Chapter 3 Second Anatomy Level

No one seems to know exactly what the word "rank" means.Some, like Vance Packard, have tried to invoke more objective terms and have also spoken of a "social status system".The successors of the sociologist Max Weber tended to talk about "rank" only when talking about how much wealth a person possesses and how much it leverages.The "status" they talk about refers to how much social prestige a person has in the audience, and when they talk about "party", they are measuring how much a person's political power is, that is to say, how much inner power you have to fight Free yourself from harassment and trouble from others, and from being at the mercy of others.The "level" I mentioned includes the above three aspects, but perhaps I especially emphasize "status".I sincerely hope that the word "caste" (especially India's hereditary caste system. A translator's note) has been Americanized, because it is a good way to express the very strict class boundaries in this country, and how one wants to The difficulty of moving up or down from his parenting position.

We not only have to ask: How many social classes exist in American society? The simplest answer is: two—rich and poor, employers and employees, landlords and tenant farmers, bourgeoisie and poor.Or, leaving aside economics and politics, but only manners and style of life, there are gentlemen and rascals.When a group of sociologists asked a respondent what the term "social class" meant, he replied, "It depends on your education."A "socialized" measure separates those who "enjoy" hereditary property from those who don't think about it at all.Paul Bloomberg notes that there is also a "fundamental social class distinction" today, the difference between those who can afford a house—any house—and those who cannot, if Taking this line of thought down one level, the distinction becomes those who can afford a car and those who have to spend a lot of time waiting for a bus.British humorist Gilly Cooper, in her book Hierarchy (1981), suggested a dichotomous social picture: "guilty" people and "deceived" people.She wrote:

"On one side are the middle and upper classes, who, while often not necessarily earning more than the working class, are always guilty and preoccupied with social concerns. On the other side are the various working classes, who have been portrayed All the imaginations about a better life in the movie were completely brainwashed, so I felt cheated because of my size on the big cake." There are only two classes in the world—a view that was also recognized by a soldier of the British 8th Infantry Regiment in North Africa during World War II, who described the distinction eloquently:

"Sir, that's a good way for a hapless man to spend his hapless life, isn't it? Have you ever heard of class distinctions, sir? Let me tell you what it means. It means, Vickers Armstrong made money and pretended to lose, Churchill lit another snowball, The Times was explaining "freedom" and "democracy", and I, sitting on my ass in a trench in Libya, pointed my steel helmet at A comatose guy poured cold water on his head and face. As long as you stay in a good class--which is very important--there's nothing wrong with the hierarchy, sir; because one class gets honey and the other just shit. "

Another way of expressing our conclusion about this soldier is that all jobs in every place can be divided into two categories: safe and dangerous.Every year, 100,000 workers die from work-related accidents or illnesses, 400,000 are disabled due to work-related injuries, and 6 million suffer health impairments while on the job.In The Working-Class Majority (1974), Andrew Levinson writes, "All the clichés and the optimism that the old class distinctions have disappeared are overshadowed by the indisputable fact that Become meaningless — American workers must see serious injury and even death as a value: part of everyday reality. The middle class does not.” He went on to say:

"Imagine how many protests would erupt around the world if a few corporate headquarters collapsed like mines every year, killing sixty to seventy executives? Managers, clerks, cashiers cancerous invisible poisonous dust, and finally, try to imagine if every year thousands of university professors went deaf, lost fingers, lost hands or Sometimes it's the eyes, just imagine the horror... When it comes to deaths and injuries, perhaps America's most dreaded class divide.It is this dividing line that separates the powerless parents who allowed their children to be killed or brutalized in Vietnam from the wealthy parents who escaped this nightmare (thanks largely to the infamous S-2 Collegiate Deferred Service Program) differentiated.This class division has cut deep into the heart of American society, and the trauma it brings will continue to poison generations.Anyone who is still skeptical about the hierarchical consciousness of this country should listen to the candid words of a working-class father who lost his son:

"I'm bitter, really. Bet your damn dollars, I'm bitter. It's people like us who donate their children to this country. The businessmen, they run this country, and Make a lot of money out of it. Those who went to college, those college professors, they went to Washington to tell the government what to do? But their sons, they didn't die in the swamp, I say in Vietnam. Sir, they do not." One mother added: "We've never been able to figure out how all the rich kids, the fancy suburban kids, got away with it all when my kids had to go on the road. " Dichotomies are indeed an easy and effective way to emphasize injustice and express pain.But a rule of thirds is also used by many people, probably because the number "three" represents victory, hope, and wisdom.It can always be a strange omen, reminiscent of folklore, and even quite mysterious.Since at least the last century, when Matthew Arnold divided his neighbors and friends into three categories: high, middle, and low, or Like his haunting three nomenclature: Barbarian (note, referring to the upper class), Philistine (middle class) and commoner (lower class), the division of the three classes has long been generally accepted by the British.People in the middle class have become accustomed to thinking about hierarchy in terms of this three-level concept, not only because this concept provides them with a sense of moral and social security, but also because this division is just right to keep the middle class equidistant from those above Their rank (and also away from the vices peculiar to those above them, such as pride, snobbery, profligacy, indifference), and those below them, and their various traits (such as dirt, restraint, shame, humiliation).Although the British euphemism "working class" for "lower class" is gaining momentum to replace the former, upper, middle, and lower classes are still the customary terms for these three categories of people.

If, in terms of hierarchy, the generally accepted number is three levels, sociologists are more inclined to "five" levels: upper layer upper middle class Middle middle and lower lower level Some people may give up trying to count the ranks because they will, as John Brooks, author of American Showcase (1981), discovered: "In the new American structure, all kinds of The grades seem endless." Or, like one local man asked about the state of Boston's grades, they reply, "There are too many grades for me to count or name...hell, there are about fifteen Up to thirty." (Like a good American citizen, he'd quickly add, "But it's got nothing to do with my fucking business.")

The results of my research have convinced me that the country's grades are best divided into nine categories as follows: One thing to get right from the start: Wealth is by no means the only criterion that distinguishes these classes. "It can't be based on money alone," said one worker especially rightly, "because no one will ever know exactly what you are." So are style, taste, and awareness, as are money.George Orwell said: "Economically speaking, there are undoubtedly only two classes, the rich and the poor. But socially, there is a whole hierarchy of classes. The members of each class start from Not only are the manners and traditions acquired in childhood very different - and this is very important - but they have a hard time changing them throughout their lives. Escaping from the hierarchy one was born into is very difficult in a cultural sense ’” When John F. Kennedy saw Richard Nixon on TV, he turned back to his friend in surprise and said, “This guy has no class.” He wasn’t referring to the money, of course.

People who imagine that great wealth and a high salary can confer high status on a person may find some consolation in a little book called "A Year in Living with a Millionaire."The book was written by Cornelius Wanderbilt Whitney, who gave it (free) to his friends for Christmas 1981.Needless to say, the author's mediocrity, stupidity, complacency and lack of intelligence can only remind readers of the characters in "Lardner's Bell".Or a character in a satirical comedy like Sinclair Lewis' The Man Who Knows Kollwitz. “They had the air of a big city,” Whitney said, describing the people he met at a party, “from all over the country.” Well, Whitney was a middle-class guy at heart, and he didn't know he was saying all the clichés of his class.

The same principle holds true for the lower classes: money doesn't tell the whole story.John Brooks illustrates the point very well by citing two neighbors who live next to each other in the suburbs. One gentleman is a mechanic in an auto repair shop, a typical "blue collar"; the other is an employee of a publishing house. ,"white collar".Their incomes are about the same, but their lives are very different. "Mr. Blue" bought a clean and beautiful "ranch hut", and "Mr. Bai" bought a dilapidated old house and redecorated it by himself.Mrs. Blue does her shopping at local stores, especially the mall near her home, and thinks they are great, "how convenient." Mrs. White goes to the stores in the city to buy her clothes.Mr. Blue drinks but prefers to be sneaky, and usually on a Saturday night with the curtains closed.Mr. Bai's family also drinks, very openly, and often drinks in their own backyard.Mr. and Mrs. Blue used to yell at each other, and the sound carried through their every room, or every corner of their lot, but they didn't think there was anything wrong.Mr. Bai's family always controls their own volume, sometimes the voice is so low that they can't hear each other clearly.As for home furnishings, books are of course an important criterion.There is not a single book in Mr. Lan's house, but there are countless bookshelves piled high in the living room of Mr. Bai's house.Brooks concluded: "In general, the two families can be said to have no similarities ..., but their ... incomes are roughly the same." Noticing that taste, knowledge and feelings can determine people's social class more than money, they put forward a triple structure statement, which divides people into people with high cultural literacy.People with average culture (middle-class tastes), and people with no culture. It's not that the top three tiers don't have money.The key factor that defines their status is not just money, but the way they have money, and as a measure of a class, the source of money is far more meaningful than the amount of money.The most important thing that differentiates the upper three classes is the ratio of the wealth they inherit to the wealth they actually earn. The "invisible top" (like the Rockefellers, the Pupps, the Duponts, the Mellons, the Fords, the Wendebilts, etc.), relies entirely on inherited property.No matter how huge a person's wealth is.If they are self-earned, like movie stars, they cannot be included in this class, although their huge income and spending money can make them imitate the status of this class.Inherited property—"old money," as the colloquially called it—was the integral principle that marked the first three estates, and preferably the family fortune had been passed down three or four generations.People in different regions have different subtle ways of identifying the "age" of this wealth.When the British traveler Jonathan Laban was traveling in the middle of the United States, he met a girl named Sally.She told him, "The 'upstarts' call Missouri Missouri; the 'old money' call it Missoura." invisible top An invisible class.His personal money comes from inheritance.They used to love to show off and splurge.They were later stalked by the media, popular envy, and charity fundraisers. "When I think of a really rich man," said one blue-collar Boston man, "I think of the owner of a mansion that you can't even see from the highway." So maybe we could just Calling the highest class the "hidden class," their mansions have always been built well out of sight from the sides of the street or highway.They like to hide in the mountains, or go as far away as Greece or the islands of the Caribbean (they often buy these islands), but seek to escape for a while from the world's envy and all kinds of troubles, from punitive taxes, and finally, from Government expropriation of private property.Vance Packard speculates that it was the Great Depression of 1929 that terrified the super-rich, teaching them to be "discreet and almost silent" in flaunting their wealth.From the thirties.Large swathes of wealth have moved from places that encouraged expression (such as the mansions on Fifth Avenue in uptown New York) to small towns in Virginia, rural upstate New York, Connecticut, Long Island, and New Jersey.The situation that Thorstyn Veblen satirized in The Theory of the Leisure Class in the 1790s was very different from what it is today.In his day, the rich enjoyed ostentatious display, as evidenced by lavish entourages of servants and entourages.Now they are hiding, not only to escape jealousy and revenge, but also to avoid the exposure of the media.Their scheming and cruelty have also greatly improved compared with Veblen's time.In particular, they wanted to evade a more serious threat that Veblen hadn't even known about: begging from welfare funds.Groups of beggars in crisp three-piece suits relentlessly bother the rich.In America, the great rich once found their greatest satisfaction in showing off; now they have to live in the mountains.What a pity. Not only the mansion was hidden, but the members of the "Invisible Top Floor" also disappeared from the prying and investigation of others.People at this level tend to avoid the elaborate questioning and calculations of sociologists, pollsters, and consumer investigators.No one has done a detailed study of this level.Because they really can't see.A member of the "invisible top" will most likely throw a questionnaire on the floor contemptuously.This style of turning a blind eye is quite similar to the "invisible bottom".It is from here that we begin to observe one of the most wonderful scenes in the American hierarchy-the strange parallel between the "invisible top" and the "invisible bottom", if it is not "from brotherhood" . Like those at the top who hide behind the high walls of inaccessible dwellings or on various small islands, so do those at the bottom.If they were not housed in institutions or claustrophobic monasteries, or in seclusion in monasteries and gregarious villages, they were hiding from creditors and duped parole sureties who wanted their cars or furniture back.Or deceived businessmen, this "invisible bottom" will only appear briefly at a certain time and place, such as the streets of New York in Spring University, muttering their own stubborn fantasies.Once this annual ritual of self-disclosure is over, they disappear again.Precisely by avoiding others, both classes share a common anxiety, but beg their names not to be published.People at the bottom—Van Buren says they don't earn money themselves, they only receive money—do not manage to manage financially through their own hard work or talent, but thanks to welfare institutions or the correctional system, exactly the same, top people Wealth is also obtained from other people (grandparents), and there is another similarity: people of these two classes rarely carry cash with them.From the main point of view, we can think that the actual identities of the "invisible" top and bottom are generally obvious proofs of an enduring principle, the so-called "connection of the two poles." upper layer A wealthy and visible class.Possibly the head of a major bank, who also likes to sit on a congressional committee.They seek ease, Sometimes it's fun, with a constant stream of guests in the house.But there is one thing: they are indifferent to the mind and spiritual life. The level below the top, the upper class, differs from the "invisible top" in two main respects.First, although this class inherits a large portion of their wealth, they also earn a considerable amount of their own wealth from work.Often, they would be deeply bored or even humiliated if they weren't doing some very engaging work (if it was an easy one).Their jobs are most likely to control banks or long-established corporations, run think tanks and foundations, or they may work with the executive branch of the federal government (usually Congress) to support older universities and help with foreign relations Businesses such as advisory boards, foreign policy associations, or economic development councils.In the days of layman-diplomats, most diplomats were drawn from this class, and rarely from the "top invisible." Express yourself conspicuously.That is to say, the "invisible top" has moved away from the ostentatious structure that Veblen called it, leaving the upper class to play its former role.Whenever you walk down the street or drive down the highway and pass a house with a striking exterior, you know it's definitely occupied by a member of the upper class.The White House is probably the best example of this.Among its residents, if there were ever Franklin D. Roosevelt or the Kennedy family, there was no one who could be classified as "invisible top", but only "upper class", and the whole city pure white.The buildings deliberately located on the high ground are simply too conspicuous, and for most of its residents, a short stay here usually means being anchored and losing power.This place is hopelessly upper class too - or even lower, like in Harley.During Truman's residence. Of course, everyone without exception belongs to one of these classes. Think of William Rudolph Hearst and his house at San Simeon.From the geographical point of view, this "house" belongs to the style of "invisible top floor", because you can never see its dignity from the highway (the nearest public road to the house).Once you have passed through the miles of outdoor parks and "zoos" and come across the mansion oncoming, and feel that the facade of the main building was originally designed to evoke respect, or rather awe, then you will understand, This kind of fake aristocratic demeanor cannot conceal Hearst's true identity at all: he is not an "invisible top class" at all.He worried too much about how he would affect others.His use of paper napkins at lavish banquets might have marked the eccentricity of a true aristocrat, but he made the facade of his residence striking—it looked like the Cathedral of Evira (Evira, The central Spanish city, founded in the eleventh century, is famous for its Catholic cathedral. A translator's note), including several other buildings in the same style - but exposed his secrets, only the middle and upper classes will be in the little boy Some stumbled in the way of showing off. Like all other classes, the upper class has its own distinctive marks.For example, it would be featured on The Chronicle of Socialites, while the upper-middle class couldn't possibly, though it would be salivating.Naming a street with one's name is also likely to signify one's upper class status, but at least your surname must be used.If you use a name, like Cathy Street, you're middle class or worse.Fluency in French, even though the language has nothing to do with your real life, career, or interests, is also a sign of the upper echelons.Naturally, it's also important to avoid accents that are too correct or completely "French". Not smoking at all is very upper-class, but as soon as it's noticed as a result of quitting smoking, you drop right down to the middle class.The constant flow of "visitors" at home is a sign of identity for the upper class, because it means a large number of spare bedrooms, as well as all kinds of drinks, food, and games.Party, etc., can let the guests relax and entertain as they like.In front of members of the upper class, you have to be careful not to praise people casually, because that will be considered disrespectful - everything is beautiful and expensive there as a matter of course.Dazzling, there is no doubt about it, no need to mention it.Only the middle class habitually returns compliments from others, because this class needs confidence from compliments. The upper class never question the question of one's values ​​because it is nothing more than a matter of course.A young artist visits a couple whose ancestry is from an old English family.When he walked into the restaurant, he couldn't help admiring that he had never seen such a wonderful Hepple White chair (George HeppleWhite, a famous British furniture designer in the 18th century, famous for his chairs. A translator's note).After a while, he was kicked out by the master.They explain it to others like this: "That guy actually praised my chair! It's disgustingly rude!" When dining with high-ranking people, it is generally not to praise the delicious food, because the hostess's good taste is of course not wrong.Besides, it's not because of her cooking skills, the chef at home is of course top-notch.Also, if you spill your glass, don't panic, the servants will come and clean it up. A love of horses—buying horses, raising them, riding them, racing them, hunting small game on horseback—remains a fairly trustworthy mark of the upper classes.Although the way of life was no longer exclusive to the upper classes after the middle and upper classes learned to emulate it, it was a bit like the game of backgammon before it, which lost its rank as it became more popular.But America's upper classes share one unmistakable trait with all aristocrats: their indifference and disinterest in ideas of all kinds (which is also the hallmark of the "invisible top," Cornelius Vanderbilt Whit Nicholas' poorly written performance attests to this).Matthew Arnold called them "savages" precisely because of their indifference to thought.He explicitly attributes their serenity to "never letting anyone's thoughts bother them." Still, they're a decent class.Their lives are comfortable, affluent, and even funny, as long as they shut their eyes to any claims of brilliance and originality. We should now talk about the upper middle class. upper middle class A rich, interesting, and game-loving class.All classes lower than this aspire to be upper middle class. The family wealth of this class is comparable to that of the previous two classes.The difference is that most of the wealth is through things like law and medicine.oil.from shipping, real estate, and even the more respectable art business.The upper-middle classes sometimes enjoy some inherited property, or, to put it bluntly, some "inheritance" in the home (such as silverware and oriental rugs), but they are always surrounded by a bourgeois feeling - such as shame - Troubled, because these people have a belief that they live on other people's money, even if it is money earned by the family.All in all not very good. Upper-middle-class class marks included leaving plenty of spare rooms in the residences in case a large number of "night guests" arrived, imitating upper-class hospitality.Another sign is the purity of the sex life of this class. The bathrobe that can impress the ladies of this class must be the least sexy thing in the world (the world here includes Britain and Canada), and men's underwear is worn by middle and upper-class men. boxer shorts.The clothing of upper-middle-class men and women is designed to conceal rather than to emphasize the anatomical differences between the sexes.Thus, since the shoulders were a secondary sexual characteristic of men, they wore short coats with slipped shoulders, and because the epaulettes emphasized the shoulders, they easily confused themselves with the lower classes (the poorer classes had shoulders reserved for manual labor).The army produced a large number of epaulets, which immediately revealed the inherent association with the poorer classes.If someone voted for John Anderson in the recent presidential race, nine times out of ten she (or he) was upper middle class.This class is also a "role-conservative" group of people: men never think about cooking or housework, while women's employment scope is no more than journalism, theater or real estate (of course, only middle-class housewives are always staying at home. ).The upper-middle class likes to show off their expensive education by naming their pet cats Spinoza, Clytemnestra, or Candide.This also means, as you've already grasped, that they fit almost exactly the class profile described in the well-known 1980 Definitive Preppy Handbook (co-authored by Lisa Bernbach) . The movie that became popular all over the world in 1970, and an Ivy League song, also sang this class.The astonishing popularity of these two things suggests that the upper-middle-class lifestyle is relevant to all of that class.The following Americans are quite attractive.It is also true that the vast majority of middle-class Americans or below would rather be upper-middle class than upper-class or "invisible top."A recent Lewis Harris poll showed that when asked to answer the question "Which class would you like to be a member of?" most people choose the middle class.When the question is "Which part of the middle class would you like to belong to", most people answer "Upper middle class".Being upper-middle-class is a familiar and reliable dream: a class whose customs are a little more dignified than those of the middle class, easier to discern, easier to learn.And if you're a member of the upper class, you might blush at not knowing how to eat fish sauce and a certain French dish, or how to use a finger-washing bowl.Few Americans are privately unwilling to be upper-middle class. For the upper-middle class, if we take a rougher approach, we need only skim two books: Dressing for Success (1975) and Living for Success (1981) by John T. Molloy. ), you can collect more level symbols of this class.Molloy, who calls himself "America's first wardrobe engineer," has been employed with an undeniable talent by businesses as a consultant on corporate dress principles.His ideal is to make every corporate employee look upper-middle-class, because upper-middle class means success."Dressing for success," he eloquently explained, "is all about achieving upper-middle-class good taste and good looks." Even executive offices undergo a bit of a shabby makeover until they start to ooze with success.As Molloy puts it: "Successful offices also exude upper-middle-class qualities." That is, "the office needs to be (or appear to be) spacious and spacious. It should be luxurious, clean, bold, comfortable, and personal." Like the rest of your office, the guest waiting area should be able to pronounce the words "upper middle class" to every visitor at first glance.Molloy believes that, in addition to clothing, offices, and reception rooms, people's facial expressions, bodies, gestures, and postures can also be modified to have an upper-middle-class appearance.In "Living to Succeed," he graphs the differences between the profiles of poor and upper-middle-class men.The poorer-class males either had their jaws clenched in painful defiance, or their mouths were open in stupid curiosity.The upper-middle-class male, by contrast, has his lips slightly shut, his arms outstretched, and none of the cunning, cowering, and "whip me again, sir" slumps that are characteristic of the frustrated lower class.Molloy also found that "upper-middle-class people and lower-middle-class people don't just stand still; It's very different from lower-middle-class people, whose arms are always thrown out rather than close to the body." There is no question that mentors like Molroy and Michael Korda (authors of Success! How Men and Women Get It (1975)) can teach aspiring people how to emulate upper-middle-class appearance of class.However, as for whether they can really cultivate the real upper-middle class, whether they can cultivate the kind of relaxation, sense of play, and moderate mockery that are in harmony with this class (or can also be understood as the reason for this style), it is a matter of fact. It makes people wonder.We can imagine that people of any other class have euphemisms for "let's do it" (referring to sexual activity, a translator's note).Like "We do know that people from other classes may have interesting invitations: "Let's hide the sausages. ’ But, as recorded in The Definitive Preppy Handbook, we dare not imagine anyone but the upper-middle class saying, “Let’s play dachshund,” and then tenderly "Sausage" is shortened to "sausage", just like they shorten "Blood Mary" to "Blood", or "Gin and Tonic" ( A gin and tonic cocktail. A translator's note) shortened to "G and T". For the upper middle class, everything is a game (actually "the game of life"), no wonder they Naturally interested in such frivolous activities as golf, tennis, and yachting. level map The town with the most and best bowling facilities must be the lowest ranked.The tasteful classes would not live in a city without a good newspaper, or an overly religious atmosphere.The New England states are without a doubt the heart of America's upper class. At this point, it is necessary for us to pause for a moment in this downward discussion process to consider the geographical distribution that distinguishes the above three classes.Members of the middle and poor classes tended to view these three classes as irrelevant to geographical issues.As long as you belong to the upper class, isn't it all the same where you stay?This view is completely wrong. ("I see, young man, you want to join the 'Metropolitan Club'". "Yes, sir". "Tell me, where are you from?" "Honestly, sir, New Mexico." "Oh, so that's it." [Looks to the other side]) In the United States, there are hundreds of territories large enough to have their own zip codes.With enough knowledge and good taste, you can rank all these districts from top to bottom in terms of class differences, from Gross Point and Watcher Hill down to Needles and Pikesville.Societally, those areas where the economically deliberate Anglo-Saxons have lived the longest are likely to top the list: Newport, Rhode Island, Handham, Connecticut, Maine, for example. of Bar Harbor.As for Los Angeles, it's not just because of her ugliness and mediocrity, but also because the Spaniards spend too much time in this place. The same reason can also explain why St.主要为白人居住。一译者注）要比德克萨斯州的圣安东尼奥位高一等。 要精确他说明究竟是哪些因素赋予一个地区等级，最终的可能性比较渺茫。五十年前，H·L·门肯在《美国向导》中尝试创造一种可信的测量方法。他的办法是发明一百个“社会指数”，比如某地居民中有多少人在《名人录》中榜上有名，有多少人订购《太平洋》杂志，或者谁消费了大量汽油。不过，我们今天倒极有可能将一个人口增幅最小的地区列为上选，时间可以从门肯那个时代算起。至少，我们得出如上衡量标准是由于从1940年至今，有许多糟糕的地方人口猛增，如迈阿密（佛罗里达州南部港市，住有大量古巴移民。一译者注），人口已经从17万2千猛增到了34万3千；而凤凰城（亚利桑纳州主要城市，住有大量墨西哥移民。一译者注）的人口从6万5千增加到了如今的68万3千；圣迭各（加州南部与墨西哥交界城市，是墨西哥移民进入美国的主要地点。一译者注）的居民则从20万飞跃到今天的84万。 另一个似乎可取的等级标志，是看这个地方是否没有保龄球场。此话听来似乎诧异，但实在言之有据。在《地区估评年鉴》（1981）中，理查德·伯那尔和大卫·萨瓦古发现，究竟是些什么地区提供了最多最完善的保龄球场地。我们一看之下，发现这是些多么可悲元趣的地方： 蒙大拿州的Billings 肯塔基州的Owensboro 德克萨斯州的Midland 伊利诺斯州的Peoria 爱荷华州的Dubuque 德克萨斯州的Odessa 路易斯安娜州的Alexandria 刚才我已表明，指出一个地区为什么不具备社会学意义上的等级地位较为容易，而要指出一个地方为什么可取则比较困难。 评估某地区的不可取性还有一种办法：看这个地区的基督教原教旨主义达到什么程度。俄亥俄州的阿克荣（从其他标准看，这地方肮脏丑陋），就因为是雷克斯·杭巴德牧师的故乡而臭名远扬。像南加州的格林威尔镇，因为是伯比·琼斯大学（美国著名的基督教原教旨主义教会学校。一译者注）的所在地而“声望”卓著。而伊利诺斯的云顿则与云顿大学划了等号。人们记得这地方，是因为把这儿当作发了迹的比利·格雷汉姆传教牧师的根据地。同样，加州的园溪也只是因为罗伯特·舒勒牧师大人而让人难以忘怀，此人以机械的微笑和他那温馨滑稽的“玻璃教堂”著称。一位属于高级阶层的成员会选择弗吉尼亚州的林奇伯格居住吗？很可能不会，因为那个小镇是杰瑞·弗尔威尔博士的无线电传教发源地，也是他的教堂所在地，并且是自愿捐赠的汇集地。 看来，这的确已成了一条屡试不爽的通则：社会阶层高的人们，决不会居住在一个与宗教预言或奇迹有牵扯的地方，比如麦加，伯利恒，法蒂玛，洛尔德，或者盐湖城。值得注意的是，一些最开化的城市——像伦敦，巴黎，甚至纽约——都能安全元恙地通过这项测试。尽管用最严格的标准衡量，罗马仍会让人不大放心，但还是比那路撒冷要更有格调。 一个城市最重要的新闻报纸的质量，也是这个城市（在等级意义上）可取程度的标志。尽管华盛顿一贯以它作为首都的优越地位——各国大使馆和其它诸如此类的原因——而自居，但是一旦你翻开《华盛顿邮报》，这个城市顿时显得微不足道。周日版为它的读者们(上层贫民？)提供的不但有天宫图，还有长篇累犊的电视肥皂剧情节介绍，外加上安·兰德斯教导人们如何往上爬的建议。与此相似，你只需注意《印第安纳波利斯垦报》为它的读者们提供的所有与《华盛顿邮报》雷同的货色，包括头版的《今日祷辞》，你就可以推断，这座城市毫不具备等级上的优势。 数十年来，佛罗里达（也许棕榈滩除外）和南加州一样，一直被认为是社会等级意义上最糟的两个地区。似乎出于众所周知的原因，在国外，尤其是一些暴发户“新贵”聚集的地区，比如西德，那些毫无品味和格调的夜总会总是有可能被叫做“佛罗里达”。有教养的人们拒绝考虑在但帕（佛罗里达州一海滨城市。一译者注）附近居住的另一个原因是，七十年代，此类广告牌在但帕附近的呵波罗海滩赫然可见：“名叫龙巴多的家伙想跟您作邻居。”同样，加州伊斯康迪多的退休公民会被怂恿去买进“劳伦斯。威尔克乡村俱乐部不动产”的一部分股权，目的是为分享他们的音乐英雄的魔力，在最近一期贫民阶级最爱读的《国民探密者》杂志的分类广告栏中，有四则广告正在出售伪造的大学文凭：所有这四个地区从地址上看都在加利福尼亚。另一些例子则在等级意味上相当令人满意：被废弃的玛丽女王号游轮，作为一堆废铜烂铁恰恰被扔在一个元聊的地方：加州长岛（南加州洛杉矶附近一海角。一译者注）；而佛罗里达的圣彼得堡成了达利博物馆所在地；自然地，劳德代尔堡（佛罗里达州南部一海滨城市。一译者注）是STP公司的总部。 于是有了这样一个问题：那么，一名最高阶层的成员可能住在这个国家的哪些地方呢？纽约当然是首选，接下来芝加哥，旧金山，费城、巴尔的摩、波士顿，也许还有克利夫兰。或者在康涅狄格州、纽约州，弗吉尼亚州、北卡罗莱纳州、宾夕法尼亚和马萨诸塞州深处的乡村地区。情形大致如此。除了伯纳德斯维尔或者普林斯顿以外，在新泽西州居住并不是个好主意。但是，新泽两的任何地方都要胜过加州的太阳谷、松柏城和康普顿，俄亥俄州的坎顿，内华达州的雷诺，怀俄明州的夏延，新墨西哥州的阿尔布开克，乔治亚州的哥伦布，以及其它相似的军营城镇：，当然还有俄亥俄州的帕尔玛——这城市人口有10万，却没有一份日报，也没有公共汽车系统、旅馆、甚至自己城市的地图。科罗拉多州的氏青城同样不可能被号虑，因为约翰·欣克利（刺杀里根总统的凶手。一译者注）就是从那儿来的；以及达拉斯，因为——众多理由中的一条——李·哈维·奥斯瓦尔德（刺杀约翰·肯尼迪总统的凶手。－译者注）曾居住在那里。 据说，某位研究此类问题的专家将拉斯维加斯称作“世界下等人之都”。我认为，您完全可以凭自己对这类知识的谙熟程度，对自己的社会等级高低有一点眉目了。对了，上面的城市中，还有阿卡普尔科吧？ 中产阶级 一个最谨小慎微、了无生气的阶层。他们是企业的螺丝钉，“可替换的零件”。他们最惧怕“他人的批评”，因此是为他人而生存。他们是全社会中最势利的一群人。 现在，我们再回头谈论等级。有助于我们辨认出中产阶级的是它的一本正经和心神不宁，而不是其中等水平的收入。我认识一些很富有却顽固地保留着中产阶级身份的人们，这也就是说，他们依然对于别人会如何看他们感到恐惧，并且一心希望将每一件事都做得无可挑剔，但求不被他人批评。餐桌上的仪态对中产阶级来说是个极重要的问题。用来掩盖某些活动的网眼窗帘也很盛行，比如遮掩“藏腊肠”活动（当然，中产阶级是不喜欢用这个词的，他们这一行为的对应词是呆板的“做爱”）。经常担心会不会冒犯别人的中产阶级是“漱口水”的主要推销目标，如果这个阶级不存在了，整个“除臭”工业恐怕会就此坍塌。如果说内科医生通常是中上层阶级，牙医则不得不沮丧地对自己的中等阶层身份有所认识。据说，若在社交场合将一位牙医介绍给一位“医师”——牙医们喜欢这样称呼对方，牙医经常会感到严重的地位焦虑。而医生们称自己为大夫，并尤喜在牙医面前如此，当然，他们也喜欢在大学教授，按摩师或牧师面前这么说。（英语中，Doctor 一词既有大夫的意思，也是博士的意思。美国的大学教授通常是哲学博士，牧师是神学博士，因此作者用此作为反讽。一译者注） 据《白领》(1951)和《权力精英》（1956）的作者c ·赖特·米尔斯称，“地位恐慌”最具中产阶级色彩的焦虑形式，所以他们才需要申请越来越多的信用卡，订阅《纽约人》杂志，因为他们估计这表现了中上层阶级的品味。中产阶级对这份杂志，或其中的广告的热爱，恰好印证了米尔斯对他们的描绘：“不从更高的社会环境借来地位，他们就会不得其所。”《纽约人》杂志的广告商看来早就对这批读者的心态了如指掌，他们在这些中产阶级面前的“准中上层阶级”姿态有时简直逗噱。比如，最近刚刚大事抨击了使用昂贵信笺的恶习，这儿，他们用了一张打印的请帖。跃人眼帘的第二个单词格外醒目，造作地遵循英式拼法将美国通用的honor拼成honour： 兹订于 本周五于康涅迪格州斯但福镇狩猎谷俱乐部 列奥那德·亚当·威斯特曼博士和夫人 杰弗里·洛冈·布兰顿博士和夫人 恭请您光临—— （到这儿上层阶级可能会说“鸡尾酒会”，或者，如果绝不会出差错的话，说“酒会”。但这里，布兰顿“博士”和夫人邀请您特别消费——） 香槟和鱼子酱 这儿唯一漏掉没提的是食品的商标和品牌。 如果说此类东西的读者，曾一度是历史最久。广泛植根于美国的一群人的话，今天的中产阶级却似乎是最没根基的群体。中产阶级的成员不光购买自身阶层的传家宝如银器什么的，他们还得常常每隔几年奉自己所属的公司之命长距离地搬家（通常目的地是所有最没格调的地方）。这些人通常是石油公司雇用的地质学家，电脑程序设计师，航空动力学工程师，或是被派驻到一方新市场的推销员，以及被公司委派的“市场”（从前叫“销售”）经理，以便监督他的前任。这些人和他们的家人散布在各个郊区和新开发的住宅区，如小H·怀特所说，他们所属公司的雇主就是他们的人生目的地。IBM和杜邦公司从一些二流大学召募来这些雇员，并不断教育他们，如果不是成了这个团体的一员，他们简直什么都不是。没有任何余地留给所谓个人，他们亦尤自由哪怕是温和地表现自己的怪僻。这些雇员很快便学会了将所有带有意识形态色彩的说法抛诸脑后，这一点哪怕是从他们起居室的装饰也能体现得一清二楚。这些人由于异常害怕失掉工作而在生活中变得非常被动，他们仅仅将自己当作一个无限庞大的结构中的一个部件，进而磨灭了自己的人性，他们是可以随意替换的部件。IBM的一位行政人员曾对人吹嘘说：“公司的培训计划使我们的雇员成为可替换的零件。” 大部分时间被当作奴隶对待的中产阶级，对实力和成就抱有一种狂热的错觉，实在是不足为怪的事情。其中一个标志便是他们对纹章证书的追求（“这张美丽的压有凸纹的证书会显示您的家谱”）；另一个标志是他们习惯于每年发出家族通讯，报告家里人在成为“职业人士”的角逐中的最新名次。 约翰年方二十二，正在韦恩州立大学的牙医学院度过他的第一个学年。 卡罗琳在爱达荷州博伊西市（州首府）一家很有声望的公司谋得了一个相当不错的职位：行政秘书。 " 有时候，这些骄傲的一览表着实令人心碎，上面满是家里人在过去一年中建立的“关系”：“今年鲍勃成为了四个组织的成员：地方商会平民会，北美啤酒罐收集者联盟，伊万斯威尔大学校友会，以及凡德伯格县青年共和党组织。”（参见：范伯伦曾论述道：“由于保守主义是富人们的特征，也因此在社区享有更好的名声。这样一来，保守主义也就获得了某种能令人肃然起敬、并富于装饰意味的价值。”）由于害怕自己淹没在人群里，中产阶级家庭主妇在出门购物时总是精心地梳妆打扮。就像一位中产阶级妇女，对刨根问底的社会学家讲的一样，她的直觉告诉她，“你一走进百货商店就会明白，等级是存在的。女人穿得越体面，受到的招待就越好。” 字典中对“势利小人”一词的通常解释是：“把出身或财富当作检验价值的唯一标准的人。”要想发现势利之徒，就到中产阶级中去寻找。中产阶级总是为自己的品味、以及这些品味究竟对自己有没有好处忧心忡忡，因此总是将自己与想象中的金钱、权力和品味的拥有者联系起来（过于脆弱的联系），用来克制自己向下沉的自然倾向。中产阶级苦苦恋着“正确无误”和别做错事，因此，即使在最普通的餐会后，他们也要写一纸感谢函，赠送过于昂贵或“正确”的礼物，绝不会哪怕略为提及任何公认等级低俗的地方——比如，阿肯色州的史密斯堡。游历过很多地方的读者会很从容地接受英国的势利学研究权威内尔·麦克伍德的发现——比利时是全世界最伟大的势利之辈的摇篮，也可被看成是全世界中产阶级的大本营。 中产阶级的另一个标志是迫切要让自己从属于什么的欲望，以及他们用购物等机械行为达到这一目的的方式。“俱乐部”或“协会”等用语（例如在“每月一书俱乐部”和“文学协会”等称呼中）总是具有强大的诱惑力。很自然，中产阶级也就成了下面这一类房地产开发商的广告针对的目标： 您属于 森林公园住宅！ 只要您举步迈入我们这个地区，您就会懂得 欢迎的含意： 您是这个大集体的一分子…… 怪癖、内向、热爱隐私，这些都是中产阶级最大的敌人，是与他们的高尚秩序截然相悻的价值。中产阶级当中流行一种观念：建一道篱笆，哪怕高一点的灌木，也是对他人的有意侮慢。此外，他们还流行一种观念，你可以事先不打电话预约便造访邻居或朋友。中产阶级生来幼稚。殷勤。不事遮掩，所以很难相信并非所有人都如此。又由于生性羞怯。思想传统，他们当中谁也不敢想象有人会在下午——而非夜晚——性交。很显然、夜晚才是事务缠身、行为庄重的公司职员此举的正确时间。小威廉·H·怀特曾一面在一处郊区闲混，一面研究那里的居民。一位典型的中产阶级妇女告诉他：“再也没有比我们这条街上的人更友善的了，他们来的时候总会敲门。” 女人们珍视“友善”，男人们则视拥有一个体面的职业为至宝（这经常比金钱更重要），并且尤其强调“管理人员”一词。（事实是，人们面对这个术语时，究竟是心怀敬意还是唯恐避之不及，标志着等级的重要分野。）在家中安装一台录音电话的做法，自然很容易（花费相对较低）就能模仿高级专业人士的作风，但不要指望在蜂呜声过后会有一个滑稽或古怪的声音——例如用法文。或者模仿唐老鸭或理查德·尼克松的声音——告诉你可以开口讲话了。中产阶级都很胆小，如C·赖特·米尔斯所说，“他们向来是别人的人，如公司的、政府的、军队的……”没有比中产阶级更小心谨慎的了。一位“管理顾问”告诉斯塔兹·特克尔：“你的妻子和孩子应该守规矩，你应该克己。遵守社会规范，你应该小心注意自己的行为。”乔治·奥威尔在《为舒畅而来》（1939）中为他书中的中产阶级英雄代言，把这一点说得很到位： “过去好多蠢话讲的是劳动阶级的痛苦。我自己并不为贫民阶层感到难过。……贫民阶层的痛苦是身体上的，可他不劳动时是个自由人。但在每一座灰砖小盒子里，总有那么些可怜虫，从来就不知道自由是什么滋味，只除了蒙头大睡的时候。” 由于本质上是一些推销员，中产阶级人士也就培养了一种推销员式的风格，因此也才有他的乐观主义。他坚信，只要自己奋力投入，就必定有自我改善的可能。音乐剧《安妮》和《拉·曼恰的男人》之所以有那么高的票房收入，是因为向中产阶级男人和他们的妻子提供了诸如《明天》、《总会实现的梦想》一类歌曲，井向他们允诺，所有美好的事物都可望又可及。中产阶级的最后一个标志，源自这个阶级的社会不安定感，即习惯性地拿自己开玩笑打趣。尽管尚无法确定这些玩笑在传达何种社会效应，但“推销员”的角色使他们有必要推销善意和乐观主义。于是，中产阶级人士充当自己心醉神迷的听众。有时候他会当众道出几句也许聪明的俏皮话，但随即便会环顾四侧，捕捉听众的反应。当然，他强烈地渴望称赞。 中产阶级青年酷似他们的父辈。如果你想知道是哪些人在研读约翰·T·莫罗伊的作品，以求掌握打入中上层阶级的手段和技巧，这些年轻人就是答案，一个又一个公司培训计划将他们送到全国各地，所以你常常能在飞机上遇见他们。他们的衬衫总是白得让人难以置信，外套总是过分的深色，领带模仿企业家的风格，发型仿照五十年代的样式。他们常说的话是“底线”，需要说“不”时，他们总会说“一点也不”。他们的脖子总是显得长度不够，眼球的转动则太频繁，不是从上到下，而是瞟来膘去。他们将以公司受训人员的身份步人自己的成年，并在四十五年尽忠职守的生活后成长为一名公司高级职员。剩下的时间里，他们会纳闷生活是不是应该大致如此。 关于这个占我们人口几乎80％的伟大的中产阶级（人们这样描绘自己的等级，如果你天真地表示赞同的话），我们就谈到这里。 上层贫民 一个被称为“蓝领责族”的阶级。他们靠手艺吃饭，认为自己和律师、医生们一样也算“专业人士”。它们的钱夹总是鼓鼓囊囊的，外边还会勒一根皮筋。 循序渐下，我们自然该谈谈中下阶层了。六十和七十年代的经济萧条使这个阶层陷入贫困，并已逐渐演变为上层贫民阶层。所以，他们决不会比中产阶级存在的时间更长。他们同中产阶级相比，区别究竟何在呢？更加缺少自由和自尊。这个从前的下中产阶级，如今的上层贫民，是“大众”的领头羊。但即使将他们定位在各个贫民阶层的最前列，你仍能辨认出他们的原型。他们深深地受制于金融政策、巧取豪夺的广告、时代要求、错觉、低级大众文化、速食品和劣质消费品。早在四十年代，这个国家的确存在过一个名副其实的中下阶级。他们凭着自己充足的中学教育，以及对“储蓄”和“收支计划”的迷恋，得以停留在一个高于劳动阶级的等级——当然，总是岌岌可危。小赖特·米尔斯说，那时候，“小老百姓比今天要少。区区几年中学教育，恰恰使他们（数目相当可观）避开了资本主义发展进程中一些更尖锐的工作体验。他们无拘无束地享受着自己种种根深蒂固的幻觉：对个人能力，对这个体制的总体上的信任。然而，随着同类的与日俱增，他们不得不日渐屈服于周薪工人的境况。” 结果是社会等级的降低。这些从前的低薪白领，如今不过是些工作机器，他们的妻子也通常得像丈夫一样卖力工作。 一般讲，工种和他们焦虑的类型将贫民阶级依次划分为三个等级。上层贫民是熟练工人和手艺人，比如印刷工人。中层贫民是电话接线员，公共汽车司机。下层贫民是毫无技能的体力劳动者，比如码头工人，上层贫民独有的焦虑是害怕丧失或降低等级地位：他深深为自己是一名优秀的木匠而骄傲，并希望这个世界能正确无误地理解他和体力劳动者的区别。中层贫民特有的焦虑是担心丢掉工作。至于下层贫民，咬啮他们内心的苦痛是感觉到自己可能永远挣不来足够的钱或者自由。得不到自己想要的，干不成自己想干的。 上层贫民的工作类型总是使他们执意将自己称作真正的“专业人士”，比如，大城市的“清洁工人”。一位邮递员告诉斯塔兹·塔克尔他为什么喜欢自己的工作：“人们总在说，'送信人怎么怎么啦'……我觉得，这是一份在全国最受尊敬的工作。”从事护理行业的贫民阶层妇女从来就津津乐道自己是如何如何“专业”，而她们当上空中小姐（上层贫民最心仪的职业）的女儿们同样有此癖好。由于军官总是在上司面前胆战心惊，他们可能更是中产阶级，而不太像上层贫民。尽管如此，他们越声称自己“专业”，就越发显得等级低：他们在越南丢人现眼，随后又为自己的社会名声坐立不安，上述说法就越来越像是冒傻气的套话。一位军人的妻子说，“有人喜欢把医生、律师叫做'专业人士'。所有的军人都是'专业'的嘛。”然后，一处明显的逻辑偏差：“还有谁会比用自己的一生来保卫祖国的人更专业呢？” 确定某人究竟是中产阶级还是上层贫民成员有一条普遍适用的原则：此君的工作服和“最好”的衣服悬殊越大，所属等级就越低。不要仅只笼统地考虑体力劳动者和蓝领阶层，也要想一想看门人、年轻侍从、农夫、铁路管理员、火车司机和消防队员。他们中有一位曾说过：“我原来打算做律师，唉，我还想过做医生。可我就是做不到。你得脑瓜聪明才行。”但上层贫民是很聪明的，至少是精明。因为通常没有人严格监督他们的工作，他们信奉个人独立并为之骄傲，不太瞧得起那些不能像自己一样独立的人。这些人，就像社会学家E·E·拉马思特斯在他的书《蓝领贵族》（1975）中对他们的描述，他们对中产阶级的蔑视与贵族阶级对中产阶级的蔑视很有些相似。一位上层贫民说：“如果我儿子打算一辈子都系着那根见鬼的领带，对老板打躬作揖，他有权利那么做。可是上帝啊，如果他愿意的话，他至少也应该有权用自己的两只手老老实实地干活谋生啊。”拉马思特斯说，像其他贵族阶层一样，这些人“已经在他们那个社会环境的顶层了，所以就没有必要花时间和精力来'往上爬'了。”他们在其他方面也颇有贵族气，比如对赌博的忠诚，对猎鹿的喜好。室内装饰的鹿角使他们的住处看来不亚于一个苏格兰贵族的小屋。奥特加·加塞特指出，上层贫民还“倾向于把游戏和运动当作自己毕生的职业来从事，”并对女人抱一种不甚浪漫的态度——这方面也酷似贵族。 由于这些人绝不打算在选择正确的地位标识上忧心忡忡，他们也就相当地悠闲自在。他们可以举止随意，无论说什么话，怎样穿戴。装扮，都少有羞耻感。羞耻感属于比他们优越的中产阶级。进一步讲，羞耻感主要是一种资产阶级的情绪。吉利·库柏发现，约翰·卡尔文是中产阶级的先知；卡尔·马克思则是贫民的代言人，尽管这两个阶级的大多数人对此一无所知。 除此之外，还有一些绝对可靠的标志帮助你辨认上层贫民阶层。他们“属于”大过圣诞节的一族，经常通过分期付款购买大宗物品。比如，他们喜欢把钱花在精致的彩色电视机。立体声音响和操作复杂的电冰箱上。而中产阶级倾向于投资购买“品味良好”的家具，并一一陈列于客厅和餐厅。开车的时候，上层贫民阶层的男士们坐在前座，他们的妻子被安放在后座。（如果看一看中产阶级，总是前座一对夫妇，后座另一对夫妇。而在中上层阶级中，你很可能发现两家的丈夫分别和另一家的妻子同坐一排座位。） 社交活动中，上层贫民一律守时不误，迟到二十来分钟是更高等级的标志。如果你打算在酒吧估测一位男人的等级地位，不妨找个借口与他聊聊，直到他摸出自己的钱夹，上层贫民的钱夹总是鼓鼓囊囊的，里头不光有妻女儿孙的快照，以备酒后展示一番直至被感伤情绪淹没，更有各类让人留恋的纸张纪念品，比如重要的体育比赛门票票根、信件、以及其它一些能随时掏出来“证明”什么的文件。百分之百的上层贫民钱夹，上面一定绑着一根宽宽的橡皮筋。 贫民阶层人士无一例外地对广告和商标抱有高度的敬意。了解这些东西，你就能够展示聪明和时髦，同时将自己与广告商品的成功联系在一起。热天饮一听包装醒目的可口可乐，并不单单是为解渴消热。这意味着你在与比你优越的人们——可口可乐公司——以及你的邻居分享一种公认的成功模式，他们还会认为你的举动是地道的美国化，简直妙不可言。约翰·布鲁克斯发现，纽约地铁车厢里的涂鸦作者会在任何地方涂鸦，但几乎不碰广告牌。“似乎这些创作者尊重社会的这一方面：广告”。 菲利浦·罗斯所着的一本书里的主人公索菲亚·波特诺，一直在中产阶级和上层贫民之间徘徊。若说她那措辞强烈的自我夸耀是中产阶级式的，她对广告商标的尊敬和对物价的敏感则很有上层贫民的味道。她在谈到黑人女佣时对儿子说：“只有我一个人对她那么好。只有我一个人给了她整整一罐金枪鱼作午饭。我说的可不是那些不值钱的破烂玩意儿，阿历克斯，我说的可是优质的，被称为'海中鸡肉'的那种……四毛九两罐。”以“蓝领妇女”为主要目标的《真实故事》杂志，向它的广告商们信誓旦旦地承诺，这本杂志的读者“对商标最最忠贞不贰”，这一点无疑是正确的。如果你是一位上层贫民，你所做的一切正是这个商业社会要求你必须做的。 在西南部（这个地方我们应该欣然表示接受，以避“精英主义”之嫌），上层贫民阶层家庭最流行的晚间娱乐活动是去洗车行洗车，并顺便在回家的路上光顾一下当地的连锁食品超市，或者也可以去看冰上表演，招牌上写的是：“太空邦尼虫”。 中层贫民 一个在工作中失去自由的阶层。由于经常受到老板的斥责而对生活心存怨恨。他们生活中唯一的乐趣，也许就是串亲戚。 上层贫民阶层为人不错。可是再往下走，中层和下层贫民阶层的举止可能就会让一些人觉得受冒犯了。中下层贫民为自己的工作感到痛苦，通常是因为对他们的监督和管理太严酷，总被别人当成任性的孩子一样对待。一名汽车装配厂的工人说：“这儿就像在军队，不，比军队还糟糕……哪怕你去撒尿，也得领一张护照。”《劳动阶级大多数》（1974）一书的作者，安德鲁斯·列维森，曾提示我们想象一番“老有一双工头的眼睛在你身上扫视的滋味，中产阶级社会里绝对不会有这般礼遇。”领薪的专业人士当然也有自己的上司，但人们终究难以想象，如果一位教授或者管理人员旷了一大工，会有人要求他们出示医生的病假条，或者汇报他们上卫生间的具体次数。 中层和下层贫民之所以处于如此情形，是因为他们在一个范伯伦称为“人对人的强制性压制”中扮演着牺牲品的角色，这一现像委实令人不快。（施加这种强制，而不是让自已被人强制，这就是那些更幸运的人们的特权：经理，教师，作家，新闻记者，神职人员，电影导演等）。 的确，实施监督的程度，通常比收入更直接地显示等级差别。这就表明，整个等级体制更像是在识别自由的价值，而非仅只宣扬金钱的价值。你的工作在多大程度上受到监督，比你从这种受监督的劳动中能领回多少报酬，更能显示你的真实等级。这一点说明了为什么中学教师比大学教授的地位要“低”。中学教师有责任每周向校长，行政负责人或“课程协调人”报告“授课计划”，也就是说，承认自己的屈从地位。而大学教授因为无须向任何人汇报工作而要位高一等，尽管中学教师有可能更聪明，更有风度，更有钱。（如果你想发现贫民，就会立刻注意到，只有在公立中学、邮政部门，警察署，才常常听到这样的术语——督察、指导。） 如果一个人的恭顺服从总是第一位的，他或她一定是个中层或下层贫民。职业阶层从事的工作，在很大程度上依赖于不发生差错或失误，或者即使发生，也可以远远逃避后果，做到事不关己，无人问津则更好。千万不能因为立刻被发现而遭到老板的斥责，蒙受耻辱和丢脸。由于长期在工作中忍受屈辱，下层贫民总是精神消沉。如一位女工所说，“我们中间好多人……的工作，对我们的精神来说简直太没劲了。”圣路易斯的一位出租汽车司机这样为美国发动越南战争辩护：“我们可不能是一个可怜的、没救的巨人。我们要