Chapter 23 Chapter 22 The Dangerous "-Moment"

On August 22, 1940, Chiang Kai-shek received a personal letter from Japanese Prime Minister Fummaro Konoe: At this time, the Minai Mitsumasa cabinet collapsed, and Konoe Fumimaro became prime minister again for only one month. In the midsummer of 1940, after a long period of hard fighting on the battlefield and a long period of "strategy" off the battlefield, the Japanese thought they saw an opportunity to end the war. The secret negotiations with Chongqing were code-named "Tong Work" by the Japanese. After the Japanese army captured Yichang, except for the anti-Japanese armed forces of the Communist Party who were still harassing the Japanese army in the battlefield behind enemy lines, the vast frontal battlefield presented a suffocating dullness, and the two warring parties maintained their original posture on both sides of the confrontation line.

As Japan's national power to support the war is declining and the purpose of using war to bring China into submission is hopeless, the divisions within the top military circles in Tokyo have intensified.Some of the officers insisted that relying on political deals with Wang Jingwei would not end the war anyway, and that if they wanted to end the war as soon as possible and maintain Japan's interests in China, they had to face Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist government and use strategies to deal with Chiang Kai-shek and his forces. The generals carried out the inducement to surrender. ——"Whether you like it or not, you have to negotiate with Chongqing." In the Japanese Army General Staff Headquarters, the officers who held this view were headed by the Emperor's younger brother and the Chief of Staff of the Combat Division Chichibu Gong Yongren. Chiang is the target of an immediate and unconditional truce."After Chichibu Gong Yongren’s suggestion was approved, the Japanese side confirmed that the work would be carried out by Imai Takeo, a former Japanese military attache in China and the current chief of the Chinese Division of the General Staff Headquarters, and Mr. Lieutenant Assistant Suzuki Zall is in charge.Suzuki Zall immediately returned to Hong Kong as a "language officer" and started the preliminary preparations for "Tong Work".

The senior generals of the Japanese invaders, who were deeply mired in the war, were equally urgent on the issue of ending the war against China.Hisao Nishio, Commander-in-Chief of the China Dispatch Army, Seishiro Itagaki, Chief of Staff, and Hayao Tada, Commander of the North China Front Army, all actively advocated secret contact with the Chiang Kai-shek regime to seek solutions other than war.From the beginning of his tenure, Hisao Nishio established the principle of "resolving the incident first and fighting second"; Seishiro Itagaki was extremely enthusiastic about "the confluence of Wang and Jiang"; Hayao Tada even found a way to get in touch with Chongqing through his relationship up.

Suzuki Zall returned to Hong Kong and asked Zhang Zhiping, a professor at the University of Hong Kong, to mediate and facilitate him to meet with Song Ziliang, the younger brother of Chiang Kai-shek's wife Song Meiling.Song Ziliang was the general manager of China Southwest Import and Export Material Transportation Company at that time, and he lived in Hong Kong.When Song Ziliang heard about this, he flatly refused at first, and then agreed to meet.Thus, a complicated and confusing political game kicked off. None of the Japanese who participated in the "Tong Work" had seen Song Ziliang before.Song Ziliang not only arrived at the secret meeting place on time, but also brought Chongqing's position: 1. China is ready to achieve peace on the basis of Japan's respect for China's sovereignty, and hopes to obtain the mediation of a third country such as the United States; It must be guaranteed that the troops will be withdrawn from China after the negotiation is successful; third, the Japanese side should trust the Nationalist Government's ability to suppress the Communist Party's armed forces.At the same time, Song Ziliang also raised three questions to the Japanese: First, the Japanese government has announced that it "will not regard the Nationalist government as its opponent", and now it is actively asking for contact and negotiation. How to explain it?2. Once the negotiations are successful, will the Japanese side have the sincerity to return to the situation before the Marco Polo Bridge Incident?3. Can the Japanese side write a letter to Chiang Kai-shek himself to let the world know that it was the Japanese side that requested the peace talks on its own initiative?

Suzuki Zhuoer met Song Ziliang three times, and he gradually felt that the person in front of him was not really Song Ziliang.He asked someone to take a photo of Song Ziliang secretly through the keyhole of the door lock, and sent the photo to the Nanjing puppet government for Zhou Fohai, Chen Gongbo and others to identify.However, the photos magnified several times are still not clear enough, and the two may say that they don't look alike.Seishiro Itagaki's attitude is: "As long as you are in contact with Chongqing, it doesn't matter if it's fake." ——On the eve of Japan's surrender in June 1945, the Japanese army arrested a "Chongqing spy" and interrogated him The Japanese military officer who served as the on-site interpreter of "Tong Work" recognized this person as "Song Ziliang" who dealt with Suzuki Zall in Hong Kong back then. In fact, he was a spy sent by Dai Li, the leader of the Chongqing Military Control Bureau.Regardless of whether "Song Ziliang" is true or not, the Japanese who have entered a dead end on the Chinese battlefield are genuinely eager to negotiate.

After making contact with "Song Ziliang", the Japanese side approved the official launch of "Tong Work" and clarified the following negotiation conditions: China recognized "Manchuria"; the Chongqing government abandoned the anti-Japanese and communist policy; cooperated with Wang Jingwei; ; the implementation of Japan-China economic cooperation in North China and the lower reaches of the Yangtze River; the Japanese army can withdraw troops not included in the Anti-Communist Agreement after the restoration of public order; the Japanese army established a naval base on Hainan Island, etc. "Tong Work" began to enter the formal negotiation stage of bargaining.To this end, both sides have strengthened their lineups.Representatives from the Japanese side are: Takeo Imai, Suzuki Zall, and Shirai Shigeki, Chief of the Eighth Section of the General Staff Headquarters; representatives from the Chongqing side are: Chen Chaolin, deputy director of the Chongqing Camp Staff Office, Zhang Yousan, secretary of the Supreme National Defense Council, and of course the Bit "Song Ziliang".

On the night of March 7, 1940, the two sides held a formal meeting at Tung Fei Co., Ltd. in Hong Kong.From the beginning of the talks, the three most important topics were discussed: the issue of China's resistance to Japan, the issue of recognition of "Manchukuo" and the issue of joint defense against the Communist Party.The representative from the Japanese side asked the Nationalist government to give up the anti-Japanese policy, but the representative from Chongqing did not refute it, saying that if peace was achieved, it would naturally stop resisting Japan; the representative from Chongqing did not categorically reject the recognition of "Manchukuo", but asked the question to be delayed for a while, on the grounds that if China's recognition of "Manchukuo" will inevitably damage the image of the national government and will lose international trust and assistance, so it is best to wait until conditions permit to discuss it; regarding "Japan-China economic cooperation", both sides agree.However, on the issue of cooperating with Wang Jingwei, the Chongqing representative did not express his position.

The talks lasted for four days, the two sides signed a memorandum, and then went back to report. Jun Tada, the commander of the Japanese North China Front Army, finally found the way and relationship he thought was suitable, that is, Leighton Stuart, the president of Yenching University.Therefore, Leighton Stuart made a special trip to Chongqing and conveyed the following message to Chiang Kai-shek: If Chongqing had the sincerity to change the anti-Japanese and communist policy and agreed to cooperate with Wang Jingwei, Japan would have the willingness to actively contact the Nationalist government.Chiang Kai-shek’s answer was to take care of the famous American’s face: China is determined to fight Japan unless the United States mediates; in order to fight Japan to the end, China is willing to apply for a loan from the United States; as for contact with Japan, Japan must first abolish the " Not to take the national government as an opponent" statement, and to put aside the "Manchukuo" and other issues.Only when the above conditions are met can the national government negotiate with Japan.But to cooperate with Wang Jingwei, Chiang Kai-shek categorically refused.He told Stuart not to think about it, whether it was Japanese negotiations or American mediation.

In mid-April, the Japanese waited for the official feedback from Chongqing: In view of Wang Jingwei’s establishment of a puppet regime in Nanjing, in view of the opposing opinions on the negotiations within Chongqing’s military and government, and in view of the firm position of the Chinese Communist Party on “recovering lost ground,” Japan must reconsider. Recognize the "Manchukuo" and the conditions of stationing troops in China, otherwise the negotiations will be difficult to continue. Negotiations appear to have stalled just like that. Although Takeo Imai and Suzuki Zaoer returned to Tokyo for their report, they still believed that the matter was not completely hopeless and that there might be progress in a month. The General Staff also agreed to make further efforts, but there was no movement from the Chinese side at all.

For Chinese history, this is a dangerous moment. There is no historical evidence that Chiang Kai-shek wanted to surrender to Japan.The reasons are obvious: First, if China was forced to succumb to military defeat, it would have succumbed when the Japanese army invaded North, Central, and South China on a large scale, so why wait until now?Secondly, as the head of China's anti-Japanese regime, regardless of integrity, only from the public opinion at home and abroad, Chiang Kai-shek could not and did not dare to do so.Because he understands what the bottom line of the Japanese negotiation is, and this bottom line is something he cannot break through, otherwise he will not be able to escape the ten thousand years of infamy in Chinese history.If it is necessary to find evidence for Chiang Kai-shek's behavior at this moment, I am afraid there are two: first, he has common interests with the Japanese on the issue of anti-communism, at least on this point; , Britain, the world war has begun, if you don’t want to lose China, an important Asian strategic base, you must strengthen the substantive assistance to China’s war of resistance, because once China surrenders to Japan, the interests of powers such as the United States and Britain in Asia will be wiped out Besides, what other ending could there be?

However, history cannot be speculated, let alone assumed. The fact is: in the hot summer of 1940, Chiang Kai-shek was indeed conducting what appeared to be serious negotiations with the Japanese.At this moment, if there is even a slight mistake in the course of history, China will be plunged into a situation beyond redemption. The reason for the great concern is that from the day when the Sino-Japanese War broke out, there have always been forces within the Kuomintang that compromised with Japan and advocated submission.In particular, Wang Jingwei's treasonous behavior caused the Kuomintang to split into two "centers" in Nanjing and Chongqing; even in Chongqing, known as the "center of the Anti-Japanese War", among the huge group of Kuomintang military and political officials, the clamor for compromise with Japan never stopped. Since 1940, news of the invincibility of the German army has continued to spread from Europe. After Germany and the Soviet Union partitioned Poland, the German army quickly moved north to annex Denmark, and at the same time issued an ultimatum to Norway.King Haakon VII of Norway refused to surrender, and the British and French reinforcements retreated after being severely damaged by the German army. Norway's coast stretching more than 2,000 kilometers and important towns fell into the hands of the German army.On May 10, the German paratroopers landed in Amsterdam, and the Queen of the Netherlands fled to London. Five days later, the Commander-in-Chief of the Dutch Armed Forces surrendered to the Germans.On the thirteenth, the German army broke into Belgium. Three days later, Brussels fell and the King of Belgium surrendered.In the Ardennes area, where the French believed that the Germans could not penetrate at all, the Germans broke through the French defenses in just one day.The German armored forces approached Paris, and 350,000 British and French allied forces were trapped in Dunkirk on the border between France and Belgium. The only way out was to withdraw to Britain by sea.On the 28th, just when the Japanese army launched a powerful offensive against China's fifth war zone, Chongqing newspapers described such a creepy scene: In the dark night on the coast of France, thousands of sparks were flickering, densely packed. Fog billows and billows over the beach—the British and French forces, in terror and despair, doing the only thing they can do: smoke.In order to withdraw the remaining troops back to the British mainland, the British Admiralty mobilized all ships on the British Isles, ranging from warships and freighters to yachts and sailboats.Suddenly, for unknown reasons, Hitler ordered the German armored forces to stop advancing.As a result, at least 330,000 people from the British and French coalition forces trapped on the beach were able to withdraw to the British mainland through the English Channel. The "Dunkirk Evacuation" made the whole world feel terrified.Then Germany forced the French to sign the instrument of surrender in a train car at the Compiègne Forest-Leidou station where the instrument of surrender was signed at the end of World War I. Germany, which swept across northern and western Europe in a short period of time, plundered countless wealth along with the war, which made the Japanese, whose national strength was increasingly embarrassing, jealous. To the Nationalist government's pessimism, most Americans did not want their country to be involved in a war, whether against Germany or Japan, despite the sanctions imposed by the U.S. government, including an embargo against Japan.Britain took a tough attitude on the issue of local resistance and was unable to take care of Asia. However, under the pressure of Japan, it agreed to close the Burma Road and prohibit the import of ordnance, gasoline and other combat materials from Hong Kong to China.On the other hand, the Soviet Union supported China's war of resistance, and signed a "neutrality treaty" with Japan out of its own security considerations, which relieved Japan's worries about expanding its war in China. China at this time cannot predict how long the war will last. There is no doubt that the confusion of the Chinese people is largely due to the successive defeats on the frontal battlefield. On April 28, when Chiang Kai-shek gave a speech to the cadets who were about to graduate at the Central Military Academy in Chengdu, he eloquently listed all kinds of bad behavior among the officers of the Chinese army: In the past, when the graduates of our school were sent to serve in the frontline troops, some of them would not be able to arrive on duty, and some would deliberately delay their mission. The thing is that he not only delays the time, but also makes excuses. He said that it is like running away, completely forgetting that he is a revolutionary student who graduated from a military academy, and just looking for errands for his own convenience. This is selfishness and selfishness. Revolutionary Army soldiers, and insulted the reputation of our school, for this kind of student, we all want him to be the scum of the Revolutionary Army! ... At this moment, if we hesitate and evade the task, can we still be a human being?In society, can ordinary people still think highly of you?Even if you are lucky enough to find a job, or just hang out for a while, you will have to solve the case after all, otherwise, you will look at your heart at night, thinking that you have been trained by the country and the school, and you cannot do what the country and the school entrust. Instead of your duty, you steal your life and fear death, and are selfish. Can your conscience be at ease? Second, students who have graduated from our school in the past often think that they are officers after graduating from this school, and they only want to be an officer. Therefore, they do not have the spirit of hard work and sacrifice, and forget their duty of struggle and creation. This is the greatest strength of our revolutionary army. A crisis! ... Now that we are soldiers of the Revolutionary Army, we are completely different from the officers before us. That is to say, we have to completely change the concept of being an official and the idea of ​​getting promoted and getting rich.Otherwise, not only will it be impossible to build an army, but it will also harm the country and ourselves!You can see that in our China, from the Qing Dynasty to the successful Northern Expedition of our party, many warlords who stole their positions and corrupt and selfish military officers were very loud for a while. Is there any one that can survive and not be defeated?This is the inevitable result because he only knows how to get promoted and get rich, is selfish, and seeks personal prosperity and honor without revolutionary spirit! Third, if you graduate today and are sent to the army to serve in the future, if you think you are an official, not only the second lieutenant and lieutenant are not willing to take up the post, but even the captain and major seem to be unable to satisfy your personal desires, then you have saved this kind of official Psychology, it is tantamount to claiming to be a special kind of warlord other than soldiers.From this point of view, you will be completely separated from the soldiers in all aspects of your spiritual and daily life, so that you will definitely not be able to achieve the mission of the revolution, let alone be regarded as a revolutionary soldier!It must be known that the life and career of our officers are completely dependent on all the subordinates and soldiers. Since your life is separated from the subordinate soldiers, can he still believe in you and obey you?Can your subordinates still respect and love you as an official and not alienate you?Now the biggest drawback of the general army is here! It is an indisputable fact that the Chinese army that emerged from the old army is far from the standard image of a modern army.However, compared with these chronic problems of fear of death and self-interest, the tendency to compromise that has grown in some generals of the Chinese army makes the future of China's war of resistance even more unpredictable. The word "curve to save the country" first came from a telegram sent by Zhang Yinwu, the security commander of the Kuomintang Hebei Province, to Chiang Kai-shek: Chai Enbo is at odds with Wen'an, Xinzhen and Balu.At the same time, he was oppressed by Japanese pirates heavily, so he was very lonely.Before taking office, he led a team to go to the guerrilla in the middle of Hebei to contact him, but died because the journey was far away.Now, in order to preserve its strength and implement a plan to save the country, the Ministry has contacted the Japanese invaders and was appointed as the commander-in-chief of bandit suppression in central Jizhong.Although the name is cast in Japan, it is actually still doing anti-construction work for the party. When the time is right, it will lead the team to fight anyway and deal a major blow to the Japanese invaders. The reason why this telegram was sent was that the Chai Enbo Department of the Kuomintang army stationed in Wen'an and Xinzhen surrendered to the Japanese army. Because the incident happened on the site of Zhang Yinwu, the security commander of Hebei Province, he had to send a telegram to explain to Chiang Kai-shek that although the Chai Department appeared to be Surrendering to the Japanese army is actually waiting for "the time is right" so that anyway. ——For any army, surrendering to the enemy is a crime that cannot be added. Therefore, Zhang Yinwu was very strategic when looking for reasons for his subordinates’ defection to the enemy: Needless to say, being beaten by the Japanese army was miserable, the key was "not to be different from the Eighth Route Army" Standing on two sides" so that they are lonely and helpless, which proves from another aspect that this army is still a loyal supporter of Generalissimo Jiang.What is even more "understandable" is that the defection of this army to the enemy is actually an act of "preserving strength", and when the "time is ripe", it will deal a "major blow" to the Japanese invaders. What is this not "chivalry" to the country? As soon as Zhang Yinwu's "curve to save the country" theory came out, it was immediately praised by the Kuomintang army behind the enemy or in the areas where the enemy and the enemy intersected, and became the most fashionable term for those "very lonely" Kuomintang army generals.Mou Zhongyan, chairman of Shandong Province, which is adjacent to Hebei Province, told his brigade commanders: rather be a puppet army, don't do anything.When the puppet army is trying to save the country, anyway, the central government can take it in in the future; after doing eight ways, the Chongqing central government will never forgive it. ——After Japan surrendered, all the puppet troops were indeed "taken in" by Chiang Kai-shek, and each of the puppet generals was entrusted with high-level military positions. I think this Chairman Mou is really a "visionary" person.Therefore, Shen Honglie, deputy commander of the Lusu theater, created a set of slogans: Anti-Communist first, anti-Japanese second; Under the cover of the "curve to save the country" theory, some Kuomintang military and political officials who stayed behind the enemy began to have close contact with the Japanese and puppets, and even joined forces with the Japanese and puppets to attack the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army.The "Shen County Massacre" instigated by Hebei Security Commander Zhang Yinwu in June 1939 killed more than 400 members of the Eighth Route Army in one go.Qin Qirong, special commissioner and security commander of the 12th Administrative Region of Shandong Province of the Kuomintang, attacked the third and fourth detachments of the Shandong Column of the Eighth Route Army, killing more than 500 officers and soldiers below the Eighth Route Army.In the second half of 1939 alone, the Kuomintang army launched as many as 90 attacks on the Eighth Route Army, killing 1,350 officers and soldiers of the Eighth Route Army and anti-Japanese guerrillas. In 1940, Pang Bingxun, commander-in-chief of the 24th Army Group, was appointed Chairman of Hebei Province.This miscellaneous army general was quite flattered to be the chairman of the provincial government, but he didn't think it was valued by the national government, but thought that he would finally "get a profit" when the world was in chaos. The Communist Party developed rapidly behind enemy lines in Hebei Province, causing the chairman to panic. Lu Ruibo (Zhong Lin) and Zhang Tongxuan (Yin Wu) he sent were all finished, so he wanted to use me to fill the vacancy.It was the Communist Party and the Japanese devils who made me the chairman of Hebei Province.It's true that the world is not chaotic, and we are hungry. Chiang Kai-shek personally met Pang Bingxun, who was about to take office, and hinted to him: the troops should be broken up into pieces, and sent to the enemy's rear in Hebei to overwhelm the Communist Party's armed forces. " strategy. There is no historical evidence that Chiang Kai-shek encouraged his troops to surrender to Japan.There is no reason in the world to command the army to fight with opponents on the battlefield while encouraging the army to defect to the enemy.The reason why Chiang Kai-shek hinted at Pang Bingxun was because of all kinds of entanglements, but the purpose was very clear: to contain, suppress, exclude, and even eliminate the Communist Party's armed forces.Chiang Kai-shek never wanted to see the Communist Party's armed forces develop and grow during the War of Resistance, although he was well aware of the important role of guerrilla warfare in the enemy's rear and the irreplaceable position of the Communist Party's armed forces in the enemy's rear battlefield.There is no doubt that the active combat of the Communist Party's armed forces contained a large number of Japanese troops, which greatly reduced the huge military pressure on the frontal battlefield.However, after all, the Communist Party is his mortal enemy, and he can only choose the lesser of two evils, preferring to reduce the military achievements in the enemy's rear battlefield, but also to curb the expansion of the Communist Party's armed forces. Regarding the generals of the Kuomintang army acting as the leaders of the puppet army, this is a hard-to-heal scar left over from the history of Chinese warlords.Most of the Kuomintang generals on the battlefield behind the enemy were former warlords with a strong sense of territory. Once their territory was in the Japanese-occupied area or the area where the enemy and the enemy saw each other, they would not only be ordered to resist the Japanese, but also to attack the Communist armed forces.In order to survive, he must focus on attacking the Communist armed forces, because only in this way can the best of both worlds be achieved: firstly, to maintain a good relationship with Chiang Kai-shek, he can receive military pay and be appointed; secondly, the attack on the Communist armed forces is also in the interests of the Japanese army. In order to avoid blows to oneself, the territory area will be much safer.The local warlords all calculated their accounts very clearly: Chiang Kai-shek will never deduct your military salary because you do not fight with the Japanese, but will only suspect you and reject you because you have a close relationship with the Communist Party, and even cooperate with the Communist Party's armed forces to resist Japan. , and even look for opportunities to incorporate your team.So, why are you still beating the Japanese?What's more, can I fight off the Japanese army?Lao Jiang couldn't beat millions of regular troops, so why should I try my best to risk my life?Who would do such a foolish thing when the army was wiped out, the military salary was gone, and I became a pauper?As for the armed forces of the Communist Party, whether it is the Eighth Route Army or the New Fourth Army, the local warlords also know how to measure: they cannot always fight with the Communist Party's armed forces, and they cannot really fight with the Communist Party's armed forces. It is enough to explain to Chiang Kai-shek at once.The most ideal state is that in one's own territory, the Japanese and the Communist Party are all "friendly troops", and the rest is to collect taxes from the common people - standing on the side of Generalissimo Jiang collects "anti-Japanese tax", standing on What the Japanese and Chairman Wang collect is the "public security tax".How much enjoyment should I have this day after harvesting here and there? Even if they did not openly surrender to the enemy, the relationship between some Kuomintang army generals behind the enemy and the Japanese army is incredible.Xu Shaozu, commander of the Third Independent Brigade, was ordered to move the troops. Before leaving, he wrote a letter to the local Japanese generals: Under the command of the commander of the Imperial Japanese Army: We strongly agree and support the call for the construction of a new order in East Asia.But China's red disaster spreads everywhere.If this curse is not eliminated, your country's plan to assist China cannot be implemented, and peace cannot occur.We are now following Mr. Wang's secret order to move to the area south of Zhengtai Road to wipe out the Eighth Route Army. We have already contacted the Eighth Route Army several times.Special letter to know, and hope to enlighten me.If there are sporadic personnel of our army passing through this place, please do so. It is impossible to know whether the Japanese army cooperated with the Kuomintang army that was ordered by Wang Jingwei to fight against the Communist armed forces. This is China in that era. Under the background of this trend of defection to the enemy, it is not surprising that the "Tong Work" planned by the Japanese side was carried out-if the deal between the National Government and the Japanese side is also a kind of "curve to save the country". On the evening of May 13th, the representatives of the two sides started negotiations again. The main content of the negotiations was still the issue of "Manchukuo", the issue of Japanese troops stationed in China, and the issue of the Communist Party.Regarding the issue of the Communist Party, Zhang Yousan hinted such a message to the Japanese side: In the near future, the Nationalist Government will "ruthlessly attack the Communist Army." With regard to the "memorandum" negotiated previously, what became problematic in Chungking was the recognition of Manchukuo and the issue of garrisoning troops.I think that if these issues are left unsolved and discussed after peace is achieved, even if there are some difficulties in dealing with the aftermath of the Wang Zhaoming government, they will not become a decisive obstacle.Although the purpose of the garrison in North China is to prevent communism, I hope that the word "North China" will not be brought up first.Now it will be done in secret first, and will be resolved later when discussing the signing of the anti-communist agreement.This is true on the surface, but in essence it will be a merciless crusade against the communist army, and the Japanese side will know the truth about it in the near future. The talks lasted until the 17th. Since it is difficult to keep confidential once the negotiation level is raised, the two sides decided to move the negotiations to Macau in early June to continue. On June 4th, in "the basement of a haunted house-like house on the outskirts of Macau", apparently "more serious" talks were held "with candles every night".The representative from Japan "showed the letter of appointment of the Chief of Staff Xianyuan Gong, and the letter of appointment presented by the Chongqing side had the signature of Chairman Chiang Kai-shek, and stamped the large seal of the committee and the small seal of Chiang Kai-shek on the letterhead of the Military Commission."To the surprise of the Japanese side, that "Song Ziliang" was suddenly called "Song Shijie", saying that "Song Ziliang" was his alias.The Japanese side has a very tough attitude towards the "Manchukuo" issue, because the principle set by Itagaki Seishiro is: "Recognition of Manchukuo is Japan's absolute requirement." The Chongqing side stated that Chiang Kai-shek has the desire to achieve peace and is willing to overcome the "wrong" internal Kuomintang. Views towards Japan”, especially on the issue of anti-communism within the KMT.Therefore, in order to end the war quickly, in view of the sincerity of the Chinese side, the Japanese side should relax the conditions.In the end, the two sides did not reach an agreement, but agreed to "hold a three-person meeting among Itagaki Seishiro, Chiang Kai-shek, and Wang Jingwei" in order to "solve at one stroke" all the problems that could not be resolved after talking and talking. The representatives of both sides went back to report again. Suddenly, a large number of Japanese fighter planes flew over Chongqing and poured down a torrential rain of anti-personnel bombs, explosive bombs and incendiary bombs on the wartime capital of China.The Japanese army called this large-scale bombing "Operation No. 101", and its purpose was to "suppress and disrupt the enemy's strategic and political center" in order to "cooperate with the 'Tong Work' against Chongqing". In order to cause greater panic in the center of China's Anti-Japanese War, the Japanese army planned to carry out 3,000 sorties of bombing on Chongqing and 2,000 sorties on neighboring Chengdu.Participating troops include: the 60th and 44th Squadrons of the Army's Third Aviation Group Command, the 10th and 16th Squadrons of Independent Flights, the Aviation Force, Communications Intelligence Force and Meteorological Force in Wuhan; The Deer House Air Force and Kaohsiung Air Force belong to the Air Force, the Tenth and Twelfth Air Forces belong to the Second United Air Force, and the Central China Dispatch Team of the Fourteenth Air Force.The above-mentioned combat aircraft were assembled at Wuhan, Xiaogan, Yichang and Yuncheng airports.On May 13, the Japanese base camp issued a combat order: "Closely coordinate the attack on the interior to dampen the enemy's will to resist the war, suppress the enemy's military and political center aviation forces, and then destroy its main facilities."The targets of the attack were "enemy aviation forces in Chongqing, Chengdu and their vicinity" and "main military and political facilities of potential enemies around Chongqing and urban areas of Chengdu". On May 18, the Japanese army carried out successive raids on the airfields of the Chinese Air Force.On the 26th, the bombing of Chongqing Radio Station, newspaper offices, and steel factories began. On the 28th, the bombing targets were the arsenal, the airport, and the city center.Thirty-two fighter planes of the Thirteenth Air Force of the Japanese Navy dropped 190 bombs and bombed the civilian area around Chongqing Chuandong Normal School, causing thousands of civilian casualties, including Professor Sun Hanbing, Dean of Fudan University. And more than a thousand houses were burned.On June 11, Japanese bombs fell on the center of Chongqing, destroying a large number of houses including the Soviet embassy, ​​German and French news agencies, and thousands of civilians were killed or injured.On the 12th, the Japanese army dispatched 111 fighter planes to bomb the city that had been destroyed the day before. The famous ancient temple in Chongqing, Chang’an Temple, was reduced to ashes.From the 24th to the 28th, the Japanese army dispatched more than 100 fighter planes to repeatedly bomb Chongqing. "A wave of air strikes usually lasted eight or nine hours", and more than 1,000 incendiary bombs were dropped. Day and night, raging fires swept across the city of Chongqing. Chiang Kai-shek's wife Song Meiling wrote: …Most of the houses clinging to the hillside are wooden houses, supported by long pillars at the bottom, and they will become a prairie fire if they are burned…Chongqing is a city with dense houses, piled up on a long and high promontory, There are cliffs all around.The house climbs from the slope all the way to the top of the hill.They are connected by narrow stone lanes, and each house has only one door.When the incendiary bomb burns the front door, the common people have no back door to escape... Parents can only watch their children burn to death.Some children watched as their parents struggled to make their way out of the flames, only to be swallowed by falling beams.The wailing of the dying, the moaning of the wounded in the night, can only be covered up by the uninterrupted fire... American reporter Han Suyin believes: "The Japanese seem to be obsessed with Chongqing, as if life continues to exist on the big rock between the two rivers, which is an insult to its strength." In the following July and August, the Japanese army bombed Chongqing, dispatching 54 fighter planes at the least, and 135 at the most.The Chinese Air Force is weak, but with the support of the Soviet Air Force, it still fights at all costs.At that time, the Soviet Air Volunteer Team had fifty fighter planes stationed in Chongqing. During the bombing of Chongqing by Japanese planes, Chinese and Soviet pilots tried their best to inflict damage on the Japanese army.However, when the Japanese "Zero" fighters entered the war, due to the large difference in aircraft performance, the Chinese Air Force shot down 13 fighters and damaged 11 within one day.Nevertheless, according to the statistics of the Japanese army, in the "Operation No. 101", as many as 400 Japanese fighter planes were shot down or damaged. American reporter Han Suyin saw Chiang Kai-shek hiding in the Chongqing air-raid shelter with his staff during the Japanese hysterical bombing: The other generals bowed their heads to talk or read documents.The chairman of the committee sat upright on the wooden chair, with his arms folded, and his back was 15 centimeters away from the back of the chair.He closed his eyes and meditated.He was never seen relaxing, walking with his head down, or with his legs crossed.He didn't move.The bomb exploded overhead, and the others in the air-raid shelter couldn't help looking up.Their mouths are open, and someone's ears are pricked up to listen.Not so Chiang Kai-shek.The expression on his face was one of subdued sullenness, as if trying not to listen to a boring lecture.He looked straight in the eyes, motionless as a mountain. Chongqing was devastated by the bombing. Chiang Kai-shek helplessly suppressed his sullenness. On June 22, "Song Ziliang" notified Suzuki Zall that the Chinese side agreed in principle that Chiang Kai-shek, Itagaki Seishiro, and Wang Jingwei meet in Changsha. Changsha, the front line where the main forces of the Chinese and Japanese armies confront each other. However, the next day, "Song Ziliang" changed his mind: Chiang Kai-shek did not agree to meet with Wang Jingwei, but only agreed to meet with Seishiro Itagaki alone. This is news that frightened the Nanjing puppet regime. "On the night of July 14th, Zhou Fohai, Mei Siping, Chen Gongbo and other heads of the Wang regime gathered to study the situation. They even mentioned that within a year after the comprehensive peace, Chiang Kai-shek would reuse us for negotiations with Japan. I'm afraid he will be assassinated in the next year." After repeated bargaining, on July 22, the Chongqing side and the Japanese side reached a memorandum of talks, that is, Chiang Kai-shek and Itagaki Seishiro met in Changsha.The premise is that the Japanese prime minister should write a personal letter to Chiang Kai-shek, clearly abolishing the statement of "not taking the National Government as an opponent". At this very moment, in Chengdu, Sichuan, Chiang Kai-shek's military commander and the Central Committee jointly arrested dozens of communists on the charge of inciting the masses to rob rice.After the fall of Yichang, river transportation was blocked, and Hunan rice could not enter Sichuan. Coupled with the cold spring and summer drought, the rice harvest in Sichuan dropped sharply, and the price skyrocketed accordingly, causing public dissatisfaction.The rice hoarded by the wife of the Sichuan warlord Liu Xiang was dumped into the river due to mold and deterioration. As a result, a large number of hungry people rushed into Liu’s warehouse, stole more than 1,000 shi of rice, and had a bloody conflict with the police who came to suppress it.The Kuomintang authorities immediately characterized the incident as a "riot planned by the Communist Party," and arrested more than 30 Communists, including Luo Shiwen, director of the Chengdu Office of the Eighteenth Group Army, and Che Yaoxian, director of the Sino-Soviet Cultural Association.However, the rice grabbing trend is still in full swing, not only showing no signs of subsiding, but also spreading to all parts of Sichuan.In addition to the hungry people, there were also officers and soldiers of the Kuomintang army who robbed the rice: "Since the rice shortage occurred in this city, it is an open fact that the armies have not ordered and blocked the transportation of vehicles arbitrarily." On September 21, he concurrently served as the chairman of Sichuan Province Chiang Kai-shek released the "Letter to the People of Sichuan Province": "Sichuan had a bumper harvest in the past two years. Since February this year, food prices have continued to rise, which is beyond common sense. This deformed posture is not a natural food shortage at all, but is caused by man. I As a result of multiple investigations, we know that there are inherently a small number of cunning merchants who are hoarding and hoarding, and the government should strictly investigate and strictly ban it.” ——The rice rush originated from the hoarding of profiteers and has nothing to do with the Communists. Chongqing was being bombed inhumanely, the price of rice in the Sichuan Basin had not yet fallen, and the prospects for negotiations with the Japanese were dangerous and strange. At this time, Chiang Kai-shek received a news that surprised him: the anti-Japanese armed forces led by the Communist Party, in North China An unprecedented battle was launched against the Japanese army on the battlefield behind enemy lines. Even more surprising is the Japanese side: In about a month after mid-June of the Showa 15th year, it seemed that the incident was about to be resolved, and the moment when Japan and China were the closest.所以如此，应该说在八年的日中战争中，蒋介石感到危机最严重的，实际上是在宜昌失守的时候。中共察觉到日中进行和平谈判的危机，突然发动了“百团大战”。 “日中两国最接近的一刹那”，显然是指重庆方面与日本方面的媾和只有一步之遥了。 在这危机四伏的“一刹那”，自一九四〇年八月二十日开始，中国共产党领导的抗日武装晋察冀军区、八路军第一二九师和第一二〇师，合力发动了以破袭正太路为主要目标的大规模战役。因战役发起的第三天参战部队便达一百零五个团，史称“百团大战”。 这次大规模的出击作战，以其所发生的历史节点的至关重要，成为中国抗战史上的著名战役。 没有史据表明，此时中国共产党领导的抗日武装已经具备了可以与日军进行大规模正面作战的实力。与之相反，中国共产党的敌后抗日武装正值抗战最艰苦的历史阶段。 一九三九年以来，特别是武汉会战后，中国抗战的两大战场格局基本形成，即正面战场以国民党军队为主，敌后战场以共产党军队为主。两个战场在整个战争中相辅相成，形成一个不可分割的整体。在正面战场上，由于国民党军队绝少主动出击，采取的是防御式的阵地消耗战，在日军不再扩大占领区，不断缩减与国民党军的对峙规模的情况下，正面战场的作战次数大幅下降；而在沦陷区，由于日军必须巩固后方，所以始终保持着巨大兵力。这种态势，使处于敌后战场的共产党抗日武装始终面临着一个两难的境地：敌后作战牵制的日军兵力越多越好，这样可以减轻正面战场的军事压力；但自己的武装力量无论兵力规模还是装备质量，都还不能与强大的日军进行大规模的抗衡。于是，被牵制在敌后战场的日军越多，共产党抗日武装的生存就越艰难。 一九三九年以来，华北日军大力推行“治安肃正”计划，其作战目的即是全力剿灭共产党抗日武装。日军采取以铁路为柱、以公路为链、以碉堡为锁的“囚笼政策”，不断地扩张增设据点，封锁并切割抗日根据地。在抗日根据地集中的地区，日军的封锁据点遍布于城镇、车站、桥梁和隧道，日军利用铁路和公路筑成严密的封锁线，不断压缩共产党抗日武装的生存空间，使之成为相互不能联系的孤立地区。除了军事进攻以外，日军利用政治诱降、经济封锁和文化欺骗等手段，竭力使抗日根据的发生给养困难，伪军的大量出现也是严重的安全威胁。到了一九四〇年上半年，华北抗日根据地大多变成了游击区，共产党抗日武装控制的县城只剩下太行山的平顺和晋西北的偏关。 对于共产党领导的抗日武装来讲，更为艰难的是政治环境的严重恶化：与国民党军队以及政治立场暧昧的地方军阀武装之间不断发生的摩擦似乎已经到了必须作战的程度。 首先向共产党人发难的是山西军阀阎锡山。 阎锡山有着中国旧军阀最重要的特征：将其统辖的地盘视为独立于中国之外的只属于自己的王国，为了自己在这一地盘上的统辖权甚至可以置国家利益于不顾。阎锡山有自己创立的一整套处世哲学，亦即地方寡头翻云覆雨随机应变的生存之道。他反蒋但联蒋，反共也联共，反日却联日。可以说，他把中国地方军阀的只顾自己不计其余发展到了一种无与伦比的境地。 一九三八年，晋南重镇临汾失守后，阎锡山退守山西吉县，在日军的进攻中曾一度西渡黄河跑到陕西的秋林镇。一九四〇年，他从秋林镇回到吉县的南村坡，名曰自己在“向敌推进”。他把村名改为“克难坡”，把他的战区司令长官部所在地改名为“克难城”，还把他重回山西的这一年命名为“克难年”。阎锡山在“克难坡”一待就是五年，没有向任何方向再推进一步，直到抗战胜利。 “克难坡”距吉县县城三十公里，坡下是黄河东岸的一个小渡口，黄河水奔腾而下，直泻壶口瀑布。中国第二战区司令长官部就驻扎在这里。阎锡山在黄土山坡上挖出上千孔窑洞，用于公共场所的大窑洞都被他取了名：“实干堂”“乐干堂”“合谋堂”“克难室”等等。虽然身为第二战区司令长官，但阎锡山的实际辖的只有吉县、乡宁、汾阳等七个完整的县以及临汾、介休、离石等十几个不怎么完整的县。辖地的北面是共产党区域，东面是日军占领区，南面有蒋介石的中央军部队——阎锡山说自己做梦都会有一种深陷包围的恐惧。更主要的是他的晋军——他称之为旧军——已经所剩无几了。晋军在忻口会战和太原会战中损失严重，虽仍保有四个集团军的番号，实际上不少部队徒有虚名。在统一战线旗帜下产生的山西抗日部队和牺盟会，相对于阎锡山的“旧军”而言，被称为“新军”，这些抗日武装却发展迅速。在阎锡山统辖的七个行政区中，由新军政委兼任专区专员的有四个，一百多个县长中半数以上由牺盟会会员担任，新军的人员和武器均超过了阎锡山的旧军，为此他颇有一种大权旁落的失落感。 苦闷恍惚中，阎锡山开始了他的一系列“哲学”思考。 首先，受国民党内部妥协风潮的影响，他用“中”的理论写了一首诗：“主和主战莫纷纭，自古和战意难同。和战果与国有利，主战主和有何分。”阎锡山的核心观点是：“假若对方于我们一个顶有利的条件来妥协，妥协并不是灭亡。” 阎锡山所说的“国”，指的不是中国，而是他的山西；“顶有利的条件”，则指对巩固他的地盘有利的条件。在这样的前提下，阎锡山认为抵抗与妥协之间没什么区别。 接着，他开始思考“扶旧”的问题，也就是如何把抗日新军压制下去，把他的旧军扶持壮大起来。阎锡山在晋绥军官训练团训话时，把共产党领导的八路军称为“某友军”，把他起家的旧军称为“我军某部”：“某友军自抗战以来，人员增至四倍，我军某部抗战以来，减少了一半。按这个比例，再过十个月，就是友军的一变成十六，我某军的一变成四分之一，这就成了六十四比一了，你们看可怕不可怕？知此而尚不觉悟岂非自杀？”阎锡山强调，共产党、蒋介石以及日军是山西地盘上的三个威胁，其中共产党的威胁最大。“我们现在已处于抗日的最前线，陷入日军攻击与八路军的包围中。蒋介石不足畏，毛泽东倒是个可怕的人物。请看今日之华北，竟是谁家的天下。现在的形势是，蒋要抛弃异己，看来是想借日军之手消灭我们。处在这样的环境里，只有抗日第二，防共第一，才能立足。” 一九三八年下半年，由于阎锡山拒绝在山西恢复国民党省党部，蒋介石开始故意给第二战区制造困难。但是，阎锡山明白，自己还是要依靠蒋介石支持；而蒋介石也明白，要压制共产党武装，不拉拢阎锡山不行。于是，阎锡山派出代表去见蒋介石，蒋介石立刻表示出和好的热情：“二战区处于抗战和防共斗争的最前线，不仅肩负着抗战的重任，而且必须打好反共复兴的基础。”“阎先生同共产党斗争是有经验的，在这方面阎先生无论有什么困难，中央一定无条件地给予支援。”于是，阎锡山不但同意马上恢复国民党山西省党部，而且要求山西的军政高级干部统统加入国民党。 阎锡山的暧昧立场被日军所掌握。日军专门制订了“专打八路军，不打晋绥军”的策略，与“桐工作”遥相呼应，试图对阎锡山实施诱降。阎锡山自然有他的算盘，他不会贸然做汪精卫第二，但在第二战区他的部队则开始“游而不击”。日本人把对阎锡山的诱降工作称为“对伯工作”，由华北方面军第一军司令官岩松义雄中将和参谋长花谷正少将负责。“对伯工作”的展开要比“桐工作”直截了当得多。一九四〇年春，日本人先与阎锡山的警卫军军长傅存怀商洽了防共问题，随后便直接去吉县会见了阎锡山，双方开始商议在山西境内停战的问题。阎锡山派他的机要处副处长刘迪吉等人数次去太原，与日军及伪省政府取得联络。到这一年的年底，阎锡山的亲信第七集团军总司令赵承绶与日军山西派遣军参谋长楠山秀吉开始正式谈判。阎锡山提出的“四项原则”是：“亚洲同盟、共同防共、外交一致、内政自理”。达成的秘密协议是：一、晋绥军改编成“中国抗日忠勇先锋军”，名义上抗日实际上反共，但日军须从隰县、午城等地据点撤退；二、日军须帮助晋绥军铲除山西境内的八路军和决死队；三、山西晋军各将领的住宅和财产，日军须完全归还；四、日军须接济晋绥军的武器弹药。 为了表示自己的诚意，阎锡山一不做二不休，突然向新军和八路军动手了。一九三九年十一月下旬，阎锡山任命第六集团军总司令兼第六十一军军长陈长捷为“讨逆军总司令”，调集第十九、第三十三、第六十一、第八十三军共四十七个团，兵分三路向八路军晋西支队和决死二纵队发动进攻。十二月三日，第六十一军和第十九军将决死二纵队第一九六旅旅部包围，旅部全部政工人员被扣捕，大宁、永和等六个县的县政府、公安局和牺盟会等被捣毁，大批共产党人和进步分子遭捕杀。之后，阎锡山开始进攻位于晋西的新军部队，新军北撤后，八路军晋西支队后方医院的数十名伤病员惨遭杀害。在晋西北，八路军和新军击败了阎锡山的进攻。但八路军总部所在地晋东南形势严峻。十二月四日，旧军突袭阳城，抗日干部群众百余人被杀。随即，晋城、浮山等七个县都发生了杀害共产党人的惨案。二十三日，决死三纵队部分军官哗变，纵队四个团的政工人员全部被杀。 为反击阎锡山的进攻，八路军集中兵力打击晋军中制造惨案最积极的孙楚部。在黄克诚的指挥下，八路军第三四四旅和决死三纵队的攻击令孙楚部受到重创，阎锡山的全面进攻被初步遏制。 对于阎锡山向共产党武装发动的进攻，蒋介石给予了极大的关注。其意图是：趁阎锡山与共产党武装打成一团的时候，把中央军的势力布防进阎锡山的地盘。蒋介石命令程潜去山西，名义上是与阎锡山交换反共意见，实际带有“考察晋绥军内部情形是否仍伏危机”的任务。接着，蒋介石的嫡系中央军将领胡宗南直接提出，拟派两个军东渡黄河“增援晋军”。阎锡山即刻识破了蒋介石的企图，当即命令进攻共产党武装的部队迅速撤回原驻地。 事后，阎锡山算了一笔账，发现此战令他很是受伤：自己的地盘没有扩大反而缩小了，旧军全部被赶出了晋西北，中央军趁乱进入了晋东南，他的地盘损失近四分之三。其次，除一部分决死队队员被他收编外，新军全部背他而去，调出山西被蒋介石收编了。盛怒之下的阎锡山处分了一批作战不力的旧军军官，结果导致旧军也对他怨声载道，纷纷投向蒋介石：第六集团军总司令陈长捷去了重庆就不再复返了；第八十三军军长杜春沂和第十九军军长孟宪吉先后脱离了第二战区，前者调任重庆办事处处长，后者调任重庆的军事高参；第六集团军副总司令孙楚、第二战区参谋长楚溪春等，这些从前的心腹也都开始频频向重庆汇报军情。更严重的是，阎锡山在政治上损失惨重：抗战初期的“模范战区”称号蒙上了阴影，原来慕名来山西的进步人士和抗日青年纷纷离开，全国舆论再也不把他列入“抗日先锋”了。 在阎锡山最痛苦的时刻，共产党人主动接近了他。 一九四〇年一月二十七日，中共中央以八路军留守处主任肖劲光的名义向阎锡山提出调停。尽管阎锡山对抗日进步力量的残害罪行累累，但共产党人仍愿顾全抗日大局和平解决山西问题，以免被日本侵略者或是国内的投降势力所利用。二月二十五日，中共中央决定派肖劲光和王若飞赴陕西秋林与阎锡山谈判。临行前，毛泽东特别嘱咐肖劲光和王若飞：“你俩去给阎锡山讲清楚，我们共产党是诚心实意要同国民党合作抗日，你们为什么要同室操戈，制造摩擦，杀人掠地，让日本强盗高兴呢？抗战初期，你阎锡山同我们合作得还可以嘛！为什么现在跟着蒋介石的指挥棒转，同我们过不去呢？我们也不是好惹的。” 肖劲光和王若飞给阎锡山带去了毛泽东的亲笔信： 抗战以来整个华北在先生的英明领导之下，创立了抗日根据地，实施了进步政策，使抗战各军团结一致，屏障中原，保卫西北，功在国家，万方敬仰。八路军久隶屏蒙，获有某些进步，亦无非受先生之赐。目前国际形势日见有利于我之抗战，国内关系虽有一班不明大义幸灾乐祸分子，进行挑拨离间，然深明大义者固居多数。近来山西境内发生某些不幸事件，然取势所趋，终必和平解决，由因先生领导提挈至明至慎，必能处理悉当，益臻进步，团结之途，无可疑者…… 毛泽东的信令阎锡山尴尬无措，同时又“不胜感谢”。 共产党人不但对阎锡山宽大为怀，针对新军被收编的问题也给予了他极大理解。共产党人的态度，赢得了阎锡山和其他晋军将领的认同，双方最终一致同意停止军事行动和政治攻击。 阎锡山致信毛泽东：“肖主任等来获读手书，如亲握晤。抗战以来，端赖全国团结一致对外，使国家地位日益增高，今于抗战第四年代，胜利业已在望之际，仍盼共同努力，克服当前一切困难，以竟民族革命之全功。所有一切详情，肖主任当能面悉不赘。” 会谈结束时，肖劲光向阎锡山特别申明了毛泽东的这样一句话：人不犯我，我不犯人；人若犯我，我必犯人。阎锡山听后，再次尴尬，忙说“人不犯我，我不犯人”可以接受，“人若犯我，我必犯人一句似乎太强硬了些”，能否回去“禀报一下毛先生，是不是改成'人若犯我，我必自卫'”？肖劲光和王若飞回到延安后向毛泽东汇报，毛泽东的回答是：“一个字也不能改。” 除了阎锡山之外，在共产党抗日武装创建的各个根据地内，国共之间的政治和军事摩擦不断发生。特别是阎锡山进攻八路军和新军时，蒋介石竟借机命令朱德和彭德怀放弃太南和太岳抗日根据地，同时命令位于中条山的范汉杰、位于太行山的庞炳勋、位于豫北的朱怀冰和孙殿英等部北上，位于冀南的石友三、位于冀鲁豫交界处的高树勋等部西进，割断西北与华北抗日根据地之间、西北与江南新四军之间的联系，以达到日军“肃正作战”没有达到的目的。蒋介石命令的这些国民党军队，除范汉杰的部队外，后来都成了清一色叛变投敌的伪军。朱德和彭德怀只有命令八路军各部队坚决保卫得之不易的抗日根据地。 在向八路军进攻的几路国民党军中，身处冀南抗日根据地腹地的石友三部最具特点——他奉的是蒋介石的命令，但配合其作战的却是日军。石友三在中国抗战史上是一个畸形的另类。 冯玉祥护兵出身的石友三，以没有人格反复无常闻名。蒋冯大战时他背叛冯玉祥投靠蒋介石，不久又背叛蒋介石投靠阎锡山；中原大战时他背叛阎锡山投靠张学良，后来又联合粵军起兵反张，结果被张学良和蒋介石的联军打得很惨。后来他投奔宋哲元部，被宋哲元委任为冀北保安司令。全面抗战开始后，为了扩充部队，他向蒋介石表示忠诚。阎锡山开始进攻八路军时，他率部向抗日根据地发动攻击，两个月内杀害二千多名共产党人。共产党方面获得石友三已秘密投降日军的情报后，朱德和彭德怀专门给重庆呈送了两份缴获的机密文件：一份是石友三策划进攻八路军的会议决议，内容是“奉总裁命令，决定进行肃清共匪的作战，进攻抗日根据地，希望取得国军的支援”。决议还制订了派出间谍抓捕共产党人的办法：“搜到共匪重要分子，即行枪决”。另一份文件竟然是与日军达成的“联络办法”： 一、开始与日军接近后勿发生误会，彼此渐趋融洽，双方派员联络说明。 二、飞机来时，可用白布在屋顶上铺盖，不准射击。 三、各部队不准超界线征发给养，以团武装部队活动（受匪军压迫时不在此限）。 四、昼间联络法用识别旗（或白旗）左右摇动，夜间用红电筒联络“纵灭”。 五、昼间行军，应距其驻地十里（最小限制）。 六、在黄河以南行动，应在日没前，不得在午后八时以后。 七、本军反对匪压迫，须向驻军区以外活动时，应一面活动，一面通知之。 八、彼已通知各驻军，遇我须要派部队时，即随援助（但兵力不能限）。 重庆方面对这两份文件概不承认。 给八路军总部的回复是：这是敌伪的反间，勿信谗言。 八路军决定把石友三这个汉奸连同他的部队消灭掉。 石友三名义上是集团军，实际上只有一万多人，依附他的杂乱武装也只有四千多人。 刘伯承、邓小平的第一二九师集中兵力发动了“讨石战役”。 仗还没打，得到消息的石友三就开始率部逃跑。八路军各部队立即穷追猛打，石友三部被打得七零八落。八路军正在对之实施合围时，日军出动来接应石友三了。八路军只好先与日军打，打完了再继续追。日军发现无法阻止八路军对石友三的追击，于是调动上千兵力试图抄袭八路军的后路，而在正面一面攻击一面施放毒气。两面受敌的八路军追击部队只好撤退，石友三得以侥幸逃脱。其后，在日军的配合下，石友三又数次向抗日根据地进行骚扰性进攻，直至有一天石友三突然消失得没有了踪影——由于投敌证据确凿，重庆方面以叛国罪将石友三枪毙了。 在一系列反共事件发生之后，朱德代表中共中央给重庆的国民党大员们发出一封长电。电报的抬头十分壮观，几乎囊括了国民政府的所有要员：国民政府主席林森、军事委员会委员长兼行政院院长蒋介石、行政院副院长孔祥熙、监察院院长于右任、立法院院长孙科、考试院院长戴季陶、司法院院长居正、考试院副院长覃振、西安军事委员会委员长程潜、国民参政会诸位参政员、中央党部各位委员和战地党政委员会委员们。而电报的签署者也颇为壮观：第十八集团军总司令朱德、副总司令彭德怀、政治部主任王稼祥