At the end of the Middle Ages, leprosy disappeared from the Western world.On the edge of social groups, at the entrances of various cities, there are wildernesses of ruins.These places are no longer endemic for disease, but they are deserted.For centuries, these places belonged to the "non-human" world.From the 14th century to the 17th century, they would use a strange magic to conjure a new disease, another grimace, waiting for the return of the practice of social cleansing and exclusion. From the High Middle Ages to the end of the Crusades, leprosy hospitals multiplied, and cities with leprosy patients spread throughout Europe.According to Paris, there were as many as nineteen thousand leprosariums throughout Christendom.Before and after Louis VIII promulgated the Leprosy Hospital Law in 1226, there were more than 9,000 officially registered leprosariums in France.There are forty-three in the diocese of Paris alone, including Château de Reine, Corbet, Saint-Valéret, and champ-Pourri (meaning foul place);The two largest hospitals are just outside Paris, they are Saint-Germain and Porte Saint-Lazare.We will see these two names in another medical history.This is because they have been empty of patients since the 15th century.In the 16th century, Saint-Germain became a reformatory for juvenile delinquents.Until the time of Saint-Vincent 21, there was only one leper left in Saint-Lazare, "Monsieur Langlois, lawyer of the civil court".The Nancy Leprosy Hospital is one of the largest leprosariums in Europe, but during the regency of Marie de Médcis, it only accommodated 4 patients.According to Catel's Memoirs, there were 29 hospitals in Toulouse at the end of the Middle Ages, seven of which were leprosariums.But by the early 17th century, only three were still mentioned.They are Saint Cyprian, Arno-Bernar and Saint Michel.People rejoiced at the disappearance of leprosy. In 1635, the residents of Reims held a grand procession to thank God for the city's freedom from this plague.

As early as a century earlier, the Crown had begun to control and reorganize the vast property donated to the leper asylum. On December 9, 1543, François I ordered a census and property inventory "to correct the present serious disorder in the leprosy asylum". In 1606, Henry IV issued a royal decree requesting a re-examination of the property of the leprosy hospital, "using the excess property obtained from this investigation to support poor nobles and disabled soldiers". The Royal Decree of December 24, 1612 made the same requirement, but this time the excess revenue was used for the relief of the poor.

In fact, until the end of the 17th century, the problem of French leprosariums remained unsolved.Due to the economic importance of this issue, it has given rise to numerous conflicts.Until 1677 there were 44 leprosariums in the Dauphine alone. On February 20, 1672, Louis XIV transferred all the movable property of the military and medical orders to the orders of Saint-Lazare and Monte-Carmel, which were authorized to manage all the leprosariums in the kingdom.Some twenty years later, the Royal Decree of 1672 was annulled.From March 1693 to July 1695, after a series of swinging measures, the property of the leprosy hospital was finally assigned to other hospitals and welfare institutions.The few patients who were scattered in the remaining 1,200 leprosariums were concentrated in St. Maiman's Hospital near Orleans.These decrees were first implemented in Paris, and the Supreme Court transferred the relevant revenues to the various institutions of the General Hospital.Provincial authorities have followed suit.Toulouse transfers the property of the leprosarium to the hospital for terminally ill patients (1696); the property of the Beaulieu leprosy hospital in Normandy to the magistrate hospital in Cannes;Only the Saint-Mayman hospital and the Ganets ward near Bordeaux remain.

In the 12th century, England and Scotland, with a population of only 1.5 million, opened 220 leprosy hospitals.However, as early as the 14th century, these hospitals began to gradually fall into disuse. In 1342, Edward III ordered an investigation into the leper asylum at Ripon (the hospital was now free of lepers), and the property of the institution was distributed to the poor. At the end of the 12th century, Archbishop Puisel created a hospital, which by 1434 had only two beds for lepers. In 1348, St. Albans Leprosy Hospital housed only three patients; twenty-four years later, Romenal Hospital in Kent was abandoned because it had no lepers.In Chatham, the St Bartolo's Class Leprosy Hospital, built in 1078, was once one of the most important hospitals in England; however, it housed only two patients during the reign of Elizabeth I; by 1627 it finally closed .

In Germany, too, leprosy was on the decline, perhaps only slightly more slowly; however, the reformation of the asylums was hastened by the Reformation.As a result, welfare and health care facilities are in the hands of municipalities.This is true in Leipzig, Munich and Hamburg. In 1542 the property of the leprosarium in Schleswig-Holstein was transferred to the hospital.In Stuttgart, a magistrate's report in 1589 showed that there had been no such patients in the leprosariums there for fifty years.In Lipplingen, too, the leper asylum was quickly overwhelmed by the terminally ill and the mentally ill.

The strange disappearance of leprosy is undoubtedly not the result of long-term crude medical practice, but the result of isolation and cutting off the source of disease in the East after the end of the Crusades.Leprosy receded, but it left behind not only these vile places, but customs as well.These customs are not to stamp out the disease, but to keep it at a certain sacred distance, to fix it in negative propaganda.After years of disuse in the leprosy asylum, there is no doubt that something has outlasted leprosy, and will continue to exist.This is the value and image attached to the image of the leper, the meaning of rejecting the leper, that is, the social meaning of that shocking and terrifying image.Such an image must first be drawn into a sacred circle before it can be repelled.

Although the lepers were excluded from the world, from the society of the visible Church, their existence was still a sure proof of God, for it was a sign of God's wrath and favor.The liturgy book of the Church of Vienna says: "My friend, the Lord has pleased you to contract this disease, and you have received great favor from the Lord, because He is willing to punish you for your sins in this world." When the pastor and his assistants dragged the leper out of the church, he was still convincing the leper to believe that he was still a testimony to God: "Whether you leave the church and the company of healthy people, you still have not left the grace of God. "In Calvary, in Bruegel's picture, the crowd surrounds Christ, while the leper still keeps a certain distance from him, but is always crawling towards Calvary.They are divine proofs of sin.They achieve their salvation in and through their exclusion.Through the work of a strange misfortune contrary to good deeds and prayers, the leper is saved by the hand that was not stretched out.The sinner who left the leper at the door opened for him the way to heaven. "For they have restrained your sickness; for the Lord will not hate you for it, but will keep you from His company; if you endure, you will be saved, as a leper dies at a rich man's door But was sent straight to heaven." Rejection was his salvation, rejection gave him another communion.

Leprosy disappeared, and the lepers were all but wiped from memory.But these structures are preserved.Two or three centuries later, often in the same places, people will use strikingly similar methods of repulsion.A poor vagabond, criminal, and "lunatic" would take over the role of the leper.We shall see what deliverance from this exclusion they and those who excluded them expected.This approach will continue in a completely different culture with a whole new meaning.In fact, this significant way of sharply dividing is both a social exclusion and a spiritual reunification. Something new appeared on the imaginative scene of the Renaissance; it soon took a special place.This is the "Ship of Fools".This bizarre "drunkard's boat" cruises along the calm Rhine and Flemish canals.

Of course, the Fool's Ship (Narrenschiff) is a literary term, probably from the old Argonian saga.At this time, this great mythological theme acquired new vitality and became widespread in Burgundian society.Fashion welcomes the stories of these ships: these ships carry ideal heroes, moral role models, and social models, embarking on a great symbolic voyage.Through the voyage, those on board become, if not riches, at least the embodiment of fate or reason.For example, Champier (SymPhorien ChamPier). In 1502, he created "The Boat of the Five Dukes and the Battle of the Nobles", and in 1503 he created "The Lady's Ship".There are also "Boat of the Healthy", "Blue Boat" by Jacob van Oestvoren (1413), Sebastian Brant (for "Ship of Fools" (1494), Paris Josse Bade's book "The Ship of Fools". Of course, Bosch's paintings also belong to this dream fleet.

Of all these romantic or ironic ships, however, the Ship of Fools is the only one that is real, because they did exist.The boats sailed from town to town with deranged passengers.The madman thus leads an easy and carefree vagabond life.The towns drove them out; when they were not entrusted to caravans or pilgrim bands, they were allowed to wander the open countryside.This custom is especially common in Germany. In the first half of the 15th century, 63 lunatics were registered in Nuremberg, 31 of whom were expelled.During the next 50 years, it is recorded that at least ZI people were forced to flee.These are simply patients detained by municipal authorities.They are usually given to boatmen. In Frankfurt in 1399, sailors were ordered to take away a sick man who was wandering naked through the streets. At the beginning of the 15th century, Mainz expelled a mad criminal in the same way.Sometimes, as soon as the sailors promised to come down, they turned around and sent these troublesome passengers ashore again.A blacksmith at Frankfurt was twice expelled, but twice returned, until at last he was sent to Kreuznach.Many cities in Europe must have seen the "Ship of Fools" sailing into their ports on a regular basis.

Uncovering the exact meaning of this custom is no easy task.One might suppose that this was a common means of extradition by which municipalities sent wandering madmen out of their precincts.This supposition does not take into account the fact that even before the establishment of special asylums for the mad, some insane had already been hospitalized or similarly cared for; the Hospital des Prieus de Paris had already provided beds for them in the wards.Throughout the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, most cities in Europe had special detention centers for madmen, such as Chatelet in Melun and the famous Madman Tower in Cannes.There are countless Madman Towers in Germany, such as the Chengguan in Lübeck and the Maiden's Tower in Hamburg.Therefore, a madman is not necessarily expelled.One might imagine that only the out-of-town madmen were expelled, and that each city looked after only the sick among its own citizens.Haven't we found some medieval city ledgers with records of sick relief money or donations for the care of the sick?but.The problem is not that simple.In places where patients are intensively received, most of the patients are not locals.The first congregations of madmen were the holy places: Saint-Martin de Larchamp, Saint-Hildeville-de-Cournay, Besançon, and Gilles.Pilgrimage to these places is organized by cities or hospitals.Often also funded by the city or the hospital.These ships of fools, which captivated the imagination throughout the early Renaissance, were probably pilgrimage ships.Those crazy passengers with strong symbolism are going to find their own rationality.Some ships go down the Rhine to Belgium and Gil.Others sailed up the Rhine to Jura and Besançon. There are other cities, such as Nuremberg, which are certainly not holy places, but also have a large number of crazy people.The number is so large that it is definitely not what the city itself can produce.These madmen were fed and lodged from the city treasury, but instead of being cured they were thrown into prison.We may surmise that in certain important cities—centres of tourism and trade—a considerable number of madmen were brought by merchants and sailors, and were "lost" there.This takes their hometown away from them.It is likely that these "non-pilgrim places" gradually became confused with those places where the sick were received as pilgrims.The desire to seek medical treatment and the desire to reject coincide, and the patient is confined to some sanctuary of miraculous manifestations.This is probably how the village of Gheel developed: a place of spiritual bones became an asylum, a sanctuary to which madmen longed to be deported, but there, according to old tradition, a kind of Ceremonial distinction. Yet neither the wandering madmen, nor their expulsion, nor their uprooting, embodies their full significance for social utility or social security.Other meanings, more closely linked to ritual, are sure to manifest.We will always find clues of them.For example, although canon law does not prohibit madmen from attending Holy Communion, madmen are not allowed near churches.Although the church never took any action against mad priests, a mad priest in Nuremberg was excommunicated in 1421, as if he were all the more unclean by virtue of being a clergyman, and the city took it out of its finances. paid for his travel.In some places madmen are flogged in public, or taunted at some kind of game, for chasing them, and driving them out of the city with clubs.There are plenty of indications that the exorcism of the madman became one of many rites of exile. In this way we can more fully understand the peculiar implications of the patient's voyage and the social attention it evokes.On the one hand, we should not minimize its undeniable practical effect; the handing over of a sick man to a sailor is to ensure that he no longer wanders beneath the walls, convinced that he will go far away, making him a willing exile prisoner.But Waters adds its own hidden value to the practice.It not only takes people away, but also has another function - purification.Sailing confronts an uncertain fate.On the water, everyone is left to their fate.Every voyage could be the last.The patient boarded the ship of fools in order to go to another world.When he got off the boat, he was from another world.Patient voyages are thus both a rigid social distinction and an absolute transition.In a sense, this is nothing more than the development of the marginalized status of the sick in the Middle Ages through geographical shifts that are half real, half fanciful.Because the patient had the privilege of being imprisoned in the gates, this status became both symbolic and very real: to exclude him he had to be enclosed; since there was no other suitable prison for him than Menjin, the He was detained at that ferry.He is placed between the inside and the outside, the inside to the outside, and the outside to the inside.This is a status with strong symbolic meaning.If we admit that what was once the physical bulwark of order has become the citadel of our conscience, the position of the sick undoubtedly remains so today. Waters and sailing do play that role.The patient was imprisoned on the ship with nowhere to escape.When he is sent to the rivers or the vast sea, he is also sent to an unearthly and unfathomable fate; he becomes a prisoner in the freest and most open place: firmly bound in There are countless intersections to go.He is the most typical traveler in life, a prisoner of travel.Where he will go is unknown, just as once he disembarked it is unknown where he came from.Only in the barren land between two worlds that are not his is his truth and his homeland.Although such customs and these values ​​are the epitome of imaginary relationships that will endure for a long time, they have their origins throughout the history of Western culture.In turn, this relationship from an immemorial age is called up at this time and makes it customary for the sick to sail.Is it not?At least one thing is certain: waters and madness have long been associated in European fantasies. For example, Tristan, pretending to be a madman, ordered the boatman to send him to Plenty, Cornwall.When he came to King Mark's castle, the people here didn't know him, and they didn't know where he came from.He published a lot of strange talk, people feel both familiar and strange.He knows the secrets of all ordinary things so well, so he can only come from another adjacent world.He came not from the solid earth with its strong cities, but from the sea without tranquility, from the strange avenues of many strange knowledge, and from the wondrous plain beneath the world.Esther first discovered that this madman was the son of the sea, and the arrogant sailors abandoned him here, which was an ominous signal: "Those damned sailors brought this madman! Why didn't they throw him into the sea!" At that time, The same theme comes up more than once.Among the mystics of the fifteenth century it became a plot of the soul as a small boat, abandoned on the vast sea of ​​desire, in the barren land of care and ignorance, in the mirage of knowledge or in the world of irrationality .The little boat is at the mercy of a mad sea, unless it casts down a firm coin--faith, or hoists its spiritual sails, and let the breath of God blow it into port. At the end of the 16th century, de Lanker (Fief. Aners) believed that a group of people's evil tendencies came from the sea; the adventurous life of sailing, following the guidance of astrology, the secrets of generations, and the alienation of women.It is the image of the vast and violent sea that makes people lose their belief in Emperor _L and their nostalgia for their homeland.Man falls into the hands of demons - a satanic trick Ocean Gate 1.In this classical age, the influence of the cold and wet maritime climate and the vagaries of the weather were mostly used to explain the bipolar personality of the British.The pervasive moisture saturates the veins and fibers of the human body, making it loose and prone to madness.Finally let us skip over the vast literature from Opheline to Lorelei, and just mention the brilliant half-anthropological, half-cosmological analysis cited by Heinroth.Madness, he thought, was a symptom of the murky quality of water in man.Water quality is a dark disordered state, a flowing chaos, the origin and destination of all things, and it is opposite to the bright, mature and stable spirit. Yet if the voyage of the sick is associated with so many ancient motives in the spiritual world of the West, why has the subject taken shape so suddenly in literature and painting through the centuries?Why did the Ship of Fools and its deranged passengers suddenly invade the most familiar picture?Why did the ancient union of waters and madness give birth to this ship on a certain day and on this very day? The reason for this is that it is the symbol of a great restlessness which suddenly appeared on the horizon of European culture at the end of the Middle Ages.Madness and sickness became great phenomena, with ambiguous meanings: menace and object of mockery, madness of earthly irrationality and pitiful laughing stock of men. The first is stories and moral parables.They undoubtedly have a long history.But by the end of the Middle Ages, works in this area had proliferated, producing a series of "silly stories".These works, as always, lash out at sin and error, but instead of attributing it all to arrogance, callousness, or lack of Christian integrity, they attribute it to some kind of gross stupidity.There is no definite reason for this stupidity, but it involves all in some kind of conspiracy.The lashing out at madness (stupidity) became a universal critique.The role of the sick, the fool, or the fool becomes more and more important in farces and jokes {15).He is no longer the usual ridiculous supporting role standing on the side, but stands in the center of the stage as the guardian of truth. .His role at this time is the complement and inversion of the insane character in stories and satires.When all are carried away and bewildered by stupidity, the patient reminds everyone.In a comedy in which everyone deceives each other and ends up fooling themselves, the patient is the auxiliary comic factor, the deceit of deceit.He utters rational words in the language of the utterly stupid fool, and thus produces comic effect in a comical way: he speaks of love to lovers, the truths of life to young people, the golden mean to the arrogant and the liars.Even the traditional April Fools' Days, very popular in Flanders and Northern Europe, became dramatic events and turned into social and moral critiques, although they may contain some elements of spontaneous religious farce. In scholarly works, madness or stupidity is also at work in the heart of reason and truth.Stupidity puts everyone indiscriminately on its ship of madness, forcing them to accept universal adventures (Osterwarren's Blue Boat, Brandt's Ship of Fools). Stupidity produces catastrophic Dominion, as portrayed so well by Thomas Mumer in "The Foolish Request." Stupidity triumphs over love in Corroz's satire "Refuting Mad Love." In Rabe's dialogue works In The Debate Between Folly and Love, folly and love argue over who came first, who made the other, and in the end stupidity wins. Stupidity has its own academic pastimes. It is the object of controversy, it argues with itself; it is refuted, But he also defended himself, claiming that he was closer to happiness and truth than reason, and closer to reason than reason. Wimpferring edited "The Monopoly of Philosophy", and Gallus edited "Monopoly and Society. Fools. And in all this serious play, the great humanist works occupy a central place: Friedel's "Resurrection Customs" and Erasmus's "Ode to Fools". The discussion of debates, these repeated and processed expositions echo each other with a gallery of images from Bosch's "The Cure for Madness" and "The Ship of Fools" to Bruegel's "The Cry of Fools". Woodcut And the page portrays what theater, literature, and art have already described, a hybrid of All-A-Friends' Day and Fool's Dance. There can be no doubt that the image of madness has haunted the Western imagination since the fifteenth century. A chronology speaks for itself.The Dance of the Dead at the Cemetery of the Holy Child is undoubtedly a work of the early 15th century, and the work of the same name on the Dormition of the Holy Sepulchre was probably created around 1460. In 1485, Guyot Marchant published the Danse macabre.These sixty years must have been dominated by this grinning figure of death.However, in 1494, Brand wrote "Ship of Fools", which was translated into Latin in 1497.During the first few years of the century, Bosch painted The Ship of Fools. "Ode to Fools" was written in 1509.This alternating relationship is very clear. Until the second half of the century, or a little later, the theme of death dominated.The end of man, the end of age wears the mask of plague and war.It is this end and order that all things cannot escape that threatens the existence of human beings.The threat felt even on this shore world is something invisible.But in the last years of the century, this great uneasiness turned on itself.The mockery of madness takes the place of the solemnity of death.People have turned from the discovery that man must be reduced to nothing to playfully contemplating the idea that existence itself is nothingness.The terror that arises in the face of the absolute limits of death is turned inwards through a constant irony.This fear has been relieved in advance, death has been made a laughing stock, made it a common and prosaic form, made it reappear constantly in the scenes of life, scattered it among the sins, sufferings and absurdities of all men. middle.The destruction of death is no longer a matter, because it is everywhere, because life itself is a futile quarrel, a dog-fight.The mind will become a skeleton, and now it is empty.Madness is the question of death already present.But this is also the state in which death is conquered.It hides in everyday symptoms.These symptoms not only proclaimed that the god had come, but that his prize was but a poor captive.What death removes is but a mask.To spot a skeleton smile, one just has to remove something.This thing is neither beauty nor truth, but a mask of plaster and wire.Whether wearing a mask or turning into a zombie, the smile remains the same.But when the patient laughed, he was already wearing the grin of death.Thus, the sick person eliminates the threat of death earlier than the dead person.The "Cry of Fools" in the heyday of the Renaissance triumphed over the singing of "Death's Triumph" on the wall of Santo Square at the end of the Middle Ages. The substitution of the theme of madness for the theme of death marks not a break but an inner turn of anxiety.It is still the nothingness of existence that is in question, but this nothingness is no longer conceived as an external end, a threat and an end.It is a constant and eternal way of being experienced from within.In the past, a man was too insane to see his approaching death, and had to be restored to his sanity by visions of death.Reason now manifests itself in condemning madness now and then and everywhere, teaching men that they are but dead men, that if the day is approaching it is only a matter of degree, that madness which is already omnipresent is no different from death itself.This is what Eustachpeschamns predicted: - We are cowardly and weak, greedy, old and rude.I looked around and saw all fools.the end is near, Everything is morbid. … Now, those factors are reversed.No longer shown retrospectively by the end of ages and worlds, men were insanely unprepared for such an end.Rather, it is shown by the tide of madness, its secret intrusion, that the world is approaching the final catastrophe.It is human insanity that brings about the end of the world. In the plastic arts and in literature, this experience of madness appears remarkably consistent.Drawings and written works are always cross-referenced—what is said here, there is imagery there.We find again and again the same theme of the Fool's dance at popular festivals, in theatrical performances, and in engravings and woodcuts.And the last part of "A Fool's Award" is entirely conceived on the pattern of a lengthy sick dance.In this dance, people of various professions and ranks line up in turn to form a crazy round dance.Bosch added a group of grotesque figures to the paintings he created in Lisbon, many of which borrowed from traditional masks, and some may have been taken from "The Evil Axemen" The famous "Ship of Fools" was not directly taken from Brant's "Ship of Fools"?Not only does it bear the same title, but it seems to be an illustration entirely of the twenty-seventh chapter of Brandt's long poem, also satirizing "drunkards and smugglers."Thus, it has even been suggested that Bosch's painting is part of a series of drawings illustrating major passages of Brant's long poem. Needless to say, we should not be deluded by the apparent continuity of these subjects, nor should we imagine beyond what history itself reveals.It is impossible to repeat Marr's analysis of previous eras, especially with regard to the subject of death.Because the unity of speech and image, the unity of verbal description and artistic modeling began to disintegrate.They no longer directly share a unified meaning.If it is true that the image still has an expressive function, the function of conveying something real in language, then we must admit that it no longer expresses the same thing.and.Because of its modeling value, painting is engaged in an experiment.This experiment will make it more and more out of language, regardless of the superficial similarity of its subject matter.Images and language are still explaining the same fable of the fool in the same moral world, but the directions of the two are quite different.In this palpable cleavage, great dividing lines have been revealed for the future of Western experience of madness. The emergence of madness on the horizon of the Renaissance can be detected above all in the decline of Gothic symbolism: the world's finely woven web of spiritual meaning seems to be beginning to unravel, revealing faces that are elusive except madness .The Gothic forms persisted for some time, but they gradually fell silent, expressed nothing, suggested nothing, taught nothing, and remained in their own absurd existence beyond all languages ​​(although they were familiar to ).Ring'elephants have shed their sanity and preaching from channeling them and began to focus on their own madness. Paradoxically, this liberation comes precisely from the self-reproduction of meaning.This multiplication weaves relationships so numerous, intricate, and colorful that they cannot be understood except by arcane knowledge.The thing itself is burdened with more and more attributes, signs and metaphors, so that it finally loses its own form.Meaning is no longer intelligible to intuition, and image no longer speaks for itself.The rift widens between the knowledge that animates the image and the form it takes in turn.This opens up a world of freedom for the dream.There is a work called "The Book of Salvation of Mankind" which shows the multiplication of meaning at the end of the Gothic world.This book breaks the various corresponding relationships established by the early church traditions, and expounds a symbolic system shared by the Old Testament and the New Testament. This symbolism is not based on the arrangement of prophecy, but comes from the correspondence of certain images.The crucifixion of Christ is not only foreshadowed by the sacrifice of Abraham, but also surrounded by the praise of the crucifixion and countless related dreams.The wheels of Tubamon the blacksmith and Isaiah both occupy positions around the cross, composing grotesque scenes of brutality, physical torture, and crucifixion that go beyond the various teachings of sacrifice.In this way, such images are endowed with additional meanings and forced to express them.Moreover, dreams, madness, and the absurd can also seep into this expanded meaning.These symbolic images can easily become nightmarish apparitions.It can be seen that in German engravings, the image of ancient wisdom is often represented by a long-necked bird whose thoughts rise slowly from the heart to the head, so that these thoughts have time to be weighed and considered.This is a symbol that people are tired of talking about, that is, to express the long process of thinking with the image of an elegant academic still, a tool for refining the essence. The neck of the "good old man" is infinitely elongated, which is to better explain the actual process of reflecting knowledge beyond wisdom.The symbolic man becomes a monstrous bird with a disproportionate and twisted neck.This is an absurd existence, both animals and not animals, rather than expressing a strict meaning, it is more close to a magical image.This symbolic wisdom is the prey of dream-madness. A fundamental change in this world of images is that the tension of multiple meanings liberates the world from the control of form.So many meanings are established behind the surface of the image that the image appears entirely as a bewildering face.Thus, the image no longer has the power to teach, but to confuse.The most typical example is the evolution of the well-known half-human, half-animal figure in the English Psalter, already familiar to people in the Middle Ages, and in the carvings of the churches of Chartres and Bourges.This image was originally used to warn people how human beings driven by desire became the prey of wild beasts; these strange faces placed in the belly of monsters belonged to the world of Platonic metaphors, and were used to condemn the absurd and evil in the world. spiritual depravity.However, in the 15th century, this half-human, half-ludicrous image of madness became one of the favorite images of countless works titled "Seduction".It is not the object of desire that strikes the hermit's peace, but these mysterious, mad shapes, which come out of a dream and sneak away on the surface of some world, still silent and secretive.Seated opposite St. Anthony in the frescoes of the Lisbon churches is one of these images from madness and the solitude, penitence, and misery it entails.There was a pale smile on the face of the disembodied figure, and the clever grimace expressed pure anxiety.Now, it is this succulent phantom that is simultaneously subject and object of seduction.It is this image that catches the eye of the ascetic—they are all captives of some kind of mirror-searching.This quest was completely swallowed up and left unanswered by the silence created by the monsters that surrounded them.This half-human, half-beast no longer awakens in its ironic form the spiritual vocation forgotten in its absurd desires.It is madness that becomes temptation; it embodies the impossible, the unthinkable, the inhuman, everything that suggests some unnatural, unsettlingly absurd existence on the surface of the earth.And all of this just endows half-human, half-beast with strange power.The freedom of one's own dreams, of one's insane hallucinations, however terrible, was more attractive to man in the fifteenth century than the fulfillment of bodily needs. What, then, is this torque now at work through the imagery of madness? 首先，人们在这些怪异形象中发现了关于人的本性的一个秘密、一种禀性。在中世纪人的思想中，被亚当命名的动物界象征性地体现着人性的价值。但是在文艺复兴初期，人与动物界的关系颠倒过来了。野兽获得自由。它们逃出传说和道德图解的世界，获得自身的某种怪异性质。由于令人惊愕的颠倒，现在动物反过来追踪人，抓住人，向人揭示人自身的真理。从夜癫的想访中产生的非现实的动物变成了人的秘密本质。当本日来临，罪孽深重的人类以丑陋的裸体出现时，我们会看到，人类具有某种发狂动物的可怕形象。在布茨的中，它们是锐鸣果，其身体是赌蟀和赤裸的罪人的结合；在洛赫纳的作品中，他们是展翅的猫头昆虫，人面甲虫以及煽动着如同不安而贪婪的双手的翅膀的鸟。这种形象在格吕内瓦尔德的中则是一只有多节手指的大猛兽。动物界逃避了人类符号和价值的驯化，反过来揭示了隐藏在人心中的无名狂暴和徒劳的病虬 在这种幻影性相次的另一极，疯癫之所以有勉力，其原因在于它就是知识。它之所以是知识，其原因首先在于所有这些荒诞形象实际上都是构成某种神秘玄奥的学术的因素。这些怪异形状从一开始就被件于“伟大奥秘”的空间里。受它们诱惑的圣安东尼并不单纯是欲望的粗暴牺牲品，而更多地是受到好奇心的暗中引诱。他受到遥远而又亲近的知识的诱惑，受到那些半人半兽的微笑的诱惑。那些知识既在他呈现又在躲闪。他在向后倒退，这一步之差就使他不能跨入知识的禁区。他早就知道——这也正是对他的诱惑所在—一卡丹随后所说的：“智慧同其他珍贵的东西一样，应该从地壳内连根除掉。”而这种无法接近的、极其可怕的知识则早已被天真的愚人所学握。当有理性、有智黑的人仅仅感受到片断的、从而越发令人气馁的种种知识形象时，愚人则拥有完整无缺的知识领域。那个水晶球在所有其他人看来是透明无物的，而在他眼中则是充满了隐形的知识。动鲁盖尔曾嘲笑病人试图识破这个水晶世界，但是恰恰在“呼喊着的女疯子”扛着的木棍顶端悬吊着这个多彩的知识球。这是一个荒诞却又无比珍贵的灯笼。而且，这个世界恰恰出现在忘忧乐园的反面。另一个知识象征是树（禁树、允诺尔生和使人犯下原罪的树）。它曾种在人间乐园的中央，但后来被连根拔掉。而现在，正如在图解巴德的《女愚人船》的版画上可看到的，它成为愚人船上的桅杆。无疑，在博斯的《愚人船》上摇曳着的也正是这种树。 这种愚人的智慧预示着什么呢？毫无疑问，因为它是被禁止的智慧，所以它既预示着撒旦的统治，又预示着世界的末日，既预示着终极的狂喜，又预示着最高的惩罚，既预示着它在人世间的无以武力，又预示着万却不复的堕落。愚人船穿行过一个快乐景区，这里能满足人的一切欲望。这是一个复苏的乐园，因为人在这里不再有痛苦，也不再有需求，但是他还没有返朴归真。这种虚假的幸福是反基督者的邪恶胜利。这是末日，是已经来临的未回。诚然，在15世纪，启示录上的梦境并不新鲜，但是它们的性质已与过去大相径庭。在14世纪精致的幻想插图上，城堡如骰子般摇摇欲坠，巨兽总是被圣母镇在海湾的传统的龙。总之，上帝的意旨及其迫近的胜利都赫然在目。但是，（在15世纪）这种画面被派灭了一切智慧的世界图像所取代。后者是自然界妖魔鬼怪的大聚会：高山消退而变成平原，遍野横尸、荒系露骨、星辰坠落、大地流火，一切有生命的东西都在凋萎、死亡。这个未日毫无作为过渡和希望的价值，而仅仅是一个吞没世界原有理性的夜晚的来临。丢勒的作品很能说明这一点。在他的画上，启示录中上帝派来的骑兵并不是胜利与和解天使，也不是和平正义的使者，而是进行疯狂报复的、披头散发的武士。世界陷入普遍的怒火之中。胜利既不属于上帝，也不属于撒旦，而是属于疯癫。 疯癫在各个方面都使人们迷恋。它所产生的怪异图像不是那种转瞬即逝的”押物表面的现象。那种从最奇特的深安状态所产生的东西，就像一个秘密、一个无法接近的真理，早已隐藏在地表下面。这是一个奇特的体论。当人放纵其疯癫的专横时，他就与世界的隐秘的必然性面对面了；出没于他的恶梦之中的，困扰着他的孤独之夜的动物就是他自己的本质，它将揭示出地狱的无情真理；那些关于盲目愚意的虚浮意象就是这个世界的“伟大科学”（Magna Sdend）；这种无序、这个疯癫的宇宙早已预示了残忍的结局。透过这种意象，文艺复兴时期的人表达了对世界的凶兆和秘密的领悟，而这无疑赋予了这些意象的价值，并且使它们的奇想具有极其紧密的联系。 在同一时期，文学、哲学和道德方面的疯癫题材则蒙上另一层截然不同的面纱。 在中世纪，疯癫或愚蠢在罪恶体系中占有一席之地。自13世纪起，它通常被列入精神冲突的邪恶一方。在巴黎和亚眠（Amiens），它出现在罪恶行列中，出现在争夺对人的灵魂的控制权的12对范畴中：信仰和偶像崇拜、希望和绝望、慈善和贪婪、贞洁和放荡、谨慎和愚蠢（即疯癫。--译注人忍耐和狂暴、宽容和苛刻、和谐和纷争、服从和反叛、坚韧不拔和反复无常、刚毅与懦弱、谦卑与高傲。在文艺复兴时期，疯癫从这种平凡的位置跃居前茅。与于格的说法--亚当时代的罪恶谱系树植根于傲慢--不同，现在疯癫是一切人类弱点的领袖。作为无可争议的领唱者，它引导着它们，扫视着它们，点它们的名；"来认一认我的女伴吧。......周眼低垂的是自恋（Philautia）。眼睛眯笑、挥手欢呼的是酒媚（Colacia）。睡眼蒙眈的是健忘。支着下巴、抄着手的是慷倦（Misoponia）。头戴花环、身洒香水的是享乐（Hedonia）。目光游移茫然的是愚蠢（Anoia）。肉体丰腴的是懒惰（Tryphe）。在这些年轻女人中有两个女神，一个是欢悦女神，另一个是沉睡女神。"统治久的一切恶习是疯癫的绝对特权。但是，难道它不也间接地统治着人的一切美德吗？它不是统治着造就出明智的政治家的野心、造就出财富的贪婪、激励着哲人和学者的贸然好奇心吗？路易丝?拉贝仿效伊拉斯漠，让墨丘利（罗马传信和商业之神。--译注）恳求诸神："不要让那个给你们带来如此之多欢乐的美貌女士遭到毁灭的厄运。" 然而，这个新王权同我们刚才所说的那种与这个世界的巨大悲剧性力量相通的黑暗统治，几乎毫无共同之处。 疯癫确实具有吸引力，但它并不蛊惑人。它统治着世上一切轻松愉快乃至轻浮的书情。正是疯癫、愚蠢使人变得“好动而欢乐”，正如它曾使“保护神、美神、酒神、森林之神和文雅的花园护神”去寻欢作乐一样。它的一切都显露在外表，毫无高深莫测之处。 毫无疑问，疯癫同获得知识的奇异途径有某种关系。布兰特的诗《愚人船》的第一章就是描写书籍和学者的。在1497年拉丁文版的该章插图上，坐在由书籍难成的宝座上的大学教师，头戴一项博士帽，而博士帽的背后却是一个缝着铃档的愚人帽。伊拉斯漠在描写愚人舞时，让学者们占据了很大位置：在法律学者前面有文法学者、诗人、修辞学者、作家，在他们之后是"留着胡须身披斗篷的可尊敬的哲学家"，最后是浩浩荡荡的神学家。然而，如果说知识在疯癫中占有重要位置，那么其原因不在于疯癫能够控制知识的奥秘；相反，疯癫是对某种杂乱无用的科学的惩罚。如果说疯癫是知识的真理，那么其原因在于知识是荒谬的，知识不去致力于经验这本大书，而是陷于旧纸堆和无益争论的迷津中。正是由于虚假的学问太多了，学问才变成了疯癫。 博学之上显声名，仰顾先贤知天命，不重典籍轻教义，唯求自然之技能。 从长期流行的讽刺主题可以看出，疯癫在这里是对知识及其盲目自大的一种喜剧式惩罚。 因此，就一般情况而言，疯癫不是与现实世界及其各种隐秘形式相联系，而是与人、与人的弱点、梦幻和错觉相联系。博斯在疯癫中所看到的任何模糊的宇宙观象。在伊拉斯漠那里都被消除了。疯癫不再在大地的角落伏击人类，而是巧妙地潜入人类。或者说，它是一种人类与自身所维持的微妙关系。在伊拉斯漠的作品中，疯癫以神话形式人格化。但这仅仅是一神文学手法。实际上，只存在着各种“呈放”一人的各种疯态：“有多少人，我就能列举多少种形象”；人们只须扫一照各个国家，包括治理得最好嫁：“那里充斥着如此之多的疯态，每夭都有许多新的疯志产生，即便有一千个德漠克利特来嘲笑他们也忙不过来。”因此，不存在疯癫，而只存在着每个人身上都有的那种东西。门为正是人在对自身的依恋中，通过自己的错觉而造成疯癫。自恋是愚授在其舞蹈中的第一个舞伴。其原因在于，它们具有一种特殊的关系：自恋是疯癫的第一个症状其原因还在于，人依恋自身，以致以谬误为真理，以谎：为真实，以暴力和丑陋为正义和美。“这个人比猴子还丑陋，却自以为如海神般英俊；那个人用圆规划出三条线便自以为是欧几里德；第三个人自以为有美妙的歌喉，其实他在七弦琴前像个傻瓜，他的声音就像公鸡在啄母鸡。”在这种虚妄的自恋中，人产中了自己的疯癫幻象。这种疯癫象征从此成为一面镜子，它不反映任何现实，而是秘密地向自我观照的人提供自以为是的梦幻。疯癫所涉及的与其说是真理和现实世界，不如说是人和人所能感觉的关于自身的所谓真理。 疯癫由此而进入一个完全的道德领域。邪恶不是惩罚或毁灭了，而仅仅是错误或缺点。布兰特的诗中有116段是描述愚人船上的乘客的，其中有守财奴、诽谤者、酒鬼，还有放荡不羁者、曲解圣经者、通好者。该诗的拉丁文译者洛舍在前言中说明这部作品的宗旨和意义。他认为，这首诗想告诉人们"可能有何种邪恶、何种美德，何种恶习；美德或错误会导致什么结果"；它同时根据每个人的恶行分别加以谴责："不虔敬者、傲慢者、贪财者、奢侈者、放荡者、淫欲者、暴躁者、餐餐者、贪得无厌者、妒忌者、下毒者、离经叛道者"，......简言之，它谴责人所能做的一切不端行为。 在15世纪的文学和哲学领域里，疯癫经验一般都用道德讽喻来表现。亲绕着画家想像的、病态发作造成的那些重大威胁丝毫没有被提到。相反，强烈的痛苦被看作是对这种发作的阻遏；人们闭口不谈这类事情。伊拉斯漠让我们把视线避开这种精神错乱--"那是复仇女神使其从地狱中溜出来的，她们动辄便放出她们的毒蛇"；他要赞颂的不是这类精神错乱形态，而是使灵魂摆脱"痛苦的烦恼而重新耽于各种享乐"的"甜蜜幻觉"。这个安褴的世界很容易驾驭；它很乐于向聪明人展示自己的天真秘密，而后者却哈哈大笑，敬而远之。如果说博斯、勃鲁盖尔和杜勒都是极其世俗的观察者，因而被周围熙熙攘攘的疯癫所困惑，那么伊拉斯溪则是从一个远距离的安全之处来观察疯癫：他是站在自己的奥林帕斯山上观察它。他之所以赞颂疯癫，是因为他能用众神的无法抑制的笑声来嘲笑它。须知，人的疯癫是一种神奇的景观；"其实，如果有人能像迈尼普斯所设想的那样，从月亮上观察大地上的无穷骚动，那么他会认为自己看到一群蚊蝇在相互争斗、陷害、偷窃，在游戏、耍闹、跌落和死亡。他也就不会认真看待这些短命的蟀蜒所造成的麻烦和悲剧。”疯癫不再是人们所熟知的这个世界的异相；对于这个局外观察者来说，它完全是一个普通景观；它不再是一个宇宙的形象，而是一个时代的特征。 然而，一种新的工作正在兴起，它将用批判意识来废止这种悲剧性的疯癫经验。我们暂且把这种现象搁在一旁，而来看看在《唐吉河德》、斯居代里的小说、《李尔王》以及罗特鲁或特里斯丹隐士的剧本中的那些形象。 我们首先来看最重要的，也是最持久的——因为18世纪还在承认它那刚刚被抹掉的形态：浪漫化的疯癫。其特征是由塞万提斯（Cervantes）确定的。但是，该题材被人们不厌其烦地反复使用：直接的改编（布斯卡尔的《唐吉河德》在1639年上演；两年后，他把《桑乔当政记》搬上舞台），片断的改写（皮绍《卡德尼奥愚人记》是关于这位莫雷纳山的"衣衫褴褛的骑士"题材的花样翻新），或者以更间接的方式对幻想小说的讽刺（如萨布里尼的《虚伪的克莱莉娜》，以及在唐吉河德的故事中关于阿尔维阿纳的荣丽叶的片断）。这些幻想是由作者传达给读者的，但是作者的奇想却变成了读者的幻觉。作者的花招被读者天真地当作现实图景而接受了。从表面上看，这不过是对幻想小说的简单批评，但是在这背后隐藏着一种巨大的不安。这是对艺术作品中的现实与想像的关系的忧虑，或许也是对想像力的创造与诸妄的迷乱之间以假当真的交流的忧虑。"我们把艺术的创造归因于发狂的想像；所谓画家、诗人和音乐家的奇思怪想不过是意指他们的疯癫的婉转说法。"正是由于这种疯癫，另一种时代、另一种艺术、另一种道德的价值会引起质疑，但是，疯癫也反映出人类的各种想像，甚至最漫无边际的逻想。这些想像是模糊的、骚动的，却又在一种共同的妄想中奇怪地相互妥协。 在第一种疯癫形式之后接履而来的是狂妄自大的疯癫。但是，这种病人没有一种文学典型。他通过一种虚妄的自恋而与自身认同。虚妄的自恋使他将各种自己所缺少的品质、美德或权力赋予自己。他继承了伊拉斯漠作品中那个远古时代的“自恋”。贫穷却自以为富有；丑陋却自我欣赏；带着脚镣却自比作上帝。奥苏马大学那位自以为是海神的文学士便是这种人。德马雷的《幻觉者》中的七个人物、西拉诺的《假学究》中的夏多福，圣埃弗勒蒙的《未来的政治家》中的里奇索斯等等的可笑命运都是如此。这个世界有多少种性格、野心和必然产生的幻觉，不可穷尽的疯癫就有多少种面孔。甚至在其序列的尽头，也有最轻微的疯癫症状。这就是每个人在自己心中所维护的与自己的想像关系。它造成了人最常见的错误。批判这种自恋关系是一切道德批判的起点和归宿。 属于道德领域的还有正义惩罚的疯癫。它在惩罚头脑混乱的同时还惩罚心灵混乱。但是它还具有其他力量：它所施加的惩罚会自动增强，因为它通过惩罚本身而揭示出真理。这种疯癫的正当性就在于它是真实的。之所以说它是真实的，原因在于受苦者已经在虚妄的幻觉旋涡中体验到，自己受到的惩罚将是永恒存在的痛苦。在高乃依的《梅丽特》中，埃拉斯特认为自己早已受到复仇女神的追踪和米诺斯的有罪宣判。之所以说它是真实的，还因为避开一切耳目的罪行从这种奇异的惩罚中暴露出来，正如白天从黑夜中破晓而出；疯癫用粗野不羁的言辞宣告了自身的意义；它通过自己的幻想说出自身的隐秘真理；它的呼喊表达了它的良心。例如，麦克白夫人'犯'的吃语向那些“已经知道了不该知道的事情”的人，吐露了长期以来只对“不会说话的枕头”说的话。 最后一种疯癫是绝望情欲的疯癫。因爱得过度而失望的爱情，尤其是被死亡愚弄的爱情，别无出路，只有诉诸疯癫。只要有一个对象，疯狂的爱情就是爱而不是疯癫；而一旦徒有此爱，疯狂的爱情便在腊妄的空隙中追逐自身。让一种情欲受到如此激烈的惩罚是否太悲惨了？这是毫无疑问的。但是这种惩罚也是一种慰藉；它用想像的存在覆盖住无可弥补的缺憾；它用反常的欣喜或无意义的勇敢追求弥补了已经消失的形态。如果它会导致死亡的话，那么正是在死亡中情侣将永不分离。奥菲莉妮的绝唱便是如此。《聪明误》中的阿里斯特的吃语也是如此。李尔王痛苦而甜蜜的疯癫更是如此。 在莎士比亚的作品中，疯癫总是与死亡和谋杀为伍。在塞万提斯的作品中，想像者的意象是被狂妄自负支配着。这俩人是最卓越的典范，后来的仿效者往往都是东施效塑。无疑，这俩人与其说是表现了自己时代已经发展了的对无理性的某种批判性的和道义上的体验，毋宁说是表现了15世纪刚刚出现的对疯癫的悲剧体验。他们超越了时空而与一种即将逝去的意义建立了联系，而那种联系将只会在黑暗中得到延存。但是，通过将他们的作品及其所表达的思想，与他们的同时代人和仿效者所展示的意义相比较，我们能够了解在17世纪初文学的疯癫经验中发生了什么变化。 在莎士比亚和塞万提斯的作品中，疯癫依然占据着一种极端的、孤立无援的位置。没有任何东西能使它回归真理或理性。它只能导致痛苦乃至死亡。疯癫虽然表现为一派胡言乱语，但它并不是虚荣自负；填充着它的是空虚感，是麦克白夫人的医生所说的“超出我的医术的疾病”；它已经是完全的死亡；一个疯子不需要医生，而只需要上帝赐福。奥菲莉娜最后重新尝到了欣喜的甜蜜，这就使她忘却一切不幸；她在疯癫时唱的歌，在实质上近似于麦克白城堡的通道中传出的“妇人的呼喊”——宣告“王后死了”。诚然，唐吉河德是死在一片安滥之中。他临终时已回归理性和真理。这位骑士突然意识到了自己的疯癫，在他眼中，疯癫表现为愚蠢。但是，这种对自己愚蠢的突如其来的认识难道不是“一种刚刚进入他脑际的新疯癫”吗？这种双关状态无限地循环往复，最终只能由死亡来解决。疯癫的消散只能意味着最后结局的来临；“甚至人们借以发现这个病人垂死的症状之一，便是他那么轻易地恢复理智，不再疯癫。”但是，死亡本身并不能带来和平；生命的结束使生命摆脱了疯癫，但是疯癫仍将超越死亡而取得胜利。这是一个令人啼笑皆非的永恒真理。颇具讽刺意味的是，唐吉河德一生疯癫，并因疯癫而流芳百世；而且疯癫还使死亡成为不朽：“在此安眠的是一位著名骑士，其英勇无畏，虽死犹生。” 然而，疯癫很快就告别了塞万提斯和莎士比亚给它安排的这些终极地位。而且，在17世纪早期的文学中，它受到优遇而占据了一个中心位置。这样它便构成了情节纠葛而不是结局，构成了剧情的转折而不是最后的解脱。由于在叙事和戏剧结构中的位置发生变化，它便认可了真理的显示和理性的复归。 于是，人们不再考虑疯癫的悲剧现实和使疯癫通向彼岸世界的绝对痛苦，而仅仅嘲弄其幻觉。这不是一种真正的惩罚，而只是一种惩罚的意象，因此只是一种虚张声势；它只能与某种罪行表象或死亡错觉相联系。在特里斯丹隐士的《聪明误》中，阿里斯特得知女儿的死讯而变得疯癫，但他的女儿其实并没有死。在《梅丽特》中，埃拉斯特觉得自己因双重罪行而受到复仇女神的追踪并被拖到米诺斯面前，这种罪行是他可能犯下的或可能想犯下的，但实际上这种罪行并没有真正导致任何人的死亡。疯癫失去了令人瞩目的严重性；它只是因错误而受到的惩罚或引起的绝望。只有在我们关注一个虚构的戏剧时，疯癫才具有令人瞩目的功能。而在这种虚构的形式中，只有想像的错误、虚假的谋杀，短暂的失踪。 然而，疯癫并不因丧失其严重性而改变其本质，反而变得更加强烈，因为它使幻觉登峰造极，从而使幻觉不成其为幻觉。剧中人物在疯癫时被自己的错误包裹起来，此时他开始不自觉地解开这个错误之网。他谴责自己，并请不自禁地说出真理。譬如，在《梅丽特》中，男主人公使用各种手段欺骗别人，到头来搬起石头砸了自己的脚。他成了第一个牺牲品，认为自己对对手和女儿的死亡负有罪责，在派安状态中责备自己编造了一系列情书。于是，由于疯癫而使真相大白。疯癫是因对某种结局的幻觉引起的，但在实际上解开了真正的情节纠葛。它既是这一纠葛的原因，又是其结果。换言之，疯癫是对某种虚假结果的虚假惩罚，但它揭示了真正的问题所在，从而使问题能真正得到解决。它用错误来掩护真理的秘密活动。《病人院》的作者正是利用了疯癫的这种既暧昧又关键的功能。他描述一对情侣的故事。这两个人为了逃避人们的追寻而装疯弄促，躲在病人中间。少女在假装痴呆之后装扮成男孩，但又假装相信自己是个女孩——其实她本来就是个女孩。通过这两种假装的相互抵消，她说出了最终会取得胜利的真理。 疯癫是最纯粹、最完整的错觉（张冠李戴、指鹿为马）形式。它视谬误为真理，视死亡为生存，视男人为女人，视情人为复仇女神，视殉难者为米诺斯。但是，它也是戏剧安排中最必要的错觉形式。因为无需任何外部因素便可获得某种真正的解决，而只须将其错觉推至真理。因此，它处于戏剧结构的中心。它既是一个孕育着某种秘密“转折”的虚假结局，又是走向最终复归理性和真理的第一步。它既是表面上各种人物的悲剧命运的会聚点，又是实际上导致最终大团圆的起点。透过疯癫建立起一种平衡，但是疯癫用错觉的迷雾、虑假的混乱掩盖了这种平衡；这种构造的严整性被精心安排的杂乱无章的外表所隐匿。生活中的突发事件，偶然的姿态和语言，疾风骤雨般的疯癫（这种疯癫顿时使情节逆转，使人们震惊，使帷幕皱乱——只要将募绳拉紧一点）这就是典型的巴罗克式的把戏。疯癫是前古典文学的悲喜剧结构中的重要把戏。 斯居代里懂得这种把戏。他使自己的《喜剧演员的喜剧》成为一出戏中戏。从一开始，他就用相互呼应的疯癫错觉来展开剧情。一组演员扮演观众，另一组演员扮演演员。前者必须假装认为舞台就是现实，表演就是生活，而实际上他们是在一个舞台上表演。后者必须装作在演戏，而实际上他们就是在演戏的演员。这是一种双重表演，其中每个因素都是双重的。这样就形成了现实与幻觉之间的再次交流，而幻觉本身就是疯癫的戏剧意义。在为斯居代里剧本写的前言中，蒙多利（Mondory）说："我不知道我的伙伴们为何会如此放纵，但是我不得不承认有某种魔力使他们丧失了理智。糟糕的是，他们也在设法让我和你们都丧失理智。他们想让我相信我不是站在舞台上，让我相信，这里就是里昂，那边有一个小旅馆，那个旅馆院子里的演员与我们不同，他们是演员，在表演一出田园戏。"这出戏用这种大胆的形式展示了它的真理，即它是幻觉，严格地说，它是疯癫。 古典的疯癫经验诞生了。15世纪出现的那种重大威胁消退了。博斯绘画中那些令人不安的力量失去了昔日的威风。那些形式依然保留着，但是现在变得明晰而温和，成为理性的随从和必不可免的仪仗队。疯癫不再是处于世界边缘，人和死亡边缘的末日审判时的形象；疯癫的目光所凝视的黑暗、产生出不可思议形状的黑暗已经消散。愚人船上心甘情愿的奴隶所航行的世界被人遗忘了。疯癫不再凭借奇异的航行从此岸世界的某一点驶向彼岸世界的另一点。它不再是那种捉摸不定的和绝对的界限。注意，它现在停泊下来，牢牢地停在人世间。它留驻了。没有船了，有的是医院。 疯人船的时代刚刚过去一个世纪，“疯人院”的题材便出现了。在疯人院里，所有按照人类的真正理性标准属于头脑空空的人都说着智慧的观关语，发表自相矛盾的、具有反讽意味的言论：“……在收容不可救药的疯人的医院里，男男女女的疯傻痴呆应有尽有。记录这些疯态不仅有趣而且有意义，这是探索真正智慧的一项必要工作。”］在这里，每一种疯态都找到自己适当的位置，自己的特殊标记和自己的保护神。狂躁症的象征是一个跨骑椅子的傻子，它在密涅瓦t40）的注视下猛烈挣扎。抑郁症的象征是乡间孤独而饥渴的狼，其保护神是朱庇特--各种动物的保护神。接着排下来的是"酒癫"、"丧失记忆和理解力的疯人"、"昏迷不醒的疯人"、"轻佻呆傻的疯人"...。这个无序的世界条理清晰地宣读了一篇《理智颂》。在这种"医院"里，"禁闭"取代了"航行"。 被驯化的疯癫依然保留了其统治的全部表象。现在它参与对理性的评估和对真理的探索。它在事物的表面，在光天化日之下，通过一切表象的运作，通过现实与幻觉的混淆，通过那整个模糊不清的网——总在编织又总被打破的、既将真理和表象统一起来又将它们分开的网——发生作用。它既遮遮掩掩又锋芒毕露，既说真话又讲谎言，既是光明又是阴影。它闪烁诱人。这个宽容的中心形象，在这个巴罗克时代早已是不稳定的了。 如果我们经常会在小说和戏剧中见到它，那是不足为奇的。同样，如果我们发现它在大街小巷中游荡，也无须惊讶。科莱特（FranGois Colletet）无数次地在街上见到它： 在这条大道上，我看见一群孩子尾随着一个白痴。……想想看，这个可怜虫，这个疯癫的傻瓜，他带着那么多的破烂能有什么用？我常常见到这种疯人，在大街小巷中高声叫骂…… 疯癫是社会画面上一个司空见惯的身影。从旧式的疯人团体中，从他们的节日、聚会和言谈中，人们领略到一种新鲜活泼的愉悦。儒贝尔（Nicolas Joubert），更为人知的名字是昂古莱万（Angoulevent），自称"愚人王"。这是瓦伦梯"伯爵"（Valenti Ie Comte）和雷诺（Jacque。Resneau）所争夺的头衔。儒贝尔的拥护者和反对者激烈交锋，于是出现了各种传单，一场论诉和唇枪舌剑的辩论。他的律师证明他是"一个无知的傻瓜、一个空葫芦、一根木棍、一个大脑不完整的人，他的脑子里既无发条也无齿轮。"阿尔贝尔的布伦埃（BluetdArberes）自称"应允伯爵"。他受到克雷基（Crequis）、莱迪基耶尔、布永及内穆尔（Nemours）等贵族家族的保护。1602年，他发表了（或者说有人替他发表了）自己的著作。他在书中告诉读者："他不识字，因为从未学习过"，但是"上帝和天使赐予他灵感"。雷尼耶的第6首讽刺涛提到的社普伊（Piers，Dupuis），按照布拉坎比尔（Brascambille）的说法，是一个"身着长袍的头号傻瓜"。他在《关于吉约姆先生苏醒的告诫》中宣称他有一个"能驰骋到月亮的头脑"。在雷尼耶的第14首讽刺诗中还出现了许多此类人物。 从任何意义上看，这个世界在17世纪初对疯癫是特别友善的。疯癫在人世中是一个令人啼笑皆非的符号，它使现实和幻想之间的标志错位，使巨大的悲剧性威胁仅成为记忆。它是一种被骚扰多于骚扰的生活