Chapter 69 Conclusions at the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China-2

The relationship between old cadres and new cadres, between foreign cadres and local cadres, between military cadres and local cadres is in essence a question of the relationship with the peasants.We talked about this issue over and over again, let alone talking about the sectarian tendency raised by the rectification movement that began in 1942, including issues such as foreign cadres and local cadres, military cadres and local cadres.These two issues are of a historical and universal nature. They are historical and universal issues, not temporary or individual issues.Knowing this, we can understand that this problem was raised during the revolutionary struggle in the agricultural areas, because we have been active in the agricultural areas for a long time, so it is a long-term and common problem in the agricultural areas, or it is a historical and common problem.Why is it a historical issue? Comrades, think about it. The reason why the Soviet area collapsed during the civil war is of course the problem of the route, but it is also related to this issue. It is that the local people are always distrusted. The soviet area collapsed.The same is true of the work in the white areas. As soon as the "imperial envoy" arrives in any area, the work there will collapse.Is the pain serious? The White Areas lost 99.9 percent of their jobs, almost all of them; the Red Army and the Soviet Areas lost a large part, or 90 percent.There is so little left, but the quality is better and the quality has improved.

As for the relationship between army cadres and local cadres, if there was a problem of line during the civil war, then there was no problem of line during the War of Resistance, but this problem still occurred.I have never been to Central China or North China, but I have personally seen it in the border areas, and I have personally done such things, that is, the relationship between foreign cadres and local cadres, military cadres and local cadres is not good.The lessons drawn from this question are so profound that they are worth addressing.In 1936, a little wind came in through the window, and some comrades said: People in the border areas can only create Soviet areas, and cannot serve as the Red Army.Check it out, it turns out that we made a mistake. First we treated the Red Twenty-sixth Army, and then we treated the Red Twenty-seventh Army.The people sent by the central government to the counties called themselves heroes, saying that I am 25,000 miles away, what are you? You are a country bumpkin, you can’t eat well, you can only create the Soviet area, you can’t be a Red Army, this arouses the dissatisfaction of the local people.Regarding intellectuals, I will also give an example.During the Spring Festival last year, the Yangko team from Yangjialing performed in Ansai, just in time for the Ansai Labor Heroes meeting. Our doll comrades, young comrades and labor heroes from Yangjialing danced Yangko together.In the past, they didn't even walk the same way to hide from the plane, but now they dance Yangko together.Comrades! Dodging planes is a fatal matter, and the distinction is made so clearly that we don't go the same way, which shows the seriousness of this problem.The same is true in the army. They always say that the local government is sorry for the army to mention these things, and they can say dozens of things.At that time, we wanted to persuade, but it was difficult to persuade. We should blame ourselves for this problem, because we did not analyze and solve the problem systematically.Solving problems systematically is called science. It is not systematic but piecemeal. Even if it is correct, it is not scientific.In the high-level cadre meeting[22] in the winter of 1942, we solved this problem systematically, so we convinced the comrades.Before the high-level cadre meeting, we did not systematically explain this issue clearly, and did not convince comrades. The responsibility for this lies with us.The same is true for economic issues, which were only systematically explained in the 1942 high-level cadre meeting.

It has been more than two years since the meeting of high-level cadres has been held. Is the relationship between the army and the localities and the relationship between the army and the people completely improved? I don't think they have.Many of you here are army comrades and local comrades from the border regions. I don't think you can draw such a conclusion.It is harmful to draw such conclusions.It is correct to say that great progress has been made, but there are still many shortcomings, and it will take at least one to two years of hard work to solve them.The relations between the armed forces in North, Central and South China and the localities, with the local Party and government, and with local cadres will also require at least two or three years of hard work, and we must pay close attention to them before they can be resolved.If we don't grasp it firmly, it will be easy to shake, because comrades in our army often hear the words that the local government is sorry for the army, and the common people are sorry for the army.There must also be a systematic analysis and a systematic solution to this problem.In the army, there are military workers, political workers, old cadres, new cadres, foreigners and locals, and there is a problem with the relationship with the place and the common people.Therefore, the responsible comrades in the army must make up their minds, first of all, the responsible comrades in the military divisions and military regions, and responsible comrades at all levels above the regimental commander must make up their minds to see this problem clearly and solve it.Now we have one million troops, and in the future we will have several million troops. Whether we can win depends on whether we can unite the 360 ​​million peasants in China. This is the essence of this problem.It is easy to waver frequently on this issue, and it is not easy to make up our minds. Therefore, we must adhere to this principle and often persuade our comrades.To tell everyone what to do, talk more about the three major disciplines and eight points of attention.Now there are many things that are indeed wrong in some places. If this point is not mentioned, the army will not be convinced.However, where should we start to solve the problem first? The army should start first.Where does the army start? First of all, the main person in charge of the military region and military division.You must have firm principles and listen to the opinions of local comrades, because it is difficult for you to hear what local comrades say, and it is rare for them to have the opportunity to speak.I have had this experience, and I have heard many words from gossip.For example, it was said that people from northern Shaanxi could only create Soviet areas and not serve as the Red Army. Why didn’t the Northern Shaanxi Red Army form a division? It was said that Zhang Guotao[23] was knowledgeable, but Mao Zedong’s was not.Why didn't Lei Gong kill Mao Zedong? These are all gossip, what do I think of these words? Why do some people want Lei Gong to kill me? I was very surprised when I heard this.The time when I said this was 1941, and the place was the border area. In that year, 200,000 shi of public grain was collected in the border area, and 60,000 loads of public salt had to be transported. Wasn't Mao Zedong doing it? Because I also advocate the collection of 200,000 shi of public grain and the transportation of salt.At that time, it would not work without salt, but it would not be good if it was transported for a long time.This forced us to study financial and economic issues, and decided to launch a large-scale production campaign. The public grain was reduced in 1942, and it was also reduced in 1943. This solved the problem.Why do you say that Zhang Guotao’s knowledge is better than mine? It’s because of criticizing Zhang Guotao’s line that he made people suffer. The 18-year-old boy sent by the Anti-Japanese War was an instructor, and he described everything as Zhang Guotao’s line, and taking an egg from ordinary people was also Zhang Guotao’s line.The brigade headquarters of the 385th Brigade sent a telegram to the headquarters of the Remaining Corps to reflect these situations.I said that I would never again follow Zhang Guotao's line.Is the Zhang Guotao line good? I said of course not.But the comrades of the 385th Brigade thought from another perspective, Zhang Guotao did not rectify their Zhang Guotao line, but Mao Zedong rectified their Zhang Guotao line, so Zhang Guotao's knowledge was good, but Mao Zedong's was not.Did I admit this too? I acknowledged this, and I must admit this.There is a reason why Lei Gong didn't beat me to death, and there is a reason why my knowledge is inferior to Zhang Guotao's. We need to analyze these reasons and solve the problem.

Comrades in our army, veteran cadres are the main backbone, and the word "main" is emphasized here.In the future, in another two or three years, some of the cadres who joined the Party in the early days of the War of Resistance will join the cadres.It is a good thing that many forces are now developed during the War of Resistance and led by cadres after the War of Resistance, but the main backbone is still old cadres.Now there are less than 1,000 cadres during the Northern Expedition, and less than 20,000 cadres during the Civil War. As time goes on, there will be fewer old cadres and more new cadres. This is a natural law, and the latter will be followed.The army is an issue related to the survival of the Chinese revolution. I have already mentioned this in the report "On the Coalition Government". "Without a people's army, there is nothing for the people."On this issue, veteran cadres, that is, cadres before the War of Resistance, bear important responsibilities. I said at the Sixth Plenary Session[24] that veteran cadres are the glory of the party and the glory of the whole nation.This valuation is very high, it reflects the opinions of the people, and it is also the valuation of the whole party.The old Bolsheviks were the backbone of the leadership, strictly speaking, I would say an important backbone of the leadership.

The so-called relationship between the army and the localities is the relationship between our army and the peasants.It is impossible to ignore this point, and mistakes will be made. We must unswervingly adhere to this principle and handle this problem well.Wherever our troops go, no matter how the local people treat us or how the local party treats us, we must take a helpful attitude towards them, and we must adopt an attitude of forgiveness for their shortcomings and mistakes.For our own team, each of our military divisions and each military region should take a more serious attitude.To be strict with ourselves is right, should be, and must be, so that our army can be educated well.Now many of our departments and agencies are still far from our requirements, and we have to admit this.Are we the people's army? Yes, and we are already the people's army, this cannot be denied.However, we still have many shortcomings and we need to redouble our efforts.

Our military-civilian relations, the relations between the military and the localities, first of all, the comrades in charge of our military should clarify this issue.Without a systematic explanation, the cadres and soldiers below will not be convinced. He thinks what you say is always the same.So, today I want to make this point clear.Comrade Shaoqi and the commander-in-chief[25] have already said that we must learn to be good at being a backbone, that is to say, we must be good at being a teacher, and we must learn how to teach. This teaching method must be taught frequently.We must always keep in mind that we are always afraid of being sorry for the local people. If we make mistakes, local comrades are allowed to criticize us. We should adopt such an attitude.Why didn't Lei Gong beat me to death? I don't blame the person who said that, but we blamed ourselves for collecting 200,000 shi public grain, so we are responsible.Therefore, we studied financial and economic issues. Only from this aspect can we solve the problem, otherwise Lei Gong will really beat me to death one day.It was published in Yan'an before the rectification movement, and it was written by Wang Shiwei[26].Why did this article come out? It is because we lack food, nutrition, and vitamins, so he has capital.Now there are no more, not only because of the rectification, but also because the material conditions have improved.I discussed this issue with Comrade Gao Gang[27] in the Northwest Bureau, and I said that we should answer Wang Shiwei, and we should answer him materially, with economic development and adequate food and clothing.I have been a member of the Communist Party for decades, but I did not learn how to engage in economics in the past. I have to admit that I have not learned it, and I must learn it now.Comrade Chen Yun[28] said that when you enter a city, don't break the machine. This is a learning problem. If you don't learn it, you still have to break it.What should we do after we have seized the machinery and industry? This is not an easy task, but it is an important issue.There is still so much we haven't learned.

On the issue of cadres, I would like to simply add a few words, that is, all cadres are equally honorable.Every front, every legion, every army is equally honorable.The comrades who worked in the enemy-occupied areas, the Kuomintang-ruled areas, and the comrades who worked in the liberated areas are equally honorable.Comrades engaged in military work, government work, economic work, party affairs work, and cultural work are equally honorable.It cannot be said that some parts are particularly honorable and others are not.In the past we had blindness and did some bad things.What is the long and serious lesson on this matter? It is to admit that all parts are equally honorable, to take care of all parts, not to have a bad attitude, to bully any part, to despise any part .In this regard, anyone who has done wrong in the past must admit his mistakes.Today, in front of the congress delegates, I would like to say a few more words, that is, whenever we do something that is wrong to others, whether it is done by me or by other comrades, we should admit our mistakes and correct them.Comrades in the army and comrades in the localities, we should admit our mistakes and correct them if we did not do well in the past, valued them improperly, and made you angry.

There are also technical cadres. I missed it when I talked about it last time. I will add it today.There are various technical work cadres, such as cadres who do technical work in communications and economics. For comrades who do various technical work, whether they are in the army, the government, or the party organization, we must respect them. To admit that they have made contributions, comrades in the whole party must think highly of them, and they have done well in the past in terms of political treatment, and they must do well in the future. (4) Issues of rectification, trial of cadres, and elimination of rape

The work of rectification, examination of cadres, and anti-corruption has achieved results.Are there any downsides or mistakes? There are.I am the principal of the party school, and the rectification campaign has made great achievements in the old part of the party school, but there are also shortcomings and mistakes; the second part has done better and made progress.In the future, the rectification movement will be carried out according to the method of the second part, and according to this progressive method. Many people were mistaken during the trial, which is very bad, and it makes some comrades feel very sad, and we are also very sad.The so-called "one person in the corner, the whole house is unhappy."We are happy with the people of the world.For the comrades who made mistakes, we should apologize to them. First of all, I will apologize to them at this conference.If you make a mistake in any place, you will make up for it in that place.Why did we make a mistake? It should be fewer but more refined, because spies are few in nature, and our methods should be refined rather than rough, but we have made many but rough ones, and this is where the mistake lies.When the trend is rising, without exception, I feel that there are quite a lot of spies, but after entering the screening stage, I feel that there are very few.Also, most of those who are considered spies are not spies.I didn't know much about this issue in the past, and I only learned about it after the trial.So with regard to spies, it was estimated in the past that they were "fishing for the blind". We don't know how many there are, but now we know only a very small number.

For many years, we have done this work. For example, during the civil war, I fought against the AB regiment[29]. In the resolution of the Ninth Congress of the Fourth Red Army Party, there was a provision called "abolition of corporal punishment."Theoretically speaking, bourgeois democracy advocates the abolition of corporal punishment, so our proletarian Communist Party should abolish corporal punishment, and feudalism only adopts corporal punishment.This resolution was made in December 1929, and the AB regiment was launched in January and February 1930. We said that we should not engage in corporal punishment, but in the end it happened anyway.Many people were killed at that time, and it should be said with certainty that many people were killed wrongly.Later we made a conclusion and reiterated that corporal punishment should be abolished, and oral confessions should not be trusted.Because if corporal punishment is not abolished, if confessions are credulously believed, troubles will arise. Every time a beating is forced, a confession will be made, and once a confession is believed, it will be ruined.

During the civil war, we took a painful detour on the issue of eliminating counter-revolutionaries, and we had such a wrong side.Of course, we should not fundamentally deny and oppose counter-revolutionaries, it is right to oppose counter-revolutionaries.However, when the Communist Party was still immature, many people were mistaken on the issue of eliminating counter-revolutionaries, and they went through such a detour, including myself.During the Anti-Japanese War, there was a mistake in suppressing counterrevolutionaries in the west of Huxi[30], and there was another "rescue movement" in Yan'an[31].In my opinion, the mistake Yan'an made is not trivial, because Yan'an has national influence.Mistakes have been made, but there are also good aspects. I will talk about this aspect now.On the issue of eliminating counter-revolutionaries, we have made mistakes before and after, and we have lost many wars, and we have encountered many setbacks with this policy and that policy.Any mistake that is recognized and corrected will gain experience and become a good weapon.This experience of making mistakes, caught in our hands, is also no small matter.The Central Committee is here, the Party School is here, and the Seventh National Congress is held here. If this problem is solved, the Chinese nation will win.Therefore, it is not terrible to make mistakes. We must grasp the mistakes in our hands and turn them into experience and weapons.To the comrades who made mistakes, we must make amends to them. Is there still sectarianism now? I heard a comrade say: there is no sectarianism anymore.How should we look at this issue? In my opinion, we should not be busy denying the existence of sectarianism subjectively. We should prove it with objective facts and prove it in future work. Subjective denial has little effect and cannot solve the problem.Someone asked to add an article to the party constitution: "Guarantee the political life of party members." Comrades, don't underestimate this issue. It reflects that some comrades have been wronged during the censorship of cadres.We must take this as a warning and take this article as a lesson and as a weapon, so that it will be useful. During the interrogation of cadres, the nine guidelines [32] were not invented at the beginning, but were gradually accumulated after several months of reflections on the situation.If corporal punishment is abolished, confession should not be credulous, and nine policies are added, no one will be killed and most will not be arrested, and there will be no troubles.However, these nine principles have not been fully implemented, so that many people do not know. At present, comrades still have to be alert to the dangers of liberalism, seriousness is necessary.There have been great achievements in this review, and it is not good not to clarify this point.Lenin said in the book "The Proletarian Revolution and the Traitor Kautsky": The overthrown class must take revenge and carry out restoration.This matter will be proved in the future.We have not experienced that kind of danger in the past. If we pay attention to this point, raise our vigilance, and guard against liberalism, the danger may be reduced.Otherwise, you will suffer a lot in the future.There are two kinds of emotions in our party. One is the excessive emotion. When the trend comes, it is to rush to engage in coercion, confession, and belief, but it turns out to be wrong; the other is liberalism, which turns a blind eye. It’s also wrong, and it needs to be overcome. (5) Prepare to change the problem The transition from rural areas to cities, from guerrilla warfare to formal warfare, from rent and interest reduction to land to the tiller, all these were caused by changes in the situation during the democratic revolution stage.We need to prepare for the changes in various aspects, and we have already made preparations in some aspects. Some comrades asked me to explain how to change in the future. I don't think I need to talk about it now, just study and prepare according to the actual situation.For example, we may have to gather 20 to 30 brigades, equip them with new weapons, and go to attack big cities. This requires preparation, and the specific steps are left to the Central Military Commission.Comrades, when you go back, you have to tell the various places that you need to start preparations. Commander-in-Chief Zhu has already talked about this issue a lot.Going to the city is a huge problem. Our Seventh National Congress can only raise such a problem now, and we must prepare mentally.The specific work that can be done now is to send or transfer people to train, or send more people to train the underground army.After driving Japan away, if we occupy the cities, we must first deal with the problems of food and clothing.Generals present here, if you get to Beijing, there is no coal to burn, and if you get to Shanghai, there is no food to eat, trains and trams can’t run, how can you do it? Therefore, we must now have this kind of mental preparation. One more thing to emphasize is the importance of the labor movement. The Seventh National Congress has already raised this issue.We must pay close attention to and train comrades who have participated in the labor movement in the past.With big cities, the whole situation will undergo a big change. We haven't seen this change today, and we still don't feel it.This change is large, so be careful. Then there is the problem of the Northeast.The Northeast is an extremely important region, and it may be under our leadership in the future.If the Northeast can be under our leadership, what is the significance to the Chinese revolution? I think it can be said that our victory has a basis, that is to say, our victory has been confirmed.Now our small base area is quite scattered by the enemy, and every hill and every base area is not consolidated, has no industry, and is in danger of extinction.Therefore, we have to fight for the city, and we have to fight for such a whole place.If we have a large base area, including the Northeast, on a national scale, the victory of the Chinese revolution will have a solid foundation.Is there a foundation now? There is a foundation, but it has not yet been consolidated, because we have no industry, no heavy industry, and no mechanized army.If we have the Northeast, and the big cities and the base areas are integrated, then we will have a solid foundation for our victory throughout the country. (6) Regarding the political line Our General Assembly has given us a weapon to check the work of the country. With this weapon, we can check all kinds of work in the country. Can we say a few words about the political line: During the eight years of the War of Resistance, the line was correct in terms of the eight years and the whole country, and this is number one.Second, mistakes have been made in certain places, at certain times, in certain departments, and certain comrades.Here I am not talking about big, medium, or small mistakes, nor do I talk about the line, or serious principles, or individual issues, and all these mistakes are included.The combination of the first and second aspects is complete, and it is wrong to ignore either aspect. (7) About the military line Commander-in-Chief Zhu spoke very well on this issue.It can also be said according to the above method, that is, the line was correct for the eight years and the whole country, but it was wrong at certain times, certain places, certain departments, and certain comrades.Exactly what this "certain" refers to is not clear today, and everyone needs to study it. (8) Can our party lead the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie? I want to decide this question depending on the situation, whether you can lead or not, sometimes you can lead, and sometimes you can't lead.For example, you cannot lead the big bourgeoisie and Hitler in Germany, or you cannot lead Wang Jingwei. If they want to overthrow us, you can still lead them? For Chiang Kai-shek, it also depends on the situation. If it is said that progress is due to our defeating his army, that is also true.Is this called leadership or influence? I say it is called influence. We have influence on him.But then he got into trouble and held a Fifth Plenary Session to eliminate us, so it cannot be said that we lead him.So, it depends on the situation.Stalin once mentioned in his article "On the Foundations of Leninism" that the king of Afghanistan defended the feudal system, but his struggle against imperialism for the independence of Afghanistan was objectively a revolutionary struggle; The struggle of the bourgeois intellectuals for Egyptian independence is also objectively a revolutionary struggle.In the era of fighting imperialism, the big bourgeoisie and the big landlord class can also become the allies of the proletariat.In our struggle against Japanese imperialism, the big bourgeoisie and the big landlord class can become our allies, sometimes under our leadership. The leadership of the proletariat is not primarily over the big bourgeoisie and the big landlord class, but over the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie.We must liberate the peasants and the petty bourgeoisie from the influence of the big bourgeoisie and the big landlord class and put them under our leadership. What about the idea of ​​"co-leadership"? What I say is not how to say it, but how to do it. For example, at the current San Francisco meeting, who will come out and say that I will lead you, and no one will say this sentence, and it is not about the five major countries. co-lead.The Crimea Conference was also jointly led by the three major powers.So it doesn't matter how to say, but how to do it, how the leader leads.When we cooperated with Sun Yat-sen in the past, we said that we were under the leadership of Sun Yat-sen, but we were actually jointly led.In the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, we said that the war would be fought to the end under the leadership of Generalissimo Jiang. Was this statement wrong? I said it was not wrong.Because if you want to fight Japan, you need a leader. The leader of China at that time was Chiang Kai-shek. He had so many troops, and foreign countries recognized him.But later he wanted to oppose the Communist Party, so we stopped talking about this sentence, so that we stopped talking about it. Instead, we wanted to establish a coalition government and reorganize his government.If we talk about joint leadership, it means that you lead your group and lead the Central Army; we lead the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army, lead the broad masses of the people, mobilize the masses, and strengthen the power of the people.However, the so-called "co-leadership" in the past is actually just the one-party leadership of the Kuomintang, and this is the problem. (9) Is there any hope for negotiations between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party? We have always advocated for talks, and the documents of the Seventh National Congress also stipulated that talks should be held. As for the hope of reaching a deal, there is not the slightest chance.But now we have not announced it to the people of the whole country, because once it is announced, the next step is to overthrow Chiang Kai-shek.We say that there is still a little possibility now, and we will not give up on this point, that is, we still need to negotiate before there is a breakdown.We always ask Chiang Kai-shek to wash his face and reform. If one day he turns into a big face and starts a civil war, then our party will call on the people of the whole country to rise up and overthrow Chiang Kai-shek.Now we are still trying our best to prevent civil war, and we will not refuse to negotiate with him under certain conditions, and this is the situation. Is there any hope of forming a coalition government? We must try our best to fight for it.If the People's Federation of the Liberated Areas can be established in the future, I still have to send a telegram asking him to form a coalition government.We always invite him, but he never comes out, like a new wife who refuses to get into the sedan chair.So what should we do? If you don't come out, we will invite you, and if you don't come out, we will invite you again. We still have to invite you before it is completely broken. If it breaks tomorrow morning, we will invite you again tonight. (10) About the Chinese People's Liberation Federation Our documents say that we need to convene a meeting of people's representatives in the liberated areas[33]. Once this meeting is held, we will form a Chinese People's Liberation Federation, or the People's Federation of Liberated Areas.China wants to be liberated, so it is called the Liberation Federation.Is it an organ of power? We have sent telegrams telling all places that this is not a second central government, unlike the Soviet central government we established during the civil war, and the situation in which the Soviet central government was organized at that time.Its name is not the government, but the Liberation Federation.Does it have the nature of a government organ? We say that it has the authority to issue orders, and it has the nature of a political organ. It is an organizational form in the transitional period for the struggle to unite the liberated areas.When will it be called? Probably in November. Here we also need to talk about the issue of non-Party cooperation.The whole Party must pay attention to cooperating with non-Party people, and must strengthen this co-operation so that we can unite more people and unite better.The united front is a specialized science. Many people in our party have not yet learned it, and many people are not good at cooperating with people outside the party. We must learn this science. (11) Party Spirit and Individuality Issues It is a question of universality and difference, of collective and individual relations.Within our Party and in our Liberated Areas, the people enjoy relatively full freedom, independence and individuality.Under the feudal system, the people had no personality, no freedom, no independence, and no individuality.Marx said: "In bourgeois society, capital has independence and individuality, but living individuals do not have independence and individuality." [34] Under China's feudal system, the majority of the people did not have independence and individuality, because They have no property.Independence, individuality, personality is a meaningful thing, which is a product of property ownership.The landlord class and the bourgeoisie in China have property ownership. They have bankrupted a large number of people, farmers and the petty bourgeoisie. When property is concentrated in their hands, they themselves have independence, individuality, and freedom, while the broad masses of the people have lost their property. Ownership, there is no individuality, independence, freedom, or diminished.Therefore, to restore their individuality, we must carry out revolutionary struggles. For example, we organize trade unions, organize workers in capitalist factories, reduce rent and interest in liberated areas, and establish people's armed forces and political power. This gives the people individuality. , freedom and personality.As for our party, it is originally a part of the people, and of course it does not make party members of worker, intellectual or peasant origin impersonal.If the people have personality, so does our party. If the people don’t have it, how can our party have it? We must educate party members so that they realize that there are still many people in society who have no personality and no freedom. We must fight for their freedom. And struggle.In the liberated areas led by our party, not only do people in society have personality, independence and freedom, but under the education of our party, their personality, independence and freedom have been developed.Marx made this problem very clear in the "Communist Manifesto". He said: "The free development of each person is the condition for the free development of all people." It cannot be imagined that everyone cannot develop, and the society can develop. The party has party spirit, but every member has no personality, they are all pieces of wood, and 1.2 million party members are 1.2 million pieces of wood.Here I remembered two poems written by Gong Zizhen[35]: "I urge the Lord of Heaven to rise up and send down talents regardless of style." talents." Don't make our Party members become people made of paper and clay, everything is the same, that is not good.In fact, there are all kinds of people, as long as he obeys the party program, party constitution, and party resolutions, under this general principle, everyone can use their abilities.Clarifying this point will benefit the progress of the party and the enthusiasm of all party members. There are two types of personalities, creative and destructive.This is true for our party, and it is also true for society.What is a creative personality? For example, a model worker, a special shooter, an inventor, and a cadre who can work independently have courage not only in struggles outside the Party, but also in struggles within the Party. Hand, this is the creative individuality, which is completely consistent with the party spirit, completely unified.The other kind of personality is destructive and individualistic, putting personal interests first, and engaging in so-called innovation.In fact, there are two kinds of unconventionalism: one is revolutionary unconventionalism, such as model workers, labor heroes, and inventors. They put forward many good ideas and work more progress than many people. This type is creative and revolutionary unconventionalism.The other is destructive unconventionalism, which goes beyond the proletarian orbit and is inconsistent with the party spirit. It is a petty bourgeois policy, line and policy, which is wrong.There are also two kinds of independence and individuality that Marx talked about: revolutionary independence and individuality, and reactionary independence and individuality.And consistent actions, consistent opinions, and collectivism are party spirit.We must gather many conscious individualities, take consistent actions, agree on opinions, and have a unified will on certain problems and certain things. This is what our party spirit requires.Some people's so-called development of individuality means that if we support New Democracy, we must have another group of people who oppose New Democracy; It can be regarded as the development of personality; if we oppose Wang Jingwei, there must be a group of people who support Wang Jingwei, which can be regarded as the development of personality.We firmly oppose this kind of development of individuality. On the issue of party spirit and individuality, there is party spirit and individuality in the rectification work; party spirit and individuality in production work; party spirit and individuality in military work; party spirit and individuality in government work; There is party spirit and individuality in work and work.This personality must be unified with the party spirit. (12) Theoretical work issues We must absorb the experience of foreign parties and the Communist International. This issue has already been discussed last time.To strengthen theoretical study, you must read at least five books. I recommend these five books to everyone: "Communist Manifesto", "The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science", "Two Strategies of Social Democratic Party in the Democratic Revolution"[36] , "The "Leftist" Infantile Disease in the Communist Movement", "A Concise Course on the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks)," here are all about Marx, Engel, Lenin, and Stalin.If 5,000 to 10,000 people have read it and have a general understanding, that's good and beneficial.We can put these five books in dry food bags. After the war, we can read them once or read a sentence or two. If there is no taste, we can put them away. If there is taste, we can read a few more sentences. coming.You can’t read it in one year and read it in two years. If you read it once in two years, you can watch it five times in ten years. After each reading, write down the date at the back, and read it on a certain day of a certain year.This method can be introduced in various places. We will not do too much, but only try five books.我们还应经常注意报纸上刊登的外国党的宣言、纲领一类文章，看他们做些什么事情。过去共产国际对中国无产阶级、中国人民有很大的帮助，帮助中国无产阶级创造了中国共产党，有过很大的功劳，共产国际解散时我们党的决定上说到了这一点。 教条主义是哪里来的?是不是从马、恩、列、斯那里来的?不是的。他们经常在著作里提醒我们，说他们的学说是行动的指南，是武器，不是教条。人家讲的不是教条，我们读后变成了教条，这是因为我们没有读通，不会读，我们能责备他们吗?许多人不重视理论工作，似乎这个工作不要紧。对理论工作看法的动摇是不对的。我们对搞翻译工作的、写理论文章的人要看得起，应多和他们谈谈。没有搞翻译工作的我们就看不懂外国·的书，他们翻译外国的书，很有功劳，即使一生一世只翻译了一本书，也是有功劳的。别人不重视这个工作的思想，是不好的；做这个工作的同志自己对这个工作的认识也有动摇，这同样是不好的。有的人曾不止一次地要求改行，说做这个工作吃不开，要求做别的工作。不要轻视搞翻译的同志，如果不搞一点外国的东西，中国哪晓得什么是马列主义?中国历史上也有翻译工作，唐僧就是一个大翻译家，他取经回来后设翻译馆，就翻译佛经。《鲁迅全集》开卷第一页，有蔡元培[37]写的一篇序，其中有几句写得不错。他说鲁迅是一个既博览又很谦虚的人，翻译了许多外国文学家的作品；翻译的作品占了他的全集的一半。所以，轻视这个工作和对这个工作的动摇都是不对的。 (十三)实事求是问题 第一，我们的阵地只能一个一个地夺取，我们的力量只能一点一点地聚集，这是一个实事求是的问题。二十四年的经验证明:想一手抓一个天下是抓不到的，土地是一寸一寸地争来的，叫作“寸土必争”。我们的敌手，日本人和蒋介石，对我们也是寸土必争。我们的枪是一支一支地增加，地方是一小点一小点地扩大，然后合起来就壮大了，就可以夺取天下。我们应当是现实主义的，当然是革命的现实主义，有理想的现实主义。斯大林告诉我们，要学习美国人的实际精神，还要有俄国人的革命气概，把二者结合起来。我们要以科学的精神、革命的现实主义，切切实实、一点一滴、一个一个地夺取敌人的阵地，这样才是比较巩固的。 第二，我们这次大会强调团结精神，就是要在一个原则下团结起来，在正确路线的基础上团结起来，是头脑清醒的团结，不是盲目的团结。同志们!我多次讲愚公移山的故事[38]，就是要大家学习愚公的精神，我们要把中国反革命的山挖掉!把日本帝国主义这个山挖掉! 中国民族解放万岁! 中国共产党万岁! 中国共产党第七次全国代表大会万岁! Published based on the transcript of the speech kept by the Central Archives. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1]一九二六年三月十八日，黄埔军校驻省（指广东省会广州）办事处主任欧阳钟声称“奉蒋校长的命令”，通知海军局代局长、共产党员李之龙，速派有战斗力的军舰到黄埔听候调遣。当李之龙派中山舰开到黄埔后，立刻谣言蜂起。三月二十日，蒋介石谎称中山舰要炮轰黄埔，共产党要暴动，宣布在广州实行紧急戒严，逮捕李之龙，监视和软禁大批共产党人，解除省港罢工委员会的工人纠察队的武装，包围苏联领事馆，监视苏联顾问。这就是所谓中山舰事件。 [2]汪精卫，大革命时期曾任国民党中央执行委员会常委、国民政府主席。初期以“左派领袖”面目出现，但随着革命形势的发展，其限制工农运动、反对共产党的面目逐渐暴露。一九二七年七月十五日，汪精卫等控制的武汉国民党中央召开会议，作出“分共”决定，公开宣布同共产党决裂。抗日战争爆发后，任国民党国防最高会议副主席、国民党副总裁一九三八年十二月公开投降日本帝国主义，后任日本帝国主义扶植的南京伪“国民政府”主席。 [3]指在中国共产党第七次全国代表大会上，毛泽东所作的理论联合政府》政治报告、朱德所作的《论解放区战场》军事报告和刘少奇所作的《关于修改党章的、报告》。 [4]旧金山会议，见本卷第352页注[12]。 [5]克里米亚会议，见本卷第268页注[2]。 [6]莫洛托夫（一八九○——一九八六），当时任苏联人民委员会第一副主席兼外交人民委员，是参加旧金山会议的苏联代表。 [7]见列宁《〈论粮食税〉的几个提纲》新的译文是：“只要在10－20年内和农民保持正常的关系，就能保证全世界范围内的胜利（甚至在日益发展的各国无产阶级革命推迟爆发的情况下），否则就会遭到20－40年白卫恐怖的苦难。”（《列宁全集》第41卷，人民出版社1986年版，第378页）。 [8]斯大林格勒，即今伏尔加格勒。 [9]丘吉尔，当时任英国内阁首相。 [10]张伯伦（一八六九——一九四○），英国保守党领袖，一九三七年至一九四○年任英国内阁首相。他推行纵容法西斯侵略的绥靖政策，主张迁就德、意、日法西斯入侵中国、埃塞俄比亚、西班牙、奥地利和捷克斯洛伐克等国家的“既成事实”，实行妥协。 [11]一九四五年五月三十日、三十一日《解放日报》分别发表新华社评论《国民党第六次全国代表大会》和该报社论《评国民党大会各文件》。 [12]阎锡山（一八八三——一九六○），山西五台河边村（今属定襄）人，长期统治山西的地方军阀。At that time, he was the commander-in-chief of the Second Theater of the Kuomintang Army. [13]斯科比，见本卷第353页注[19]。 [14]城濮在今山东鄄城县西南。公元前六三二年，晋、楚两国大战于此。战争开始，楚军占优势。晋文公令晋军退却九十里，到达城濮一带，先选择楚军力量薄弱的右翼，给以严重打击，再集中优势兵力，击溃楚军的左翼，楚军终于大败而退。 [15]胡宗南，当时任国民党军第一战区代司令长官。 [16]语义出自宋代张载《西铭》：“富贵福泽将厚吾之生也，贫贱忧戚庸玉汝于成也。” [17]何应钦（一八九○——一九八七），贵州兴义人。抗日战争时期任国民党政府军事委员会参谋总长兼军政部部长。 [18]见斯大林《关于中央委员会和中央监察委员会四月联席全会的工作L原文是：“掌着舵，睁着眼，但是当某种灾难临头之前，竟什么也看不到，——这不能算是领导。布尔什维主义不是这样理解领导的。要领导就应当有预见。而预见，同志们，不是什么时候都容易做到的。”（《斯大林全集》第11卷，人民出版社1955年版，第32页） [19]陈独秀，见本卷第101页注[8]。 [20]见一九三九年二月七日《新中华报》。 [21]见《孟子·告子上》。 [22]指中共中央西北局一九四二年十月十九日至一九四三年一月十四日在延安召开的高级干部会议。 [23]张国焘，见本卷第101页注[7]。 [24]六中全会，见本卷第143页注[4] [25]指朱德。 [26]王实味，见本卷第286页注[11]。 [27]高岗，当时任中共中央西北局书记。 [28]陈云，当时任中共中央政治局委员、西北局委员、西北财政经济办事处副主任兼政治部主任。 [29]AB团是一九二六年底在江西南昌成立的以反共为目的的国民党右派组织，存在时间不长。一九三0年五月起，赣西南根据地内开展了所谓肃清AB团的斗争。斗争不断扩大，严重混淆了敌我矛盾。 [30]湖西地区即微山湖以西江苏、山东、河南三省交界地区，又称苏鲁豫边区。一九三九年八月至十一月间，边区内错误地开展肃托斗争，许多党、政、军干部被诬为“托派分子”，先后被逮捕，受审查，有的被错杀，整个边区的党组织一度陷于瘫痪，给革命事业造成了极其严重的损失。这是一起重大历史冤案，一九四○年至一九四五年，中共中央、中共中央山东分局曾先后作过多次处理。一九八三年十二月，经中共中央批准，予以彻底平反。 [31]“抢救运动”，见本卷第157页注[10]。 [32]九条方针，见本卷第35页。 [33]解放区人民代表会议，见本卷第354页注[31]。 [34]见马克思、恩格斯《共产党宣言》（《马克思恩格斯选集》第1卷，人民出版社1972年版，第266页）。 [35]龚自珍（一七九二——一八四一），浙江仁和（今杭州）人，清朝思想家、文学家和诗人。“我劝天公重抖擞，不拘一格降人才”两句诗，见龚自珍《已亥杂诗·九州生气恃风雷》。 [36]今译名为《社会民主党在民主革命中的两种策略》。 [37]蔡元培（一八六八——一九四○），浙江绍兴人，中国民主革命家、教育家。一九一六年出任北京大学校长。一九二八年任中央研究院院长。一九三一年九一八事变后主张抗日，同宋庆龄、鲁迅等发起组织中国民权保障同盟，任副主席。曾为复社一九三八年出版的《鲁迅全集》作《鲁迅先生全集序》。 [38]见《列子·汤问》。