拉克可以采取灵活态度，但他没有明确说想得到什么保证。法赫德听后，若有所思地说，萨达姆如果想得到保证，是让伊拉克人民不受损害，那也是大家所希望的。但事到如今，如果萨达姆是个负责任的人，就应该做出个人牺牲，自己躲到世界的某个地方去。事情是他干的，也只能由他自己去纠正。 会见后，费萨尔外交大臣陪同我直接赶往机场，专机起飞时，已是13日凌晨。至此，我的中东之行算是结束了。 这次中东的穿梭访问，使我进一步感到，阿拉伯各国在这次海湾危机中立场不尽相同，一时难以采取一致行动，来化解危机。而萨达姆留给我的印象是，他是一个打着维护阿拉伯利益和支持解决巴勒斯坦问题旗号的有野心的冒险家。当伊朗内部出现混乱时，他乘人之危，打了八年两伊战争。这次入侵科威特，更是公然背信弃义，以强凌弱。但他对形势估计错了。 看来战争已经不可避免。 我们通过外交渠道，将我这次出访的情况，向有关国家做了通报。各方的反应是积极的，认为这次访问体现了中国作为一个大国的严肃负责的精神，为和平再次做出了努力。 我访伊后不久，伊方也摆出了一些缓和的姿态。萨达姆发表讲话，表示希望进行对话，愿分批释放伊拉克扣留的所有西方人质。他有关准备为和平做出牺牲的说法，曾引起了外界的一些揣测。不过，萨达姆到头来，没有任何实质性行动。 回到北京不久，我就收到了贝克的一封信。信中说，他本人对我们在开罗的会谈感到非常满意，布什总统在听取汇报后，也有同感。美国正在考虑下一步骤，希望能很快再次与我接触。同一天，我们通过驻美使馆，向美方通报了我访问伊拉克的情况。 11月20日下午，贝克又从法国巴黎打来电话。主要是谈两件相互有关联的事，一是美国要在安理会搞个事实上是授权动武的决议；二是希望我出席将于11月28日举行的安理会部长级会议，并邀请我会后正式访问华盛顿。 贝克国务卿多年经商，又担任过政府财政部长，所以无论办什么事，都如同做生意，喜欢“做个交易”。他把两件事连在一起，显然也是一桩交易。 贝克说，美国正考虑在安理会通过一个决议，授权使用一切必要手段来解决海湾危机。决议中不会出现“使用武力”的措辞，但包含这样的意思。到目前为止，已有十个安理会成员国，包括美国、英国、法国、苏联和六个非常任理事国表示赞成这种做法。美方希望中方也能投赞成票，至少不否决。 他说，知道中国政府需要时间仔细考虑，但希望我能给他一点暗示，即中国政府将以肯定、积极的方式处理此事。如果中国要行使否决权，那美国就不会向安理会提出这一决议。美国不愿看到所提出的决议被否决。 我说，在当前海湾形势十分严峻的情况下，和平解决和政治解决的呼声很高，国际社会应保持并加强对伊拉克的政治、外交和经济的压力。把对一个国家采取战争行动这样重大的问题提到安理会讨论，应当十分慎重。对于决议案，在中方没有看到案文之前，不能给予明确答复。 贝克听后，当即在电话中将草案念给我听。在案文的执行部分第一段中有两个括号，即两种用语的选择：（一切必要手段）和（一切必要手段，包括武力）。 贝克在电话中还提出，希望我能前往纽约，参加11月28日至29日的安理会成员国部长级会议，并邀请我在会后正式访问华盛顿。贝克说，如果中国能对美国提出的决议案投赞成票或不加以否决，将为我访美创造合适时机。他进一步表示，我对华盛顿的正式访问，将是两国恢复高级互访的良好开端。布什总统将于12月1日出访拉美，有可能在11月30日会见我。贝克还说，他本人也期待着明年到中国访问。 我们分析，美国政府力图在11月美方担任安理会主席期间通过一个新决议案，使联合国授权必要时可以对伊拉克动武。为换取中国赞成或不否决美国的议案，主动邀请我正式访问美国，说明美方在这个问题上有求于中方，但又企图把中方对这个议案的态度与恢复中美正常关系紧密挂钩。 中国在外交上一向坚持原则，在重大国际问题上也越来越有影响。在目前的海湾危机中，中国主持正义，力争危机能够和平化解，但我们反对战争，并不是支持萨达姆的侵略行为。中央决定，中国将对决议草案投弃权票。这时也是推动中美两国恢复正常关系的有利时机，于是，我们在11月24日答复美方，我将出席安理会部长级会议，并在会后应邀正式访问美国。 贝克因为喜欢“做交易”，自然也擅长“讨价还价”。美方得知我接受邀请后，马上又改变了态度。11月25日下午，美国驻华使馆临时代办贝霖急急忙忙地跑到外交部，转交一封贝克给我的信。在信中，贝克除再次强调我参加安理会部长级会议的重要性外，又说，由于没有邀请所有安理会成员国或五个常任理事国的外长访问华盛顿，因此，希望在纽约双边会晤之后再宣布我对华盛顿的访问。贝霖还补充说，美方希望中方能投票赞成美国的提案，如果中方投否决或弃权票，那将对我访美造成灾难性的影响。 美国方面出尔反尔，提高了要价，把访美安排与投赞成票挂钩。这是我们不能接受的。 在双方的外交谈判中必然会有某种互谅互让的做法，这是很自然的。对各方来说都有取有予才能达成协议，但决不能说话不算数，搞小动作。 我们当即回答，美方违反了11月20日两国外长电话谈话达成的协议，并要求美方查阅并确认我与贝克的谈话记录。同时表示，美方如改变立场，我就不去开会了。 26日美方态度软了下来。贝霖又转述贝克的话，认为中方对11月20日电话的理解是准确的，但美方仍强烈希望中国投赞成票。贝霖还解释说，美国国务院的低级官员由于不了解情况，前一天给他发来的指示是错误的。 11月27日，布什总统又分别给江泽民总书记、杨尚昆主席、李鹏总理写了内容相同的信。中心意思是，希望我们支持美方提出的决议草案，并说，即将进行的安理会投票表决以及我对美国的访问，将为实现双边关系的重大进展提供决定性的机会。 11月28日，我们乘CA981航班离京赴纽约，随同我去参加安理会会议的有外交部美大司司长张毅君、亚非司司长王昌义、国际司司长秦华孙等共十人。那天，北京有大雾，航班一再推迟，似乎预示着此行还不会一帆风顺。 飞机到中午才起飞，抵达纽约时已是半夜。美国国务院来接机的官员告诉我们，贝克正在饭店等候。 我们一行来到华尔道夫饭店，走进会客室，只见贝克等美方官员坐满了一屋子。 会谈中，美方仍是想在投票前夕劝说中方投赞成票。我对贝克说，动武事关重大，必须慎重。对美方来说，采用军事手段，问题解决得可能快些；而使用和平方式，也许需要更长些时间。但是，战争方式造成的损失会比较大，后遗症会有很多。接着，我说，中国人民对当年美国以联合国军的名义进行的朝鲜战争记忆犹新；美国现在仍在对中国实施所谓制裁，而中美关系尚未恢复正常。在这种情况下，中方对有关决议，不予否决，已是最大的照顾了。 投票当天上午，在我忙于会见一些国家的外长时，贝克又多次打电话给我，转达布什总统的口信，继续劝说中方对决议投赞成票。 中方的投票立场已经确定，不可能再改变，我拒绝了贝克的要求。 下午3时40分，安理会部长级会议开始。这次会议的主题就是讨论和表决美国提出的第678号决议案。草案的关键内容是：除非伊拉克在1991年1月15日或此前完全履行安理会各有关决议，否则授权同科威特政府合作的联合国会员国使用一切必要手段维护并执行安理会有关决议。 那天会场上的气氛很紧张，不仅旁听席坐满了人，连两边的走道上也站满了人。大家最为关注的是中国的态度。如果我们投了否决票，决议案就通不过了。 5时30分，我就中方投票立场做了解释性发言。首先表明中国既反对伊拉克对科威特的侵略，又主张和平解决，反对诉诸武力的原则立场。接着，我在发言中指出，中国在海湾地区没有也不谋求任何私利，惟一关心的是维护该地区的和平与稳定。因此，中国力主和平解决海湾危机，这样做时间可能长一些，但造成的损失可以小一些，后遗症也会少一些。一旦爆发战争，各有关方面都将蒙受重大损害，不仅对海湾国家，而且对世界的和平与稳定以及对世界经济都会产生极为不利的影响。我说，这个决议草案采用了“使用一切必要手段”的措辞，实质上是允许采用军事行动，而这一内容有悖于中国政府力主和平解决的一贯立场，因此，中国代表团难以对这项决议案投赞成票；另一方面，海湾危机是由于伊拉克入侵和吞并科威特而引起的，伊拉克至今未在从科威特撤军这个关键问题上采取实际行动，这项决议草案同时也要求伊拉克充分遵守安理会660号决议和其他有关决议，也就是要求伊拉克立即从科威特撤军，对于这一点中国是赞成的，因此中国对这个决议草案也不投反对票。 这个决议案，最后以12票赞成、2票反对、1票弃权通过了。 中国投了弃权票。古巴和也门投了反对票。 当天晚上，贝克宴请安理会常任理事国外长，表面上谈笑风生，底下却通过工作人员通报说，明天去华盛顿，因为布什总统忙于处理海湾危机，不能安排时间会见我。当晚，美国务院也如此通知了中国驻美使馆。 我们判断，惯于“做交易”的贝克，显然是觉得这次“交易”中，自己亏了，心有不甘。 此时，如果我们赌气不去访问，会显得有点小家子气了；去了华盛顿，总统不见，也不合适。大家商量的结果是，去还是要去，去了还要见到总统。 为此，我国驻美大使朱启祯星夜驱车从纽约赶回华盛顿，于午夜3时同美国总统国家安全事务助理斯考克罗夫特通了电话。斯考克罗夫特于凌晨6时答复称，欢迎我按原定时间访问华盛顿，布什总统期待着与我会晤。 我们于11月30日上午9时30分由纽约乘飞机抵达华盛顿。11时与贝克举行会谈，随后他设午宴欢迎我。 会面时，他告诉我，布什总统将于当日宣布邀请伊拉克外长阿齐兹访美，并准备派贝克本人去伊拉克见萨达姆。我说，美方的这一步骤是重要的，有积极意义，我们支持。我在访问巴格达时，伊方曾非正式地提到希望与美国直接对话。我在前一天也曾建议，最需要做的事情是与萨达姆本人谈。贝克称，他把我的意见当面告诉了布什总统，这也是布什总统做出这些决定的原因之一。 他还向我解释了有关会见布什总统的安排。他自我解嘲说，由于中国未投赞成票，他个人觉得，安排布什总统会见似乎不妥，不过，现在这些事都过去了，布什总统已决定会见。我听后笑了一下，转换了话题，对他说，美国为争取安理会通过决议，国务卿先后访问了12个国家，和这些国家的外长会晤。美国强调中国作为安理会五个常任理事国之一起着重要作用，却不到中国去访问。我向你发出过到中国去的邀请，结果只接到你一个电话，电话交流是容易发生误解的。我仍欢迎你到中国去访问。 11月30日下午1时40分，贝克午宴结束后，我乘车直接去白宫会见布什总统。 与布什总统的会见，进行了45分钟。布什表示，他重视美中关系，希望两国关系逐步改善，直至恢复高级领导人的互访。对于中国投弃权票，虽感到失望，但也要感谢中国在海湾问题上同美国的合作。弃权也使决议生效了，这才是重要的。 我对他说，中美在海湾问题上进行了很好的合作，中国对安理会十个有关决议都投了赞成票。中国这次做出投弃权票的决定，是很不容易的。中国领导人曾就此进行过反复考虑。 我又向他介绍了访问伊拉克的情况。我说，在敦促伊拉克从科威特撤军的问题上，中美没有分歧。中美今后在国际事务中要进行合作的领域还很多，尽管两国处境不同，对问题采取的态度和方法不同，但双方在维护世界和平方面，还是能找到共同点的。 这次访问结束前，我举行了记者招待会。会上记者的提问大都集中在中美关系问题上，并对布什总统会见我的安排感到惊奇。 2002年10月，我陪同江泽民主席访问美国时，在老布什总统的图书馆会见了很多老朋友，其中就有斯考克罗夫特。我们谈及海湾危机时，还回忆起这段12年前的往事，大家都记得很清楚。我对斯考克罗夫特说：“对不起，那天把你从睡梦中吵醒了。”大家都笑了。 虽然第678号决议在安理会通过了，但世界上多数国家还是希望能够避免使用武力。在美国和伊拉克未能就两国外长互访的安排达成协议后，联合国秘书长德奎利亚尔有意去见萨达姆，为和平解决做最后的努力。他希望中方能给予协助。得到这个消息时，我正在海南岛出差，当即让外交部指示驻伊大使郑达庸，约见伊拉克外长阿齐兹，转达了秘书长的意愿。伊方同意秘书长去访问，但德奎利亚尔最后的斡旋也没能成功。 第一次海湾战争至今已过去了12年。当时，萨达姆错估了形势，不听各方劝说，在国家生死存亡的关头，做出了一个不明智的决策，没有遵照安理会的有关决议从科威特撤军，结果遭受到军事打击，使自己的国家和人民遭受了巨大苦难。不想，事情还未完结，在撰写本篇之时，战争再次降临了伊拉克，萨达姆的统治被推翻。幼发拉底河和底格里斯河两河流域美索不达米亚的古老土地，又一次经受了血与火的洗礼。