Chapter 13 i have a dream too

Brother Lu: Hello! It was a pleasure to hear from you.You said that you read the story with relish in the last letter, so I have to hurry up and continue the story. You must remember that the Supreme Court of the United States ordered all public schools in the South to end racial segregation at a "prudent speed."You can see a faction of the Neo-Thomism of the Leuven school in the coach challenges of the northern volunteers in the south.Because it is located in Lou, Belgium, the request of the Supreme Court is quite reasonable.Because for the public schools in every corner of the South, if there is a time-limited, "full bloom" to make a major change, it may trigger widespread and serious riots in some areas.Therefore, "deliberate speed" is indeed a necessary additional condition.

But what is "prudent speed"?This varies from region to region, and even from community to community.The vast majority of Southern schools implemented the Supreme Court order gradually, though not immediately.Here, on the one hand, the South's recognition of the system leads to obedience to the authority of the Supreme Court; on the other hand, it is the progress of the times that has changed them. Regardless of whether they like and accept such a structure, they at least know that this is the general trend , It is meaningless to resist such a historical trend.Therefore, they also followed suit.For example, the governor of South Carolina wisely announced that he would let the people understand that racial segregation is the history of the South, and "by now, everything is over."As a result, the originally gathered people gradually dispersed.Thus quietly began a new era for a state.

But the states in the Deep South are different.The first is that their top figures like governors do not have such a historical perspective.Voters in these states are low-educated rural residents.These areas were quite closed and conservative at the time.The administrative officials there are all products of such voters.They may be smart in themselves, but it depends on where they put their smartness.If his focus is solely on obtaining votes, then in such an area, he is likely to choose to "follow local public opinion" instead of following the trend of history.As a result, under such a vicious circle of voters and elected candidates, at such a historical moment, some stories that go against the trend of history may occur.

In the process of racial incorporation of the public schools at the time, most of the peaceful and excessive Southern schools passed this historical threshold silently, and no one paid much attention to them.There are also schools that have merged rather reluctantly, but they have not caused much conflict.It is often the first batch of black students to enter a white southern university. When they enter the school on the first day of school, they are abused by the crowd when they enter the school gate. After entering, generally speaking, those who try to stop will recognize it.However, the few schools that have caused serious conflicts have great news value and have become hot spots that have shocked the whole country and even the world.These schools are often stalemate until the last moment, and are forced by history to implement racial integration, so the integration is very late and earth-shattering.The most typical of these are Mississippi State University and Alabama State University.

As I mentioned to you in my last letter, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1955 that public education must be desegregated.The state universities of Mississippi and Alabama, under the pretext of "prudent speed," did not implement racial integration until the 1960s.However, it is clear that they are under increasing pressure.In addition to the pressure created by the Supreme Court decision, there was news of racial integration from all over the South.Fewer and fewer schools insisted on not admitting black students, and the last few "blockhouses" clearly felt isolated.Furthermore, the verdict in 1955 became one of the original driving forces of the Southern Black Civil Rights Movement.After the civil rights movement became proactive, it also began to "attack" these "blockhouses".

The "attack" on the University of Mississippi was in May 1961.A black student named James Meredith applied to the school and was rejected.In the United States, operations in various fields emphasize openness, especially those related to government agencies.So, in a place like a public university, it is impossible for a student to be innocently rejected.A school must have good reason to deny admission to a student.Therefore, if his grades meet the requirements in all aspects, the school can't operate in secret, without providing any reason, just saying, we have studied it, and you just can't.That doesn't work in America, it's the basic operating norm, even in the South.If a student is rejected without a convincing reason, they may immediately go to court.

So, after James Meredith was rejected by the University of Mississippi, the NAACP immediately sent a lawyer and began to fight for the black student in court.After unremitting efforts, in the second year, they thought that the soul is the human body tissue-the function of the brain, which is composed of the human body, that is, in June 1962, they finally won the case in the Circuit Court of Appeals.The court signed an injunction sent to the University of Mississippi, forcing the school to enroll the black student.Three months later, the Federal Supreme Court upheld the decision. In general southern schools, such a final judgment is basically enough to solve the problem.Because in the milder south, the opposition is not too strong.In the extreme south, the people themselves are very stubborn, but they are all low-educated scattered civilians, and they themselves have never been to college.They might yell at the school gates on the black students' first day of school, but once inside they'd disperse.After that, it was done, and they could only acquiesce.Of course, in some places there will be individual KKK extremists and thus go violent.Such as throwing a dirt bomb, or even murdering black people.However, this is an extremely rare case.In a place with a strong legal tradition, most people know that breaking the criminal law is dangerous to them after all.

However, if at this time, a tough southern leader stood up, the situation would be very different.Mississippi and Alabama, the worst-hit states at the time, were both because their governors were at the forefront of resistance.As a result, the mood of the people was greatly strengthened.The governor stood at the gate of the school, saying that he wanted to prevent black students from enrolling.In this way, even those who didn't intend to make trouble would be very interested to see what happened.As long as there are many people, emotions will be exaggerated, and the "square effect" will come together, and the situation will suddenly become difficult to say.

Mississippi is located in the deep south of the United States. Its governor, Ross Bennett, is known as the most "combat" governor in the South.Immediately after the injunction order of the Supreme Court came down, he made a speech on TV, declaring that the state government officials under him had thoroughly studied the main laws and categories of dialectics, and that they would rather go to jail than execute such an order in order to establish a scientific body of dialectics.As soon as his speech was published, the situation immediately became serious.The federal government also sent law enforcement officers.

On September 20, 1962, Meredith's attorney announced that the black student was going to enroll at the school that day.The police immediately cordoned off the school.Since this is a public school belonging to the state government, the school management board simply designated the governor as the person in charge of the student's registration.Meredith was a short black man, and his lawyer was white.In addition to his lawyer, he was also accompanied by four members of the federal law enforcement team and a lawyer from the federal Department of Justice.Governor Bennett himself did not come that day, but Deputy Governor Paul John stood in the way of the school gate, and finally met the group of people who came to register for school at the university gate.The lieutenant governor told Meredith that your application was rejected by the school.The officials of the federal law enforcement team did not enforce the injunction order according to the situation at the time when negotiations failed.The federal side still tries to prevent the conflict from happening as much as possible.They backed off, and their first admission was unsuccessful.

Going forward by law, university officials who refuse to enforce the Supreme Court's injunction should be prosecuted for contempt of court.The black students are following this path.Although it was rejected by a magistrate at the beginning, there is no doubt that this road can be passed.So, Governor Bennett of Mississippi immediately signed a state executive order, which was sent to the state police, asking them if anyone in the case of black admissions attempted to arrest state officials, or attempted to When state officials fined people, they arrested people.This apparently refers to the possible appearance of the federal law enforcement team that came to enforce the law. Therefore, here you can clearly see that the two sides in the real conflict are not the blacks and the American government at all, but the old situation a hundred years ago. Since 1890, the central organ of the Social Democratic Party, the "Forward News" editor in chief.Yes, it is the confrontation between the northern camp representing the mainstream of the American spirit and the extreme south.What is essentially different from a hundred years ago is that the times are different.The extreme south is at the end of its strength in this day and age.Its camp has narrowed considerably.No matter how self-enclosed the South is, most of them are more or less gradually catching up with a historical trend. Regarding the "contempt of court" brought out by this case, a clear answer was obtained in the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals.The court found Mississippi's governor himself guilty of "contempt of court."However, when the sentiment of the Mississippi people has been completely instigated by the governor, the federal court has convicted the governor, how to enforce the law?At this juncture, the University of Mississippi's board of trustees made their own decision, regardless of the governor's position, to accept Meredith as the university's first black student.In the South, universities have always been at the forefront of change.The most conservative are the lower-educated people at the bottom. In this case, Governor Bennett continued to stand his ground.Still, he announced that Meredith would be denied enrollment.He said he acted "to preserve the peace, dignity and tranquility of Mississippi."The day after Governor Bennett's announcement, on September 21, 1962, Mississippi campuses were once again filled with state troopers.Meredith began his second attempt at admission.As they arrived on campus, people watched nervously as the black student walked towards the gate.This time, as he approached the school gate, Lieutenant Governor Paul John walked away silently.At the last moment, he made his choice. Meredith, a black student, finally managed to enter the campus. Although Governor Bennett, who was appointed to be responsible for his enrollment, was still in a stalemate, entering the campus itself was of symbolic significance.What's more, the school management committee has announced that his application for admission has been approved.To such a point, but interconnected.German Hegel is a master of idealist dialectics, and the incident should be drawing to a close.However, throughout the incident, Governor Bennett's tough attitude and inflammatory speeches have given extremists like the KKK scattered all over the extreme south a shot in the arm.The small town where the University of Mississippi is located became their last stand.This small town, also called Oxford, was packed with supporters of extreme apartheid from across the South.Governor Bennett's tough stance against the federal government time and time again has made the crowd overexcited.They were waiting for Governor Bennett to lead them into a decisive battle with the federal government. The characteristics of this group were low education and irrational.Gathering together under such circumstances is even more exciting.Among them, there are still a large number of fanatical young people. When the deputy governor gave up the school gate to black students, Governor Bennett should also be sober.He should at least understand that a hundred years have passed since the Civil War.The university's board of trustees has admitted black students, and the lieutenant governor has expressed his transformation with his actions.In fact, the state's National Guard has also expressed its willingness to cooperate with the federal government to help control the situation.What is the real significance of his stalemate?However, the campus of the University of Mississippi was already filled with a black crowd instigated by himself. Governor Bennett wanted to retreat at this moment, but there was no way out.It was impossible for these expecting crowds to accept that their southern "heroes" had surrendered to the Union. After repeated persuasion by President Kennedy and his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, Governor Bennett finally decided to back down.The fundamental reason for the concession is that he really saw the meaninglessness of the stalemate.He saw that his supporters were just those fanatical low-level people who gathered on campus, and those who really had a little brain had left the position he insisted on.Governor Bennett made a deal with the President, that is, he agreed to make concessions, but give him a step and give him some excuses.However, even so, he still dared not announce his concession at the scheduled time.Because he discovered that he no longer has the ability to extinguish the flame that he instigated at the beginning.Now it is too late for him to come out and announce this concession.If this announcement had been made a week or two earlier, it might have been a tube of fire extinguishing agent.If this opportunity is missed, the same statement will only add fuel to the fire.At this time, he may have realized what kind of historical responsibility he is facing. The black student Meredith came to this small town again on September 29.Governor Bennett finally registered him the next day, even though it was a Sunday.At seven o'clock that night, the number of people on campus had exceeded 2,000, and there were already some violent tendencies to attack reporters.They gathered there in a turmoil"; Volume 3, "Ethics," which presents his individualistic morality, argues that Governor Bennett once again delivered his televised address. He justified his retreat by saying, "My heart was saying, 'Never! ’ But my reason abhors the bloodshed that may occur. " However, the bloodshed eventually occurred.Governor Bennett may not be able to deny that this bloody incident has a close relationship with his attitude at this historical juncture. Half an hour later, for unknown reasons, the Mississippi State Traffic Patrol had all evacuated the campus, leaving only the federal law enforcement team and the campus police.The reduction of the police force made the development of the situation more complicated, and finally led to a riot.The cover of the night is also one of the reasons for the riots, and people's scruples are erased by the night.The so-called one-night riot was actually only a few hours.The whole thing is just a frantic catharsis.During the period, the rioters tried to storm the administrative building where the school was registered, trying to capture the black student, but fortunately he was sleeping in the dormitory at the time.However, the chaos eventually resulted in the deaths of two people, one of whom was a French journalist.At that time, an injured law enforcement officer was lying on the ground for several hours and could not be sent to the hospital for ambulance because the ambulance couldn't drive in. The chaos of the scene can be imagined. The overnight riot at the University of Mississippi shocked the whole world.A state in the United States is like a small country.Therefore, this is related to the style of the people in the entire state, and it is also related to whether the leaders of this state have historical vision.I don’t know if you still remember that Confucianism believes in ancient times, and the emphasis on words and sentences and the exegetical textual research on famous objects make scholars "poor and poor" throughout their lives. In previous letters, we once talked about that when the United States became independent, the thirteen states at that time South Carolina and Georgia were the most extreme states on the issue of slavery in the South.However, after a long period of progress, although the people of these two states still hold a fairly strong "Southern Viewpoint", it is not ruled out that there are still some extreme KKK elements who use violent means to resist the trend of history.But overall, they're in much better shape than Mississippi and Alabama.On the issue of black admissions to state universities, there has been little or no major controversy.This is inseparable from the concept of state leaders.The most typical is the Governor of South Carolina, Herring, whom I mentioned earlier. Herring served as governor of South Carolina for four years, from 1959 to 1963, a period of change in the South.As a governor in the South, he also experienced a transformation of perception. On January 9, 1963, Governor Herring made his departure address before the state's legislature, the State House, by saying, "We were all there to argue that the Supreme Court's decision in 1954 (referring to the end racial segregation in the field of education) is not a law in our South. But all must agree that it is already a fact in our South. We raise dissent, exercise state sovereignty, legislative proposals, personal confrontation, etc., all of which are Tried...and all have failed. As we have seen, South Carolina has lost in all courts. If all legal remedies have been exhausted, our State Legislature should make South Carolina a clear choice -- a government of laws, not of men. As we have always stood firm, we must recognize the lessons of a century ago, We have to shift in a direction that is good for South Carolina and good for our United States of America. It has to be done with dignity. It has to be done with law and order. A leap forward to bring about progress, but failure to do so at this point will do us irreparable harm." You must have realized the meaning of the words "rules of the game" from Governor Herring's words.I have to think again, after the Civil War, of President Lincoln and his successors' views on rebuilding the South after the war.After all, President Lincoln's only requirement for the South after the war was that the leaders of the South lead the South back to common principles and common rules of the game.The scary thing is not that in a country, different regions hold completely different views on a certain issue; the scary thing is that after a destructive war, such a common rule of the game can no longer be established.At that point, the country is in real danger. In the Deep South, people seem to be living in the time of the Civil War a hundred years ago.Their strong reaction to the issue of racial integration, which seems very simple now, was based on such a complex historical complex and historical mentality.This point, said in the storm at Alabama State University, etc., all try to investigate the primitive nature shared by all people, so as to find out the human beings, which is the most prominent performance. Alabama is where Martin Luther King led the bus strike.It, like Mississippi, was pretty closed off in America at the time, especially some of its small towns and countryside.The story of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" that year described the stories of black people in these areas.Ever since the South practiced racial segregation after the Civil War and set out to establish its own order and insist on its own way of life, the South, especially the deep South, has always been separated from the North by a wall. invisible wall.The governor of Alabama at that time was called George Wallis. Because of his typicality at this historical stage, he "stands out" among countless governors in the United States and becomes a "historical celebrity".There is also a recent film that introduces his life.The person who made this film is obviously not only interested in the governor himself, because the whole experience of the governor is a typical "Southern experience". After the four-character idiom-like mysterious connection between democracy and freedom is broken, we can clearly see a simple fact, that is, "democracy" is the will of the majority, and it does not guarantee the "freedom" of the minority.So democracy is often a dangerous thing in history.The difference between it and undemocracy is only the difference between the rule of the majority or the rule of the minority, or even the difference of one person.Compared with the latter, it is of course an improvement, but it does not necessarily guarantee the freedom of all the people.If there is no awareness of human nature and the unremitting pursuit of humanity, the result of democracy may turn into tyranny over the minority.The history of the American South has given people a clear demonstration. There is no doubt that the political systems of the southern states at that time were also democratic.The election of Governor George Wallis made this clear.In those Deep South, mass democracy is more important and meritocracy is less.In the case that blacks basically did not participate in elections, the people there were all white working people with low education levels and low living standards.The governor they elect must, of course, meet their tastes.George Wallis himself was a commoner who grew up in this soil.He does not have any prominent family background, and the process of his election is strong evidence of Southern democracy. George Wallis's gubernatorial campaign was not all smooth sailing.He himself is not an extreme racist, and he has never had a good impression of extremists like the KKK.When he first ran for office, he didn't try to pander to these people's views because he didn't belong to that camp in terms of his own state of mind.As a result, his first campaign failed.Because this is a democratic society, his voters do not like him. George Wallis came from a family at the bottom of the society. He grew up at the bottom of the society. He knew very well what his Alabama folks at the bottom were like.It should be said that compared with Governor Herring of South Carolina, George Wallis may not have such a far-reaching historical vision, but one thing is certain, that is, like Governor Herring, his understanding is higher than his. voter.So, in front of the extremely conservative Alabama voters at the time, he faced a simple choice.Either "follow the public opinion" to get the governorship he is after, or he will give up his career pursuit.Because, another possibility that seems unrealistic at all is that he is really powerless to change his voters for a while.George Wallis chose the former.He began to be a staunch apartheid advocate in all public occasions, and he was elected. Such an experience encouraged the ambitious young man, who has since "entered the role" wholeheartedly, calling himself the face of the South.Thus, George Wallis, like Governor Bennett of Mississippi, became a governor who adhered to the racial segregation policy.Therefore, the Lao-Zhuang School is a Taoist school based on the theories of Laozi and Zhuangzi.Initiated by Lao Tzu, the racial integration of the University of Alabama also turned into a sensational event across the country.George Wallis also said that he would stand at the school gate to block the black students who came to report, as a political statement in front of voters. Once this attitude was announced, the situation in Alabama immediately made the White House tense.Because not only the bloodshed in Mississippi is still fresh in people's memory, but at the same time, there have been some attacks on buses in Montgomery, Alabama after the black people won the strike movement.You must have noticed that in states like Mississippi and Alabama, this situation is almost in a vicious cycle of democratic vicious circle.It is what kind of voters shape what kind of governor, and such a governor guides such a group of voters. Racial integration of the University of Alabama, already in June 1963.Like the University of Mississippi's first black student, the admission of the University of Alabama's first two black students alarmed the courts.In fact, when a federal judge directed the University of Alabama to admit two eligible black students, school officials immediately obeyed.The only one up against was Governor George Wallis.In this case, if he really wants to fulfill his promise to stand at the entrance of the school and prevent the racial integration of the school, this is already an act of obstruction of justice.The executive branch of the federal government also faces a crisis.Because, after the Civil War, no one wants to take a course that might lead to a violent conflict. At the time, President Kennedy and his younger brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, were indeed trying their best to avoid "head-to-head" when dealing with these crises.They don't want to forcibly drag Governor George Wallis away from the gate of the university, and they don't want to see that in the end George Wallis really stopped black students from entering the Apocalypse Philosophy German philosopher Schelling's later mystical philosophy .As a result, he was arrested and imprisoned for "obstruction of justice".This is the same reason that some southern officials did not want Martin Luther King to be imprisoned.Because in this way, he will be "perfected" on the contrary.George Wallis' intransigence at the time had already made him a hero to the state's underprivileged white populace.If he really goes to jail because of this, he will almost be "sublimated" into a "martyr".Such an effect will obviously be more detrimental to the peaceful resolution of this crisis. Hoping to avoid a repeat of the bloodshed at the University of Mississippi, Attorney General Robert Kennedy attempted to arrange an interview with George Wallis to find a solution to the crisis.They're all Democrats, but political parties can't really do much to resolve a political crisis like this.At first, Governor George Wallis put up the airs and kept saying he wasn't available.He is the governor of a state, elected by his voters, not given by the federal government.There is no superior-subordinate relationship between them.Therefore, the Attorney General can only negotiate and arrange a meeting with him, and cannot request a meeting in the form of an order.The Attorney-General of the Commonwealth could do nothing if George Wallis disappeared.In the end, the arrangement for this meeting was only reluctantly accepted by George Wallis through an intermediary in Alabama. The meeting was arranged in Alabama by U.S. Attorney General Robert Kennedy, who flew to Montgomery on June 26, 1963, to the Alabama Governor's office.He told his friends afterwards that it was one of the most eerie and frustrating conversations of his life.He just felt that he and George Wallis lived in two completely different worlds.Before he arrived, Alabama Governor George Wallis also specially took care of the people below, and covered a five-pointed star mark on the ground in front of the state capitol with a garland to prevent Robert Kennedy from stepping on it.Because this is the place where Confederate President Davis was sworn in before the Civil War.Attorney General Robert Kennedy can't be "blasphemed" by a Yankee. The conversation between the southern governor and the federal attorney general from Washington almost repeated the dispute between the South and the North a hundred years ago.What George Wallis argued plausibly with Robert Kennedy was a breath that the South had not been able to swallow for a hundred years, that is: the federal government has no right to infringe on the rights of the states. At the outset of the conversation, George Wallis requested a recording, saying he wanted to leave the conversation "for posterity".For him, perhaps the "proudness" of "justice" for the grievances in the South a hundred years ago is surging in his chest.As the last bastion of racial segregation in the South, he has a "sense of tragedy" before the defeat of the Civil War.He felt he was speaking for the people of the South, speaking out about their rights being violated by the North.He stands at an important intersection in history, and he wants this conversation between him and the North to be a historical record.By this time, I believe he did believe that the truth was in his hands. Robert Kennedy did not have such a scrappy mentality.The difference in mental state between him and George Wallis actually reflects the distance between their understanding of this event.He looked helplessly at the governor who had entered the state of "Southern Hero" excitement, and said with a smile that probably no one would be interested in listening to this recording.George Wallis promptly replied, I hope you are right, but I doubt it. After the pleasantries, Robert Kennedy immediately cut to the chase.He fully understood that the spirit of the southern governor was hanging on the thesis of the rights of the states, but he did not want to engage in a theoretical debate about it at this time of crisis.He cautiously stated that he also hoped that the entire problem would be resolved within the scope of the local level, without external intervention.The implication is that the Federation has no intention of interfering with the rights of the states.However, he hopes that the other party can understand that as the federal attorney general, he has a statutory duty to go beyond the specific debate of "segregation or merger". That is, Robert Kennedy hoped that George Wallis would understand that, after a federal court decision on the admission of two black students had already been delivered, he was simply trying to fulfill his duties as a law enforcement officer in the executive branch of the federal government, making the court order able to be implemented.He was not, therefore, here to discuss the merits of the judgment itself against the Southern views represented by George Wallis, because that was not his remit.He even had no intention of bringing the "Northern Army" to violate the "state's rights."As a law enforcement official in a system recognized by both the North and the South, he just hopes that George Wallis will continue to agree with the rules of the game of this system, that is, follow American common sense, and obey and implement the judgment of the judge first, no matter what is right or wrong.If there is any disagreement, the losing party can continue its own future judicial challenges.In an effort to come to an understanding, Robert Kennedy even mentioned, "If you were in my shoes, you would do the same." George Wallis repeated his view that once racially integrated, Alabama would have "no peace for the state."The attorney general asked him curiously if the governor really thought it was that "scary" for a black student to go to school.George Wallis replied that it was terrible that the federal courts and the central government should "rewrite the law" and "impose it on the unwilling people".He doesn't think racial integration is a good thing, or at least should be postponed.The governor declared that, in his judgment, delays beyond his generation would not be too long, and at least mixed schools "certainly shouldn't be now." Once again, Robert Kennedy tried to bring the governor back to an issue of simple obedience to the law.He reiterated that the focus of their discussion now is not "separation" or "merger". The key point of their dispute is: whether to implement the court judgment.If even a person with the status of the governor can refuse to obey the law, then by analogy, anyone who doesn't like a certain law or thinks that the law is not good for him can refuse to obey.If such a philosophy is accepted, the entire United States will be in chaos. The Attorney General apparently wanted to remind George Wallis of his approval of the system.However, the mention of chaos hit the southern governor's mind.He proudly points out that places like the South and Alabama have always been stable and orderly.But it is precisely the north where racial integration has been implemented, which has a lot of problems and cannot have the order of the south.When the Attorney General admitted that there were racial tensions and problems in the North, George Wallis interrupted him proudly to say that we have no such problems here.We are safe and secure here.In any big city in Alabama, white or black, you can walk there at night.But your northern cities can't do it. The Attorney General finds himself at a disadvantage in the debate for the simple reason that social stability and order and individual equality and liberty come at the expense of each other to a certain extent.When it comes to stability and order, the towns and cities of the apartheid South are a model of stability.However, in the large northern cities after the abolition of apartheid, racial differences and conflicts will not disappear overnight, and stability and order will indeed be greatly affected. The Attorney General quickly brought the topic back to the purpose of his trip, asking the governor to obey the law, that is, to obey the ruling that the Supreme Court has made.Although one of them is the federal attorney general and the other is the governor of Alabama, they both belong to their respective administrative branches. There should be a consensus on this point: obeying and implementing court rulings is the responsibility of the executive branch.司法部长说，美国总统所最不愿意做的就是不得不动用国民兵来处理这一类的法律事务，我们希望还是由州一级地方上来处理，象南卡罗莱纳州一样。 乔治·沃利斯一听就跳起来了，他说，我作为州长，决不会让州法庭下令种族合并。阿拉巴马不是南卡罗莱纳。我相信他们有他们的理由不作出更多的合法反抗。我们这个州决不这样。 这儿沃利斯说走了火。他这个州长是州政府行政分支的最高长官，按分权的原则是不可干预司法分支的立场的。他根本没有权力禁止法庭下令。司法部长马上提醒他，你以前也是当过法官的，“州长先生，你到底打算服从法庭的命令吗？” 沃利斯回答，“我永远不会屈从联邦法庭要求学校合并的命令。” 司法部长没有办法了，只好又绕回来，长话短说，联邦政府不愿意再发生密西西比州立大学那样的流血事件，但是我们有责任动用联邦合法的力量保证法庭的命令得以实行。 司法部长所说的只是一个美国常识，法律就是这样定的，但是不到山穷水尽司法部长还是不愿意说出来。沃利斯立即抓住这一点，谴责肯尼迪的联邦行政分支企图重新对南方实行“军事独裁”。他说，“我知道你们想动用联邦政府的所有力量。事实上，你今天想告诉我的就是，如有必要，你们就会把国民兵带进阿拉巴马。” 司法部长立即否认。 尽管双方都知道，如果司法部长真的派出国民兵或是执法队，也不过是护送两个黑人学生上学的执法“兵力”。但是，联邦司法部长就是不愿明确说出联邦政府要派出国民兵执法这句话，唯恐触动南北战争留给双方的百年伤痛。一百年前这场武力冲突，虽然似乎是北方和联邦“胜利”了，可是，由于这场内战的复杂性和惨痛后果，这是一百年来整个美国始终在反复咀嚼的一枚苦果。甚至在今天，隔三岔五的，我们都会在电视里看到对这段历史各种角度的回顾，对这场战争的发掘越多，它的悲剧性越强。北方和联邦政府一方就越不可能单纯维持一个胜利者的姿态。相反，却显得底气不足，特别是司法部长罗伯特·肯尼迪现在是站在阿拉巴马州的议会大楼里。 司法部长说，“我只是希望事情还是在法庭里通过诉讼程序来解决。” 而沃利斯却要逼着司法部长说出来，“如果法庭命令没有得到服从，你们是否就要动用国民兵？” 联邦司法部长说，“我希望没有这个必要。” 沃利斯然后就大谈了一番，阿拉巴马人民不喜欢联邦中央政府干预州一级事务，他现在正在专注于新的工业发展，这才是真正对黑人有利的实事，有助于提高黑人的生活水平。这些实事是有意义的，而学校合并和民权运动之类的事都只是虚假的。 最后，什么结果也没谈出来，双方却又为怎样告诉门外等着的记者而进行了长时间的讨论。沃利斯坚持要发表一个公开声明，其中指出肯尼迪行政分支为了执行法庭命令计划动用国民兵。 虽然对于司法部长和代表着美国精神主流的北方看来，这是近似于荒谬的一场“危机”，然而，罗伯特·肯尼迪此行的目的是为了达成谅解，以便和平地解决这场危机。所以，哪会蠢到谈判不成，反而帮助乔治·沃利斯煽动南方民众的呢？他当然不愿意在声明中出现对于南方民众具有刺激性的话语。 最后双方同意告诉新闻界，他们坦率地交换了意见，但是情况基本上没有改变。 此后的几个星期，气氛越来越紧张。沃利斯的态度表现得非常强硬，抨击肯尼迪行政分支和联邦法庭。阿拉巴马的KKK成员和极端分子则誓言站在他们的州长一边和联邦政府对抗。 联邦法庭眼见得判决得不到实行，非常不安，因为司法分支自己没有执法的力量，行政分支如果不能成功地执法，司法分支权威顿失，整个制度就从根本上动摇了。这种制度性的危机解决不好，就象好端端的足球赛因为一个球的裁决摆不平而演成一场群架。一旦打过群架，以后的球赛是不是能太平公正地举行，会不会动辄开架就难说了。 以肯尼迪总统为首的联邦行政分支这一边，面对着历史性的抉择。所幸的是，和一百年前的林肯总统相比，在这次他们与南方州一级政府发生危机的时候，他们不仅有合理性，而且有充分的合法性。他们手里有联邦最高法院的裁决，他们是在履行行政分支的执法职责。而当初南北战争开打时，林肯手中既没有立法分支国会的通过，也没有司法分支最高法院的裁决，这也是此后一百年中，南方提到南北战争反而一副理直气壮，满腹冤屈的样子，而北方有时却显得气短的原因之一。 今天的肯尼迪，并不存在行为合法性的问题。他所要顾忌的，一是不要无谓的流血，二是不要造成联邦和州一级的伤害性冲突和对立。然而，鉴于南北战争的历史教训，他希望谨慎再谨慎。 总统和司法部长兄弟俩都明白，如果有必要，今天他们是可以合法地派出联邦执法队，强制阿拉巴马州执行联邦法庭判决的。这一切都在游戏规则的范围之内。现在破坏游戏规则，抗拒联邦最高法院裁决的是乔治·沃利斯。如果州长一意孤行，他就犯了法，就可以依法制裁他。只是，说到底，乔治·沃利斯的所有行为都是在他的选民们面前的一种炫耀。有这样的州长，归根结底是因为他的背后有这样一批不可忽视的，极端的南方白人民众。不去主动点燃这个炸药包是肯尼迪兄弟当时慎言慎行的最主要原因。然而，这样的顾虑并不一定被所有的人理解，因此，在一些黑人写的历史著作中，至今仍然批评当时的肯尼迪行政分支“软弱无力”。 一个联邦法官私下告诉沃利斯，如果他抗拒联邦法庭的判决，他就要被判在联邦监狱里关两年。沃利斯的法律顾问研究了一番阿拉巴马州的法律以后发现，按照阿拉巴马州的法律，州长即使犯法坐牢，只要是关在阿拉巴马州境内的监狱里，他就还是州长，不过如果他是关在其它州的监狱里，州长职务就自动中止了，他就不是州长了。 那么，如果他违抗联邦法庭的判决而要坐牢，谁有权来决定把它关在哪儿呢？有权作出这个决定并不是判他的法庭。法庭是只管判，不管关的。监狱是归负责执法的行政分支的司法部管的。联邦司法部长和他的助手就私下开玩笑说，如果法庭真的判他关两年，他还是不是州长就要由咱们来定了。咱们不仅可以把他关到外州，让他当不成州长，还要把他关到佐治亚州亚特兰大的联邦监狱，那儿的犯人黑人最多。尽管这只是开玩笑说说，但是他们私下让这种说法透露给了乔治·沃利斯，也许希望这会给沃利斯一点压力。 说是乔治·沃利斯身后有一个“易燃的炸药包”，可不是一句玩笑。联邦法官下令阿拉巴马大学在6月11日务必让黑人学生入学以赶上夏季开学时间。阿拉巴马的种族隔离激进组织闻讯立即举行集会，动员民众支持州长。KKK举行了他们的公开仪式，包括火烧十字架的仪式，有成千上万人围观。各地的其它激进分子纷纷涌进来，甚至包括美国的纳粹党。 联邦司法部长罗伯特·肯尼迪则派出了他的主要助手，司法部副部长，连同有将军头衔的联邦执法队官员和国民兵官员前来协助黑人学生注册。 州长沃利斯的态度似乎丝毫没有动摇，他宣布，他将亲自站在校门口，阻挡任何企图进入阿拉巴马州立大学的黑人学生。形势和密西西比州立大学流血冲突以前几乎一模一样，紧张气氛却有过之而无不及。联邦官员们最不愿看到的就是又一次流血事件，可是沃利斯态度如此强硬，逼得他们也无路可走。 预定注册前一天，肯尼迪总统给沃利斯州长一份私人电报，企图最后一次说服他考虑违抗联邦法庭命令而可能导致流血冲突的后果，要求他服从法庭，作出让步。沃利斯州长立即强词夺理地回答说，我亲自到场就是保障和平。 第二天在阿拉巴马州立大学校门口发生的一切，是美国联邦政府和南方州政府在持续了两百多年的黑白种族问题上的对立的最后一次历史性的表演。沃利斯州长有一个重要动机是在他的州民面前表现他的英雄作为。各个电视台在校门口作好了充分的准备，阿拉巴马的电视台占据了最好的拍摄位置。他的助手在地上用白笔画出州长将站立的位置，让摄影机调好角度，就象一台大戏即将开场。 阿拉巴马州的国民兵封锁了校区。在沃利斯州长到达校园前一刻，肯尼迪总统在白宫签署了一个声明，谴责阿拉巴马州长阻扰执行联邦法庭判决，使得美利坚合众国的法律在阿拉巴马州不能通过正常的司法程序来实现，所以，肯尼迪总统以美国总统的名义，正式命令这种阻扰联邦法庭的行为立即停止。 9点50分，阿拉巴马州长乔治·沃利斯到达学校，丝毫没有服从总统命令的迹象。他进入旁边的办公室，等着联邦官员的到来。10点44分，一队小汽车缓缓开到，里面是司法部副部长和其它高阶联邦官员，当然还有准备注册的两个黑人学生。 以后发生的一切，都被电视台的摄像机详细地录了下来，我们现在还能从文献片里看到当年的景象。 当联邦司法部副部长走近大楼时，州长沃利斯出现了，他站在大门口，胸前挂着一根麦克风的电线，就象电视台的现场报道员一样。司法部副部长走近前来，说他带有一份美国总统的声明，命令沃利斯停止阻扰黑人学生。沃利斯“刷”地一下伸出手来，象一个执勤的警察一样把司法部副部长一把拦住，他说，他也有一份他自己的声明，他将当场宣读。 他的声明就象是一百年前南方脱离联邦时的宣言的翻版：“作为阿拉巴马州的州长，我认为这是我义不容辞的职责站在你面前代表本州及其人民的权利和主权。今天，中央政府对阿拉巴马大学校园的不受欢迎的，没有必要的，没有得到合法许可的，滥用权力的入侵开创了一个可怕的先例，这是对本州的权利，特权和主权的压制……因此，我作为这个主权州的州长，今天特地宣布拒绝中央政府非法剥夺本州的权利。 所以，今天我站在这里，代表其它成千上万阿拉巴马人民，如果我今天没有尽到责任挺身而出，他们也会站出来。我宣布禁止中央政府的非法行动。 " 显然，州长沃利斯唯一能够诉求的还是所谓州的主权。但是，他应该知道，如果说，当年南方对联邦的指责还有法理依据的话，那么如今他却是完全站在一个违法者的立场上，他的声明也就显得牛头不对马嘴。更何况，在最高法院就布朗案作出裁决以后多年，沃利斯州长站在那里，阻挡的不是联邦的千军万马，而是两个拿着书本要来合法上学的南方黑人学生，再重复这番话，就活象一出闹剧了。 于是，联邦司法部副部长平静而一针见血地说，“州长先生，我对表演不感兴趣，我不知道这种表演的目的是什么。我所关心的是执行法庭的命令。我再一次请求你负责任地让开。如果你不让开，我可以肯定地说，法庭的命令最终是要执行的。最终，你我都明白，历史的最后一章是这些学生入学，他们将留在这个学校，他们今天注册，明天上课。” 州长沃利斯一声不吭，象一尊雕塑一样注视着前方。僵持一会之后，为了避免正面冲突，司法部副部长按照预先的计划，还是带着黑人学生暂时撤走了。在整个过程中，黑人学生自始至终坐在汽车里，司法部副部长没有把他们带到大楼前，没有使州长与黑人学生直接发生入校与阻挡的冲突。那么从技术上讲，州长沃利斯还没有违抗法庭命令，阻扰黑人学生，他只不过是拦住了几个联邦官员而已。这样，联邦当局就还没有必要逮捕他，因为真地逮捕他而引发联邦政府和阿拉巴马州的对峙局面，是任何人都不愿意看到的。 就在这个时刻，在首都华盛顿，肯尼迪总统决定尝试另一个合法途径，他签署了一个合法命令，命令阿拉巴马州的国民兵立即归联邦政府指挥。于是，阿拉巴马州国民兵中最受人尊重的亨利.戈拉汉将军，奉命开赴阿拉巴马大学请州长离开。为了避免在一个大学校园里出现“军事行动”的恶劣印象，戈拉汉将军受命只带了四个民兵，这四个民兵也都是本地居民。 这一切安排要花几个小时，所以当戈拉汉将军来到阿拉巴马大学时，已经是下午3点半了。沃利斯一刻也没有离开大楼，当戈拉汉将军走近时，他又出现了。戈拉汉在离沃利斯数公尺外站住，脚跟一碰，“刷”地一个立正敬礼，然后用沙哑的嗓子说：“州长先生，我有一个令人痛心的责任，请你离开这儿。” 沃利斯从口袋里又抽出一张纸，宣读了一个简短的声明。他指出自己身为州长，是阿拉巴马州国民兵的最高指挥官。他指责联邦政府实行军事独裁，而阿拉巴马人民面临的是一场保卫宪法的战斗，“我们终将胜利”。然后他也来了一个立正敬礼，在戈拉汉将军回礼以后，他走下台阶，乘车离去。几分钟以后，两个黑人学生顺利注册入校。 阿拉巴马州立大学的这场危机就这样在双方都保持尊严和体面的情况下结束了。不难看出，阿拉巴马州国民兵司令戈拉汉将军的明确立场是至关紧要的。事后，他曾说过，他之所以说这是“令人痛心的责任”，是因为，在正常情况下，州长是他的上司。但是，在南北战争以后有过立法，就是联邦政府如果决定动用州国民兵，那么他就是受合众国总统的指挥。他做了自己应该做的事。 这一幕是南北战争以后联邦和南方州权之间所发生的最后一次面对面的对峙。一百年前，就是这样的对峙引发了美国历史上最惨重的战争，但是现在，却只剩一些象征意义了。 你一定会问，要是戈拉汉将军认为自己应该听从州长的命令为本州效力，而不听合众国总统的命令，或者，沃利斯州长号召其它武装民众和联邦政府对着干，反正民众手里有的是枪，而且阿拉巴马民众中有很多人正在火头上，一点就着，那么，会不会再来一场内战呢。 在美国黑人民权运动过去三十几年后的今天，我曾经提出这样一个纯粹假设性的问题，如果现在在美国，有一个州出于和南北战争前相似的不可调和的理念冲突或利益冲突而坚持要分裂，说什么也不肯待在合众国联邦里了，那该怎么办呢？还要不要维护合众国的主权和领土完整？美国联邦政府会不会派兵讨伐叛乱？ 我和很多美国人讨论过这个问题，得到的答案都十分明确，不会。 我的朋友迈克跟我细数过如今不再会发生一场内战的原因。 首先是引发内战的可能性已经几乎不存在了。尽管按照宪法，仍然有联邦和州的双重主权，但是各州之间的流通和交流和一百年前不可同日而语。一百年前的一个州即是一个国家的概念，已经在美国大大淡薄了。现在的美国人，依然有对于州的主权的认识，却也有了美利坚合众国公民的观念。 同时，通过民主机制百年的运作和调整，美国国内不再有南北战争以前那种尖锐而难以调和的冲突。说到底，南北战争的尖锐矛盾是一个殖民时期的历史遗留问题的发展。战争的爆发，也说明当时双方的处理都并不是妥当的。然而，这就是当时的美国人的认识深度。当战争过去，人们认识到，他们必须化解仇恨，从中吸取教训，变得更理智，更理性，更聪明起来。否则，那六十万属于南北双方的父老兄弟的血，才是真正地白流了。 现在的美国，没有什么你死我活的问题。相反，富人和穷人，白人和黑人，南方和北方，更多地有了一种相互依赖，共同生存的味道。矛盾当然是永远有的，但是大家都有点儿明白了，依靠这个制度来调和矛盾恐怕是最明智的做法。法治为调和矛盾提供了更为大家所认可的程序和场所。 最后，可能是最重要的，通过一百多年一代又一代对那场兄弟相残的战争的反省，政治家们也达到了一个共识，无论在这块土地上发生什么矛盾冲突，再用一场战争来解决是不可想象的，不可接受的，任何人向内战跨出一步，就会身败名裂。 这就是肯尼迪兄弟和沃利斯州长小心翼翼费尽心思周旋的原因，也是戈拉汉将军明确站在联邦总统一边的原因，恐怕也是沃利斯州长最终顺着台阶让步的原因。事件看似惊险，结果实属必然。 人们在今天都已经有足够的智慧看到，一个国家的各民族，各部分之间的最有力维系，是互利共存，而美国人民一百年来的努力正是在完善这个制度，使得这个制度能够保障互利共存的目标，而不是以武力逼迫维持。 经过那么多的历史风波，美国已经学会了协调。美国联邦政府作为一个中央政府，它在经济发展等方面的协调机制，使得留在这个联邦里“州们”，个个获益匪浅。同时，自治在今天，依然是美国理念的一个重要部分。在这个理念之下，各个州和区域的个人，能够享受到最充分的自由。在历史的反省中，美国主流思想中一直存在的这样一个基本概念：“自由的前提是不伤害他人的自由”，在曾经是长期封闭的极端南方区域，也已经普遍被接受。在人性的觉醒上，特定的南方已经不再明显地落后于美国的其它区域。发生的问题，人们也已经习惯了遵从游戏规则，寻求在合法的范围内一步步地解决。 美国联邦政府早已修炼到这样的悟性，就是一个中央政府要做的，不是考虑如何强行阻止“独立”，而是如何给民众提供更好的生存环境，使他们从心底里深深庆幸自己和自己的孩子们能留在这个联邦里，成为美国这个大家庭的一员。今天人们看到的，在美国，不是人们要离开这个国家而受阻扰，而是大量来自世界各地的人们，不愿意离开这个并非他们故土的国家。不管原因是多么不同，这里总有什么在吸引着他们。美国最近在对待它的托管地波多黎哥的前途的时候，也决定让该地的民众以公民投票的方式，自行决定。也许，他们会选择成为美国的第五十一个州，也许，他们会选择独立。美国认为，拥有选择权利的是波多黎哥的人民，而不是美国的联邦政府。 阿拉巴马州立大学门口的那场对峙和平收场，肯尼迪总统一定大大地松了一口气。他本来已经预定了晚上的电视讲话，如果阿拉巴马大学出现了密西西比大学那样的聚众闹事的情况，他就将宣布派遣国民兵进入阿拉巴马州执法，强制执行联邦法庭的命令。现在事情和平收场，不必采取什么强制手段，当然是皆大欢喜。但是，肯尼迪总统决定，他不取消当晚的电视讲话。就在那次电视讲话中，总统向全国人民宣布，他将把酝酿已久的新的民权法案递交国会参众两院。这个法案大大地扩充了联邦政府权力，这一步跨得如此之大，在当时看来几乎是不可能被国会所通过，所以总统在此之前也已经把法案捏在手里很久，迟迟不敢提到国会去。 作为总统和司法部长的肯尼迪兄弟，比任何人都明白，在美国这样一个国家，南方黑人民权问题的真正解决，就是确定保障民权的立法，也就是把它纳入全民公认的契约。所以，提出并且使得国会通过新的联邦民权法，成为肯尼迪兄弟的一个重要奋斗目标。但是，要走出这一步，黑人的民权运动就不能在行为上过激，甚至有时必须作一些妥协。如果黑人丝毫不约束自己，表现得大有成为一种社会秩序的威胁力量的话，就很难使得这个民权法在国会得到大多数议员的同情。可是，这样的思路，就是当时的黑人领袖也有许多人并不完全理解。 我以前提到过，在美国的大多数地区，不论是北方，还是中西部，黑人从来没有经历过什么种族隔离时期。相对南方黑人，他们已经享受了长久以来的自由状态。尤其在大都市里，他们有的是与白人共同生活中发生的，具有现代意味的种族摩擦和冲突。他们中的一些人，提出的是完全激进，甚至充满暴力意味的口号。他们根本瞧不上马丁·路德·金“非暴力”的“这一套”。比如说，纽约的黑人领袖马康姆.X在当时就一度提出过“白人全是魔鬼”，并且不排斥暴力。而“黑豹党”甚至比他还要激进。 联邦司法部长罗伯特·肯尼迪曾经试图和黑人领袖们沟通，试图让他们理解他和肯尼迪总统所做的一切。有一次他请十几个黑人组织领袖来聚会谈话。可是，谈话一开始不久，黑人领袖们情绪就激动得难以控制。他们痛诉黑人在历史上所遭受的不平等待遇。当然，黑人领袖的反应是可以理解的。只是，整个过程，罗伯特·肯尼迪坐在那里，只有听的份。他事后谈到，这是他一生中最痛苦的时刻之一。因为，他想寻求黑人领袖们的理解，共同配合达到保障民权立法的最终目标，这是黑人民权的真正护身符。可是，他们却并不完全理解他正在努力的一切。 新的民权法案虽然被送到国会，离开被通过却似乎还遥遥无期。1963年的下半年，黑人民权运动声势浩大，马丁·路德·金决定在首都华盛顿的国会广场上举行空前规模的黑人集会。肯尼迪总统企图说服黑人领袖们放弃这个打算，肯尼迪总统的顾虑其实很好理解：现在正是国会要讨论和考虑如何处置民权法案的时候，国会里那些从南方选上来的众议员参议员们，本来对日益增长的黑人声势就抱有顾虑，这样的集会必定挑战性很强，还会有一些黑人提倡战斗性很强的，敌视所有白人的“黑色权力”。这样一来可能就堵死了民权法案在国会通过的路。 可是黑人组织是另外一种考虑，他们意识到，黑人必须自己起来显示他们要求的自由和平等。他们坚持计划举行集会。肯尼迪总统眼看说服不成，干脆公开支持黑人的集会。以总统为首的联邦政府行政分支明确地站到以马丁·路德·金为首的黑人民权运动一边。 好在，马丁·路德·金相当好地控制了集会局面。1963年8月28日，在华盛顿的20万人的集会上，他发表了著名的演讲，“我有一个梦”，三十多年后的今天，我们仍在各种不同的场合听到这个演讲的录音： “朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。 我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：'我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。 ' 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红土山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。 我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。 我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格来评价他们的国度里生活。 我今天有一个梦想。 我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。 我今天有一个梦想。 我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露。满照人间。 " 这是一个非常动人的演讲，听着这个演讲，你不可能不想到美国黑人几百年的苦难，不可能不想到美国人民，白人和黑人，为了解放黑人，为了自由平等的道德理想所作出的努力，你不可能不感动。 鲜为人所注意的是，集会当天，肯尼迪总统邀请了马丁·路德·金等黑人领袖到白宫作客。肯尼迪总统对黑人领袖们说： 我也有一个梦，我梦到，有一天，新的民权法案能够在参众两院被通过。 三个月后，1963年11月22日，美利坚合众国的总统带着这个平常的梦，遇刺身亡。 总统的死终于促使新的民权法案被国会所接受。继任的约翰逊总统原来是肯尼迪的副总统，他是来自于南方的。肯尼迪总统的死，使他决心全力促使国会通过民权法案，以帮助肯尼迪总统实现他生前的心愿。此后，约翰逊总统频频发表讲话。美国的南方人讲的是一种口音非常特别的英语，南方人几乎以这种口音相互认同。人们回忆说，再也没有什么比听到一口南方口音的总统竭力支持民权法案更令人震动的了。 1964年夏，国会参众两院分别通过了民权法案，在今天，人们普遍认为，当时一个在联邦扩权方面步子跨得那么大的联邦法案，能够在一个黑人群众运动激荡的年代，如此顺利地被通过，这和当时肯尼迪总统遇刺给所有的人带来的震动密切相关。很多历史学家认为，当时的不少原来持反对态度的国会议员，都是怀着对肯尼迪总统遇刺身亡的复杂心情，转变了自己的立场的。肯尼迪总统最终用自己的生命，实现了自己的一个梦。这就是美国历史上对黑人，少数民族，妇女等等弱势团体影响最大的1964年民权法。包括我们新来到这个国度的中国人，能够在此安然生存，都离不开三十多年前的这个法案。 约翰逊总统邀请马丁·路德·金等出席了在白宫举行的这个法案的总统签字仪式。 尽管以后数年里，仍然发生过种族冲突，骚乱，甚至流血，尽管至今在种族问题上仍有困惑，异见，甚至仇杀，但是，不仅美国黑人的一个新时代终于来到，美国种族融合的一个新时代也因此开始了。 这个新时代真是来之不易。 就写到这儿吧。 wish it is goo