Chapter 2 Chapter Two Confinement

The Renaissance freed madness to cry out, but domesticated its violent nature.The classical age immediately silenced madness by a peculiar coercion. It is known that in the 17th century a large number of internments were produced.But what is little known is that at least one in every hundred people in Paris was imprisoned there.As we all know, the absolute despotism royal power used "secret letters" and arbitrary means of imprisonment.But what is less well known is that people's consciences encourage this practice.We have known since Pinel, Tucker, and Wagnitz that for a century and a half madmen were subject to this confinement, that sooner or later they were confined to the wards of the general hospital or to the cells of the prison, mixed Among people in labor or correctional institutions.But few people clearly know, what is their situation there?What is the point of assigning the same fate to the poor, the unemployed, the prisoner and the mad?It is within the walls of the confinement that Pinel and nineteenth-century psychiatry will patronize the mad; Blow "save" the madman.From the mid-seventeenth century onwards, madness has been associated with this state of confinement, with the act of designating confinement as its natural end.

The date 1656 can serve as a historical marker.In this year the decree for the establishment of the General Hospital in Paris was promulgated.At first glance, this appears to be a mere reform—nothing more than an administrative overhaul.Several pre-existing institutions were brought under unified administration, including Salpeteliers, which had been converted into an arsenal during the lifetime of the previous king, and Bizet, which Louis XIII intended to give to the Knights of Saint-Louis as a sanatorium for the wounded Tell, "the larger hospital of Pithier and the smaller asylum on the outskirts of Saint-Victor, the hospital of Scipion, the hospital of Savonnelli, with all their lands, gardens, houses, and buildings."' To all these Places were used to house the poor of Paris "regardless of their sex, age, place of origin . Those who come voluntarily or are sent by the government and the judiciary are provided with food and lodging, and must also ensure the maintenance of a minimum living, clean appearance and basic health for those who have nowhere to arrange but meet the admission standards.This responsibility is entrusted to the Life Supervisor.They wield power not only in the hospital but throughout the city of Paris over those who fall under their jurisdiction: "They exercise total power, including powers of command, administration, commerce, police, justice, and punishment, over all the poor of Paris, both inside and outside the General Hospital." The supervisors also appoint a doctor with an annual salary of one director.He lives in Pittiers, but visits the branches twice a week.

One thing was clear from the start: General Hospital is not a medical institution.It can be said that it is a semi-judicial institution and an independent administrative institution.It has the legal power to adjudicate, adjudicate and enforce outside the courts. "In the General Hospital and its affiliates, the superintendents shall have at their disposal as many stakes, shackles, prisons, and dungeons as are necessary and sufficient for the purpose. No appeal is permitted in the hospital regulations which they make. And because these regulations are drawn from outside Interference with the Hospital, so that the regulations are strictly enforced in accordance with the form and spirit of these regulations regardless of objections or appeals. In order to maintain these regulations, no exceptions will be allowed, and no judicial defense and prosecution will be of any avail."'We one Quasi-absolutist powers, judicial powers with no right of appeal, an irresistible executive order, in short the general hospital is a strange power established by the king between the police and the courts, at the edge of the law, a third order of oppression .The psychopaths that Pinel would see in Bicetre and Sarpetelier belonged to this world.

The General Hospital has nothing to do with medicine in terms of its function or purpose.It is an example of the combined order of monarchy and bourgeoisie that was forming in France at this time.It has a direct connection with kingship.It was the crown that brought it all under the municipal power.The Kingdom Relief House played an ecclesiastical and spiritual mediation role in past relief activities.At this point, it was suddenly canceled.The king declared: "We have decided to be patrons of the General Hospital. The hospital is a royal institution. It is not dependent in any way on the Great Relief House, nor on any high officials. The command, inspection and jurisdiction of officials. Others shall not investigate and govern it in any way.” This proposal was proposed by the Supreme Court of Paris.The two chief executives originally appointed were the President of the Supreme Court and the Chief Prosecutor.But soon added the Archbishop of Paris, the President of the Court of Salvation, the Superintendent of the Police and the Superintendent of the Merchant.Since then, the "big committee" has only played a deliberative role.Actual management and responsibility is delegated to selected agents.They were the de facto rulers, representatives of kingship and bourgeois wealth sent to this impoverished world.The French Revolution can testify to this: "They were chosen from among the best families of the bourgeoisie, .

This structure, peculiar to France's order of monarchical and bourgeois associations, coincided with its various forms of absolute absolutism, and so soon spread throughout the country. The Royal Decree of June 16, 1676 called for the establishment of "a general hospital" "in every city of the kingdom".In some places, local authorities have already done this.The bourgeoisie of Lyon had established a charity with a similar function as early as 1612.The Archbishop of Tours proudly proclaimed on July 10, 1676, that his "city had the honor of anticipating the pious intentions of the King, even before Paris had established a general hospital called the Charity, whose institution had become the The model for all charities established afterwards." The charities of Tours were actually established in 1656, and the king donated the income of four thousand reds.General hospitals were opened all over France.By the eve of the French Revolution, two-thirds of the provincial cities had established such hospitals.

Although deliberately excluded from the organization of the General Hospital due to the collusion of the royal power and the bourgeoisie, the Church did not stand idly by the movement.It reformed its hospital organization, redistributed its funds, and even created an organization whose purpose closely resembled that of General Hospital.St. Vincent transformed the most important leprosy hospital in Paris, the St. Lazare Hospital. On January 7, 1632, in the name of the Missionary Council, he signed a contract with the "Monastery" of Saint-Lazare, which at this time was about to receive "persons detained by order of the King".The Order of the Devout opened such hospitals in northern France. The Brotherhood of St. John, which appeared in France in 1602, first established the Paris Charity House in the Saint-Germain district, and then moved to Charenton on May 10, 1645.They also run the Sanli Charity House, not far from Paris.The hospital was opened on October 27, 1670.A few years ago, the Duchess of Bouillon donated to them the buildings and lands of the estate of Mara Delelli in Château-Thierry - created in the 14th century by Thibaut of Fragrant.They manage the charity houses of Holy Water, Pentoson, Cardia and Roman. In 1699, the Council of Missions established an institution in Marseilles, which later became the Saint-Pierre Hospital. In the 18th century, charity houses such as Almentieres (171), Maleville (171), and the True Savior of Cannes (735) appeared successively.Shortly before the French Revolution (1780), the Saint-Maine Charity was opened in Reine.

This phenomenon is common in Europe.The formation of an absolute monarchy and the strong revival of the Catholic Church during the Counter-Reformation produced in France a very unique quality in which the government and the church were both in competition and collusion.Elsewhere, the phenomenon has a very different shape, but is perfectly synchronized in time.Such great hospitals, confinements, religious and public institutions, institutions of relief and punishment, governmental charities and welfare institutions are a phenomenon of classical times: not only are such institutions universal, but their birth is almost Same time.In German-speaking countries, it is marked by the founding of the Correctional Institute (ZuchthAusern).The first penitentiary was opened in Hamburg around 1620, prior to the French internments (except for the Charity House in Lyon).Others were opened in the second half of the century: Basel (1667), Breslau (1668), Frankfurt (1684), Spandau (1684), Koenigsberg (1691).During the 18th century, such correctional schools multiplied.The first correctional school in Leipzig was opened in 1701.Halle and Kassel opened correctional schools in 1717 and 1720, Brig and Osnabrück in 1756, and Thorgau in 1771.

In England, the origins of confinement were much earlier. In 1575, a decree on "punishing vagabonds and helping the poor" stipulated that at least one correctional school should be established in each county.To maintain them requires a tax increase, but voluntary contributions from the public are also encouraged.However, it seemed difficult to put such a measure into practice, since after a few years it was decided to sanction private undertakings of this kind, hospitals or correctional institutions could be opened without official approval, and anyone who was interested could do so. At the beginning of the 17th century, a general rectification was carried out: all magistrates who did not establish a reformatory in their jurisdiction were fined £5; themselves, and put inmates to work; a judge was in charge of deciding who should be sent to the penitentiary.These "reform houses" were not greatly developed; they were often amalgamated by the prisons to which they were attached.And such measures were never extended to Scotland.Labor houses, on the other hand, have been more successful.They were produced in the second half of the 17th century. A decree of 1670 regulated their status, appointed judicial officers to oversee the taxes and financial expenditures used to maintain them, and delegated supreme power to oversee their management to a magistrate. In 1697, several dioceses of Bristol united to establish the first House of Labor in England and appointed a governing body.A second labor house was established in Worcester in 1703.A third was established in Dublin in the same year.Later, Labor Houses were established in Plymouth, Norwich, Hull and Exeter.By the end of the 18th century, there were 126 labor houses. The Gilbert Act of 1792 made it easier for parishes to establish new labor houses; at the same time, the administrative powers of the sheriff were strengthened; to prevent labor houses from becoming hospitals, the ordinance recommended that all infectious disease patients be removed from labor houses.

After several years, a complete network spread all over Europe. In the late 18th century, Howard conducted an investigation.He has visited major centers of incarceration - "hospitals, detention centers, prisons" - in England, Holland, Germany, France, Italy and Spain.His philanthropy was greatly affected by the sight of violators of customary law, family prodigals, vagrants and mentally ill, imprisoned within the same walls.There is evidence that a certain sense which had led to the hastily and spontaneously materializing of the classical categories of order we call confinement across Europe had ceased to exist even then.For 150 years, confinement has become a hodgepodge of various abuses of power.But at the outset of its origin there should have been some unifying factor which made confinement necessary; Perfunctory with "ugly feelings before the (French) Revolution".What, then, does the fact that this group of people were imprisoned overnight and subjected to harsher ostracism than lepers mean?We should not forget that the Paris General Hospital accommodated six thousand people within a few years of its establishment, about one percent of the population of Paris.No doubt there must have crept over time a certain social sentiment throughout European culture which suddenly began to manifest itself in the second half of the seventeenth century and which suddenly brought such doomed confinement to the fore. All the people are separated.In order to inhabit the realm long since abandoned by the lepers, they selected a people whose composition seems to us odd.But what seems to be an entirely confused emotion today was a clearly expressed feeling for the people of the classical period.It is this feeling which we should study, in order to reveal the sentiment towards madness in an age which we are accustomed to call the rule of reason.Consistent and concerted though it may be, it is not simple to demarcate places of confinement, thereby empowering its isolation, and giving madness a new home.This action brings together, within the coercive form of authoritarianism, new sentiments towards poverty and the duty to help, new attitudes towards the economic problems of unemployment and idleness, a new work ethic, and the vision of a city that incorporates moral obligations into civil law. Complex.These emotional notions all emerged, if still vaguely, during the formation of the confinement city and its structures.It is they that give meaning to this custom and to some extent contributed to the way madness was felt and experienced in the classical period.

Incarceration, a phenomenon that was widespread throughout 18th-century Europe, was a means of "policing".According to the strict definition of the classical period, the so-called law and order is the sum of the means of enabling and having to work for all those who cannot live without work. Contemporaries asked: "Now that you have identified yourself as a people, have you not discovered the secret of forcing all the rich to work for all the poor? Don't you know these first principles of policing?" Before confinement was given medical significance, or at least until it was supposed to be, confinement was needed not for the treatment of the sick, but for something quite different.What made confinement necessary was an absolute labor requirement.Where philanthropy wants to recognize some imprint of life-saving benevolence, there is only condemnation of idleness.

Let's go back to the first days of "lockdown". The Royal Decree of April 27, 1656 led to the creation of the General Hospital.From the outset, the agency set itself the task of stopping "begging and idleness, which are the root of all disorder".It was, in fact, the last of the great measures taken since the Renaissance to abolish unemployment, and at least begging. In 1532, the Supreme Court of Paris decided to hunt down beggars and force them to work in the city's sewers.While working, the two were handcuffed together.The situation soon became dire: an order of March 23, 1534, required "poor scholars and other paupers" to leave the city and prohibited "singing hymns in the streets to holy images".The wars of religion multiplied this suspicious population, which included expelled peasants, demobilized soldiers or deserters, unemployed workers, poor students, and the sick.When Henri IV began the siege of Paris, the city had fewer than 100,000 inhabitants, of whom more than 30,000 were beggars. An economic revival began in the early 17th century.At that time it was decided to use coercive means to resettle the unemployed wandering in society.In a 1606 Supreme Court decree, beggars were ordered to be flogged in the square, branded on their arms, had their hair cut short, and expelled from the city.In order to prevent them from going back, the decree of 1607 stipulated that archers should be set up at each gate of the city to prohibit the poor from entering the city.With the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), the effects of economic revival were lost, and the problems of begging and idleness reappeared.Until the middle of the century, due to increasing taxes, production was stagnated and unemployment was increasing.During this period, revolts broke out in Paris, Lyon and Rouen in 1621, 1652 and 1639 respectively.At the same time, due to the emergence of new economic structures, the original labor society disintegrated-7; with the development of large factories, the power and rights of guilds were increasingly lost, and the "General Statute" prohibited all workers' assemblies, alliances and "associations" .In many industries, however, guilds were reorganized.They've been prosecuted, but supreme courts everywhere seem to take it lightly.Normandy's Supreme Court refused to try the rioters in Rouen.No doubt this is why the Church intervened and accused the workers of secret witchcraft.The Sorbonne issued an order in 1655 declaring all those who belonged to such wicked groups guilty of "sacrilege and eternal punishment." In the silent contest between the draconian Church and the tolerant Supreme Court, the creation of the General Hospital was certainly a victory for the Court, at least initially.Anyway, here's a new workaround.For the first time, purely passive means of exclusion are replaced by means of confinement; the unemployed are no longer expelled, punished; they are held accountable, the state shoulders the burden, but at the cost of individual freedom.A self-evident system of obligations is established between them and society: they have the right to be supported, but they must accept the physical and moral constraints of confinement. The edict of qZJ in 1657 was aimed at just such an indiscriminate group of people: a group of people who had no source of livelihood and no social destination, a class excluded by new economic development and drifting.The decree was read in the streets less than two weeks after its issuance.Article 9 of which states: "We expressly prohibit all persons (regardless of sex, age, place of origin, origin, regardless of their physical condition, that is, whether healthy or disabled, sick or recovering, whether the disease is curable) in the urban area of ​​​​Paris. or suburban begging. Begging is prohibited, whether in or out of churches or in front of the inhabitants, in the street or anywhere else, whether in public or in secret, day or night.  …The first offender shall be punished with whipping The men who committed the crime again were sentenced to rowing, and the women were expelled." A year later, on Sunday, May 13, 1657, the Holy Spirit Mass was held in the Church of Saint-Louis in Pithier.The next morning, the militia began hunting down beggars and herding them into the various institutions of the General Hospital.In the myth of the Great Terror, the militia is depicted as "the archers of the General Hospital".Four years later, Sarpetelier housed 1,460 women and children; Pitier housed 98 boys, 897 girls, and 95 women aged 17; Bisetre housed 1,615 adult men; Savon Nieli accommodated 305 boys aged 8-13; Sibion ​​accommodated 530 pregnant women, lactating women and babies.Initially, those with spouses were not allowed to be housed even if they had difficulties.The administration was ordered to provide them with relief and keep them at home.Soon, however, they were allowed to live in Sarpeteliers by decree of Mazarin (13). In all, between 5,000 and 6,000 people were housed. Across Europe, at least initially, confinement had the same meaning.It was one of the measures taken to deal with the economic crisis of the seventeenth century that spread throughout the Western world.The crisis led to a sharp drop in wages, unemployment, and a deflation of currency.The simultaneous occurrence of these phenomena was probably caused by an economic crisis in Spain.Even Britain, the most alienated country in Western Europe, faces the same problem.Despite various measures to stave off job losses and pay cuts, poverty persists in Britain. In 1806 a pamphlet titled "Mourning for the Poor" appeared.It is believed to have been written by Thomas Dekker.The book underscores the dangers mentioned above and accuses the public of indifference: "Although the number of the poor is increasing day by day, their misfortune is being made worse in every way; . . . , because they will lose their jobs, . . . will beg and steal to survive. The country is being harassed by them, unfortunately." The article fears that they will flood the country because they cannot Crossing borders into other countries like that.The article therefore recommended that they be "deported and transported to Newfoundland and the East and West Indies". In 1630, the King of England established a committee to strictly enforce the "Poor Law".That same year, the committee issued a series of "Orders and Directives".It proposes to prosecute beggars, vagabonds, and all those who live by idleness and do not work for fair wages, and those who live in taverns, punish them according to the law, and send them to reform schools.It demanded that those who brought their wives and children be investigated, whether they had been married, and whether their children had been baptized, "for these men lived like savages, and did not perform weddings, funerals, and baptisms. It was this unbridled liberty that made many Happy to vagabond." Although Britain's economy began to recover by the middle of the century, the problems of the era at Cromwell's gate remained unresolved.The Mayor of London complained: "Swarms of these parasites are present in the city, disturbing public order, attacking carriages, shouting in front of churches and private houses, demanding handouts." For a long time, the Correctional Home or General Hospital was used to house the unemployed, the idle, and the homeless.Whenever a crisis strikes and the number of poor people explodes, these places of detention regain their original economic significance, at least temporarily.In the middle of the eighteenth century, another great crisis occurred.At that time Rouen and Tours each had 12,000 workers who were begging for a living.Lyon's manufacturing industries collapsed. The Count dArgenson, "who is in charge of the department of Paris and the courts of the districts," ordered "the arrest of all beggars in the kingdom; while the raids were made in Paris, the courts of the districts carried out this task in the countryside, so that they could be caught in a net where no one could find them." Possibility of returning to Paris.". In times other than these crises, however, confinement acquires another meaning.Its oppressive function was combined with a new use.Its function is no longer merely to confine the unworkable, but also to provide jobs to the confinement, enabling them to contribute something to the prosperity of the nation.This cyclical function is obvious: during periods of full employment and high wages, it provides cheap labor; during periods of high unemployment, it shelters idlers, serving as social protection against harassment and uprisings.We should not forget that the first internments in England appeared in the most industrialized districts: Worcester, Norwich, and Bristol; the first general hospital in France was opened in Lyon, 40 years before the Paris General 1999; Hamburg was the first city in Germany to have its own Zuchthaus (prison) (1620).The regulations issued by the Hamburg prison in 1622 were quite strict.All prisoners must work.Keep accurate records of the value of their work, and pay them a quarter of its value.Because work is more than a means of killing time, it must be a productive activity.The prison's eight wardens come up with a master plan.The foreman assigns each person a job and checks for completion over the weekend.This labor regulation was in effect until the end of the eighteenth century, for Howard still saw them "weaving and weaving, weaving stockings, linen, shags and woolen cloth, cutting log and antler. Each strong man chopped daily The ration of logwood is 45 pounds. Some men and horses work around a washing machine. There is also a blacksmith who works non-stop." Germany's internments have their own specialties: Bremen, Bremen The confinement in Riek, Munich, Breslau and Berlin was dominated by spinning, that in Hannover by weaving.In Bremen and Hamburg, prisoners chopped logwood.In Nuremberg, prisoners polish optical glass.At Heinz, the main job is flour grinding. Britain's first reform schools opened during a period of general recession. The statute of 1610 merely recommended that all correctional institutions should have mills and weaving and wool-combing workshops, so that the dole-eating people could be employed.But after 1651, due to the implementation of navigation regulations and the decline of commercial discount rate, the economic situation returned to normal, and the original moral requirement became an economic strategy.All the strong labor is employed to the greatest advantage, that is, is employed most cheaply.When Carey drew up his plans for the Bristol Labor House, he first suggested the necessity of work: "The poor men and women . Special labor institute, they produce cotton cloth and woolen cloth, and there is also a child labor department.None of this has been plain sailing.It was suggested that labor houses could join local industries and markets on the grounds that their low-priced products would have a restrictive effect on sales prices.But manufacturers protested.Daniel Defoe noted that, because of the great competitiveness of the House of Labor, the effect was to create poverty in one area under the guise of stopping it in another: "It is depriving some and giving to another Man, by placing an idler in the place of the honest man, compels the industrious man to seek other employment in a panic to support his family." Faced with the danger of this competition, the authorities allowed this kind of labor to gradually die out.People on the dole could no longer even earn enough to live on; and it was often necessary to throw them in prison so that they at least had free rations.As for the situation in the reformatory, as Howard saw it, there was little "no work, or no work to do. The prisoner had neither tools nor materials, but passed his time in idleness, roughness, and dissoluteness." When the Paris General Hospital was created, its intention was above all to curb begging, not to provide some kind of employment to the detainees.However, Kolber seems to have, like some British people at the time, regarded labor self-help as a measure to eliminate unemployment and a stimulus to the development of manufacturing.In other provinces, the supervisors all thought that charity houses had some kind of economic significance. "Every poor man who is able to work must work during the working day. This will avoid the root of all evils-idleness, and at the same time accustom them to honest labor, and can earn a part of food and clothing for life." Sometimes arrangements were even made to allow private entrepreneurs to use the manpower of the asylum for their benefit.For example, according to an agreement in 1708, an entrepreneur was to provide wool, soap, and coal to Thiele's charity house, which in return would have carded and spun wool.Its profits are shared between the entrepreneur and the hospital.In Paris, there were even several attempts to convert the General Hospital building into a factory.If an anonymous Memoir of 1790 is true, then, in Pittiers, an attempt was made to produce "every kind of product that could be supplied to the capital"; Lace tape".Elsewhere, such efforts have met with similarly little success.Various attempts were made in Bissetre: production of thin and thick ropes, polishing of mirrors, etc.Especially famous is the "big well" attempted in 1781, that is, using prisoners instead of horse-drawn water, and several groups of prisoners took turns working from five in the morning to eight in the evening. "For what reason do people decide to arrange this incredible work? Is it for economy or just to keep the prisoners busy? If the latter is the case, wouldn't it be better for them to do work that benefits them as well as the hospital? If it's for economy, we don't understand it." Throughout the eighteenth century, the economic significance that Kolber wanted to ascribe to the General Hospital diminished.This center of forced labor is increasingly becoming a privileged place of idleness.People of the time of the Revolution would ask again and again: "What caused the chaos in Bisetle?" They would also offer the answer already given in the seventeenth century: "It is idleness. What is the means of eliminating it? It is work." The classical period used confinement in an ambiguous manner that gave it a double effect.On the one hand, it is used to absorb unemployment, at least its most obvious social consequences.On the other hand, it is used to control costs when they might become too high.That is, it acts alternately on the labor market and on production costs.However, as a result, the lockup does not appear to be effective in the dual role that one would expect.If they absorbed the unemployed, it was mainly to hide their poverty from riots with dire social or political consequences.But when the unemployed are herded into forced-labour workshops, unemployment explodes in neighboring or similar areas.As for the effect on production costs, it can only be false, because the market price of this product is not proportional to the cost of production, calculated at the cost of the confinement itself. If measured purely in terms of its practical value, the establishment of the detention center should be regarded as a failure.They generally disappeared in Europe at the beginning of the 19th century as asylum centers and prisons for the poor.This proves their utter failure, showing them to be a temporary and ineffective remedy and social precaution, clumsily proposed in the early days of industrialization.Yet it was in this failure that the classical period performed an irreducible experiment.What seems to be a clumsy dialectical relationship between production and cost today had practical significance at that time, that is, it contained a certain labor ethics consciousness.In this awareness, the plight of the economic mechanism becomes insignificant, and it is conducive to the affirmation of a certain value. In this initial stage of the industrial world, labor seemed to have nothing to do with the problems it would cause; instead, it was seen as a general solution, a panacea, for all kinds of poverty.Labor and poverty are placed in a simple relationship of opposition and inverse proportion.According to the interpretation of the classical period, the power and characteristics of labor to eliminate poverty are not so much derived from its productive capacity as from a certain moral charm.The efficacy of labor is recognized because it is based on a certain moral sublimation.Since the fall of man, man has regarded labor as a kind of penance, counting on it to have the power of redemption.Not some law of nature, but the potency of some curse compels men to labor.If man's idleness has caused the earth to sleep and bear no fruit, then the earth is not guilty. "The land is not guilty. If it is cursed, it is the fault of the fallen man who tilled it. It is impossible to get fruit from it, especially the most necessary, unless labor is devoted and continuous. The duty to labor has nothing to do with any belief in nature; not even with the vague belief that the land rewards man's labour.A theme repeated by Catholic thinkers, as well as Protestants, is that labor does not bear its own fruit.Calvin admonishes: "We must not think that if men are alert and dexterous, if they perform their duties faithfully, then they can make their lands rich. It is the grace of God that governs all things." If Labor would be fruitless without God's infinite mercy intervening.In this regard, Bossuet also admits: "Our hopes for a good harvest and unique fruits after labor may be frustrated at every moment. We refer to the mercy of the fickle God, and the nectar that nourishes the seedlings." . "Nature by no means necessarily rewards labor without the special favor of God.Still, unreliable labor is a very strict duty: it is not a natural synthesis, but a moral one.The poor do not want to "torture the earth," but wait for help from God, who has promised to feed the birds of heaven.Such poor people are violating the commandment of the Bible: "Do not put God to the test."Doesn't reluctance to work mean what Calvin called "a vain attempt to test the power of God"?This is forcing Miracle River to appear.In fact, as a reward for human labor, miracles come to the world every day.If labor is not inscribed in natural law, then it develops in the order of the world.This is why to say that idleness is rebellion.Idleness is, in a sense, the worst act, since it awaits, as in Eden, the handout of nature, and demands a kind of mercy which man has had no right to demand since Adam.Pride was the sin of man before the fall.Idleness is the most extreme expression of human arrogance since the Fall.This is ridiculous pride in poverty.In our world, wherever weeds grow, idleness is the greatest bane.In the Middle Ages, the greatest sin was arrogance.According to Huizinga, in the early Renaissance, the greatest sin was greed, what Dante (Dame) called cicca cu Pidigia [greed for everything].And the whole literature of the seventeenth century proclaims the damned triumph of laziness, that laziness leads and prevails over all vices.We should not forget that, according to the decree in which it was founded, the General Hospital was to refrain from "begging and idleness, which are the source of all confusion."Burdaromon supports those condemnations of idleness - the pathetic arrogance of fallen humanity.He said: "What, then, is the meaning of a chaotic life of idleness? Saint-Ambrose replied that it really means the second rebellion of this creature against God."便获得了道德意义：因为懒散已成为一种最坏的反叛方式，所以必须强制游手好闲者工作，用一种无休止的、不带来任何利益或利润的劳动来打发时间。 正是在某种劳动体验中，形成了这种经济和道德交融的禁闭要求。在古典世界里，劳动和游手好闲之间划出了一条分界线。这种划分取代了对麻疯病的排斥。不论是在地理分布图上还是在道德领域中，贫民收容院取代了麻疯病院。旧的社会排斥习俗复活了，但转到生产和商业领域里。正是在这些必然产生和蔑视游手好闲的地方，在从劳动法则中提取出道德升华的社会所发明的空间，疯癫将要出现，而且很快便会扩展开，将这些地方吞并。总有一天，它会凭借某种非常古老、非常模糊的继承权，占有这些不事生产的游手好闲领域。19世纪的人将会同意，甚至会坚决主张，把150年前人们力图用以关押贫民、流浪汉和失业者的地方转让给疯人，而且仅仅转让给他们。 在取缔游手好闲时将疯人也包容在内，这一点并非无足轻重。从一开始，疯人就与贫民并列，与游手好闲者并列（不论游手好闲是自愿的还是被迫的）。同那些人一样，疯人也要服从强制劳动的规章。而实际上，在这种统一的强制中，他们一再地表现出他们的独特之处。在工作间里，他们明显地与众不同，因为他们没有工作能力，不能跟上集体生活的节奏。18世纪，人们发现必须为精神不健全者提供一种特殊制度。这种必要性和大革命前夕发生的禁闭大危机，是同在劳动的普遍要求中所获得的对疯癫的体验相联系的。人们并不是到了17世纪才"关押"疯人，但是，正是在这个时期人们才开始把他们和一大批被认定属于同类的人"禁闭"和"拘留"在一起。直至文艺复兴时期，对疯癫的情感还是与天马行空的想像联系在一起。到了古典时期，人们第一次通过对游手好闲的谴责和在一种由劳动社会所担保的社会内涵中来认识疯癫。劳动社会获得了一种实行隔离的道德权力，使它能够驱逐各种社会垃圾，就像是把它们驱逐到另一个世界。正是在劳动的神圣权力所圈定的"另一个世界"里，疯癫将取得我们现在认为属于它的地位。如果说，在古典时期的疯癫中有什么指涉着另外的地方，"另外的东西"，那么其原因已不在于疯人是来自那个非理性的世界，带有非理性的烙印，而在于他自愿地越出资产阶级秩序的雷池，置身于其神圣的伦理界限之外。 实际上，禁闭的实践与必须工作的主张之间的关系不是由经济条件规定的。远非如此。是一种道德观念维系和推动着这种关系。当（英国）商业部发表关于贫民问题的报告、提出“使之变成对社会有用之人”的措施时，报告清楚地指出，贫困的根源既不是商品鹰之也不是失业，而是“纪律松懈和道德败坏”。（法国）1657年的敕令也充满了道德谴责和惊恐不安。"由于对各种犯罪的过分宽容，乞丐的自由放任已超过了限度。如果他们依然不受惩罚的话，上帝就会诅咒这个国家。"这种"自由放任"不是与那种与伟大的劳动法则相关的东西，而是一种道德上的自由放任："从事慈善工作的人从经验中得知，他们之中许多人未婚而同居，他们的子女有许多未受过洗礼，他们中的大多数都味于宗教，蔑视圣事，屡屡犯罪。"因此，总医院从外表上并不仅仅是老弱病残者的收容所。它后来也不仅仅是强制劳动集中营。它还是一个道德机构，负责惩治某种道德"阻滞"，这种"阻滞慨不能受到法庭审判，也不能单纯靠苦修来医治。总医院具有一种道德地位。它的监理们负有道德责任，同时被授权学有各种司法机构和压迫手段。"他们有命令、管理、商业、警察、司法和惩治的权力"；为了完成这一任务，他们可以使用"火刑柱、镣铐、监狱和地牢"。 正是在这种背景下，工作义务就取得了既是伦理实践又是道德保障的意义。它将成为禁欲苦行（askests）、成为惩罚，成为某种心态的表征。凡是能够和愿意工作的囚徒都将获释，其原因与其说是他已再度成为对社会有用之人，不如说是他再次在人类生存的伟大道德公约上签了字。1684年4月的一项法令规定，在总医院内设立一个收容25岁以下少男少女的部门，在该部门里，每日大部分时间必须工作，还必须辅以"读讲宗教著作"。但是，按照规定，这种工作完全是约束性的，没有任何生产的考虑："应该在他们的体力和状况所允许的限度内让他们尽可能长时间地、辛苦地工作。"根据他们在这最初活动中的积极态度"判断他们改过自新的愿望"。然后才能教他们学习一门"适合他们性别和禀赋"的职业。最后，凡有过失"都将受到总监认为适当的惩罚，如减少粥食、增加劳动、禁闭以及该医院通用的其他惩罚手段。"读了《萨尔佩特利耶尔圣路易医院日常生活条例》后，就完全能够懂得，劳动规定是作为道德改造和约束的一种练习而被制度化。如果说这种规定没有揭示出禁闭的根本意义的话，那么它至少揭示了禁闭的基本理由。 发明一个强制场所，使用行政措施进行道德训诫，这是一个很重要的现象。在历史上第一次出现了一批将道德义务和民法组合在一起的、令人瞠目的道德机构。各国的法律将不再容忍心灵的混乱。虽然，在欧洲文化中，道德错误，甚至完全私人性的错误，被视为对社会成文法或习惯法的冒犯，这并不是第一次。但是，在古典时期的大禁闭中，最基本的也是最新的特点在于，人们被禁闭在纯粹道德的城市中，在那里，毫不妥协、毫无保留地用严厉的肉体强制来实行统治心灵的法律。道德自愿地像商业或经济那样接受行政管理。 于是我们便看到，在绝对君主制的机构中——在这些长期以来一直成为其专横权力的象征的机构中，铭刻着资产阶级和继之而来的共和主义的重要思想；美德也是一种国家大事，可以用法令来振兴美德，可以设立权力机构来确保美德受到尊重。禁闭的围墙实际上是把17世纪资产阶级的良心开始憧憬的道德城市中的消极因素圈封起来。这种道德城市是为那些从一开始便唯恐避之不及的人设立的，因为在那里正当的统治完全凭借着不许上诉的暴力来维持。这是一样美德的统治，在那里人人自危，对奉行美德的唯一回报（美德本身也就是报酬）就是避开了惩罚。在这个资产阶级城市的阴影笼罩之下诞生了这种奇怪的美德共和国。它是用暴力强加给所有被疑为有罪的人的。它是古典时期资产阶级的伟大梦想和严重偏见的底面：国家法律和心灵法律最终合二为一。"让我们的政治家们停止他们的计算吧，......让他们彻底懂得，金钱可以支配、切，但不能支配道德和公民。 看上去，难道不正是这种梦想素绕在汉堡禁闭所的创建者们的心头吗？有一位监理希望看到“在这所教养院所教导的一切都完全符合宗教和道德义务。……教师应该用宗教来教诲儿童，在合适的时候鼓励他们学习和背诵圣经的段落。他还应教他们学习读写和计算，教他们学会用文雅举止对待参观者、他应该负责让他们井然有序地参加宗教仪式。”'在英国，劳动院的条例用很大篇搞规定道德监督和宗教教育。譬如，普利茅斯劳动院指定一名教师来贯彻“虔诚、庄重和谨慎”三项要求。在每日早晚的规定时间，由他主持祷告。每个星期六下午和节假日，他要向被收容者们发表讲话，“根据英国国教教义，用新教的基本内容”规劝和教诲他们。不论在汉堡还是在普利茅斯，不论是教养院还是劳动院，在整个欧洲的新教地区都建立起道德秩序的堡垒。在那些地方灌输着宗教和各种有利于国家安宁的东西。 在天主教国家，目标是同样的，但是正如圣文森的工作所显示的，其宗教烙印较为明显一点。“将这些人迁移至此，避开世界风暴，与世隔绝，成为被救济考，其主要目的完全是为了使他们不受罪恶支配，不致成为遭受天罚的罪人，完全是为了使他们在这个世界和来世心满意足地享受欢乐，使他们在这个世界中尽其所能地礼拜上帝。……我们沉痛地从经验中得知，今日的青年人之所以迷乱，其原因在于缺乏宗教教育和宗教谦卑，他们宁愿顺从自己的邪恶意愿而不服从上帝的神圣启示和父母的谆谆教诲。”因此，必须将这些人从那个诱使其弱点发展为罪恶的世界中拯救出来，召回到一个与世隔绝、只有“护卫天使”陪伴的地方。护卫天使的化身就是每日出现的监护者。监护者“给了他们像护卫天使在冥冥中给予的那种帮助，即教诲他们，安慰他们，拯救他们。”在（法国）天主教会慈善院里，主要精力放在生活和良心的整顿上。在18世纪，这一点愈益明确地成为禁闭的理由。1765年，梯耶里堡的慈善院制定了新的规章，明确规定"副院长每星期至少逐个会见所有的被救济者一次，安慰他们，鼓励他们，并了解他们是否受到应有的待遇。下属官员则应每日这样做。" 所有这些道德秩序监狱都会有霍华德在美因茨教养院还能看到的警言：“野兽尚且能被锁链制服，管教迷途的人更不必悲观失望。”正如在新教国家中那样，对于天主教会来说，禁闭以一种权威主义模式体现了社会幸福的神话：这是一个浸透宗教原则的治安秩序，也是一种用治安条例及其强制手段来使自己的要求得到无限满足的宗教。在这些机构中，人们力图证明这种秩序足以实现美德。在这个意义上，禁闭既掩盖了政府的非世俗意图，又掩盖了宗教的现世政治活动。作为专制综合体的一个成果，它被置于一个广阔的空；匈中，这个空间将上帝的花园同被逐出天堂的人们自己建成的城市隔开。古典时期的禁闭所成为“治安”的一个浓缩的象征。“治安”认为自身就是建设完美城市的世俗宗教。 禁闭是17世纪创造的一种制度。它从一开始便获得一种重要意义，从而使它与中世纪的囚禁毫无关联。作为一种经济措施和一种社会防范措施，它是一项发明。然而，在疯癫的历史上，它标志着一个决定性时刻：此时人们从贫困、没有工作能力、没有与群体融合的能力的社会角度来认识疯癫；此时，疯癫开始被列为城市的问题。贫困的新意义，工作义务的重要性以及所有与劳动相关的伦理价值，最终决定了人们对疯癫的体验，改变了其历程。 有一种情感诞生了。它划出一道界限，安放下一块基石。它选择了唯一的方案：放逐。在古典社会的现实空间里保留了一个中立区，一个中止了现实城市生活的空白地。在这里，秩序不再会随便地遇到混乱，理性也不用试着在那些会躲避它或力图拒绝它的人中取得进展。在这里，理性通过一次预先为它安排好的对狂暴的疯癫的胜利，实行着绝对的统治。这样，疯癫就被从想像的自由王国中强行拖出。它曾凭借想像的自由在文艺复兴的地干线上显赫一时。不久前，它还在光天化日之下——在《李尔王》和《唐吉珂德》中——踉跄挣扎。但是，还不到半个世纪，它就被关押起来．在禁闭城堡中听命于理性、受制于道德戒律，在漫漫黑夜中度日。