Chapter 29 Reading the Talk of the Soviet Union's "Textbook of Political Economy" [1] (Excerpt)-2

4. SOME PROBLEMS ON POLITICAL ECONOMY We should use the balance and imbalance between the productive forces and the relations of production, and between the relations of production and the superstructure as guidelines for studying economic problems in socialist society.The main object of political economics research is the relations of production, but to study the relations of production clearly, it is necessary to study the productive forces on the one hand and the positive and negative effects of the superstructure on the relations of production on the other hand.The book mentions countries but does not examine them, which is one of the shortcomings of the book.Of course, in the study of political economy, the two aspects of productivity and superstructure should not be overdeveloped.If the study of productive forces is too developed, it will become natural science and technical science; if the study of superstructure is too developed, it will become the theory of class struggle and the theory of the state.Among the three components of Marxism, the scientific socialism part studies the theory of class struggle, state theory, party theory, strategic tactics, and so on.

The contradictions and imbalances between the productive forces and the relations of production, between the relations of production and the superstructure are absolute.The superstructure adapts to the relations of production, and the relations of production adapt to the productive forces, or in other words, the balance between them is always relative.Balance and imbalance are the two sides of the contradiction. Unbalance is absolute, while balance is relative.If there is only balance and no imbalance, the productive forces, production relations, and superstructure cannot develop, and they will be fixed.Contradictions, struggles, and disintegration are absolute, while unity, agreement, and solidarity are relative and conditional.With such a point of view, we can correctly understand our society and other things; without such a point of view, our understanding will be stagnant and rigid.

From the perspective of world history, the bourgeois industrial revolution[48] was not before the bourgeoisie established its own country, but after it; the great development of capitalist production relations was not before the superstructure revolution, but after this.It is first to change the superstructure, improve the relations of production, and get on the track. Only then has the road been opened for the great development of productive forces and the conditions for the strengthening of the material base have been prepared.Of course, the revolution in the relations of production is brought about by a certain development of the productive forces.However, the great development of productive forces is always after changes in production relations.Taking the history of the development of capitalism as an example, as Marx said, simple collaboration creates a productive force[49].The handicraft workshop is such a simple cooperation, and on the basis of this cooperation, the production relations of the first stage of capitalist development are produced.Manufacture is capitalism without machine production.These capitalist relations of production created a need for improved technology, which opened the way for the introduction of machinery.In Britain, the Industrial Revolution (from the end of the 18th century to the beginning of the 19th century) came after the bourgeois revolution (the 17th century).In France, Germany, the United States, and Japan, capitalist industry developed greatly after going through different forms and changing the superstructure and production relations.

First create public opinion, seize political power, then solve the ownership problem, and then greatly develop the productive forces, this is a general rule.Before the proletarian revolution seized power, socialist production relations did not exist, while capitalist production relations had initially grown up in feudal society.In this respect, the proletarian revolution differs from the bourgeois revolution.However, this general law is applicable to both the proletarian revolution and the bourgeois revolution, and they are basically the same. It is incomplete to say that the development of large-scale industry is the basis for the socialist transformation of the economy.The history of all revolutions proves that it is not first to have fully developed new productive forces, and then to transform backward production relations, but to first create public opinion, carry out a revolution, and seize political power before the old production relations can be eliminated.The old production relations are eliminated and new production relations are established, thus opening the way for the development of new productive forces.

The textbook here admits the existence of the contradiction between production relations and productive forces in a socialist society, and also talks about overcoming this contradiction, but it does not admit that contradiction is the driving force. This paragraph [50] says that criticism and self-criticism are a powerful driving force for the development of a socialist society, which is inappropriate.Contradiction is the driving force, and criticism and self-criticism are the methods to resolve contradictions. This paragraph[51] only mentions that the characteristics of a socialist society are "unity and stability" and does not mention the contradictions within a socialist society; it does not mention that spiritual and political unity is a powerful driving force for social development in a socialist country. Social contradictions are the driving force of social development.In this way, the law of the universality of contradiction is negated in them, and dialectics is interrupted in them.Without contradiction there is no movement.Society always develops in motion.In the era of socialism, contradictions are still the driving force for the development of social movements.Because of disagreement, there is the task of unity and the need to struggle for unity.If there is always perfect unity, why is there any need for constant work of unity?

"One of the decisive factors", "one of the fundamental methods" [52], this formulation can be approved.But as a decisive driving force, it is wrong.It is necessary to ensure that people are fed, and then people can continue to produce.It will not work without this one.Material interests are an important principle, but they are not the only principle. There are always other principles. Isn’t the principle of “spiritual encouragement” often mentioned in textbooks? At the same time, material interests cannot only focus on personal interests, temporary interests, and local interests. , should also focus on collective interests, long-term interests, and overall interests, and that individual interests should be subordinated to collective interests, temporary interests should be subordinated to long-term interests, and local interests should be subordinated to overall interests.They are now emphasizing personal, temporary, and local interests, not collective, long-term, and overall interests.

We must educate the people, not for the individual, but for the collective, for future generations, and for the future of society.Let the people have such a consciousness.Textbooks do not always emphasize the future and future generations, but only emphasize personal material interests.Often the principle of material interests is suddenly changed into the principle of personal material interests, which is a bit of a smuggling.They don't say that if the interests of the whole people are settled, the interests of individuals will also be resolved; the material interests of individuals they emphasize are actually short-sighted individualism.This tendency is the expression of Economism and Syndicalism[53] among the ranks of the proletariat during the capitalist period during the socialist period.Many bourgeois revolutionaries died heroically in history, not for their own immediate interests, but for the interests of their own class and the interests of the descendants of this class.

The public is for the private, and the private is for the public.Public and private are the unity of opposites. There cannot be public without selfishness, and neither can private without publicity.We have always talked about taking into account both public and private interests. We have long said that there is no such thing as impartiality, and we have also said that public affairs should be prioritized before private interests.An individual is a member of a collective, and when collective interests increase, individual interests also improve. Regarding the relationship between people in labor production, the Soviet textbook only has one empty sentence, that is, the relationship between people under the socialist system is a "comrade-like relationship of mutual assistance and cooperation" [54].This sentence is correct, but there is no development, no analysis, and no contact with substantive issues.Textbooks do not write articles in this regard.After the ownership issue is basically resolved, the most important issue is management, that is, how to manage enterprises owned by the whole people, and how to manage enterprises owned by collectives, which is the relationship between people.There is a lot to do in this regard.Of course, enterprises owned by the whole people and collectively owned enterprises have their own changes and developments in terms of ownership.However, the transformation of the ownership system always has a bottom within a certain period of time and cannot be unlimited.For example, after the transition from collective ownership to ownership by the whole people, its nature will always remain socialist ownership by the whole people for a long period of time.Of course, there will be a transition from socialist ownership by the whole people to communist ownership by the whole people in the future. After reaching this stage, its nature will not change much for a certain period of time.However, within a certain period of time, that is, during a period when the nature of ownership is relatively stable, the relationship between people in labor production cannot but be constantly changing.For example, our state-owned enterprises have always been in the nature of socialist ownership by the whole people after liberation, but in the past ten years, the relationship between people in labor and production has changed a lot.In this regard, we have done a lot of articles.Leaders are required to adopt an equal attitude towards others; rectification once a year or two years; large-scale cooperation; in the management of enterprises, a combination of centralized leadership and mass movements, a combination of workers, leading cadres and technical personnel, cadres participating in labor, Workers participate in management, constantly reform unreasonable rules and regulations, and so on.These aspects belong to the relationship between people in labor production.Whether this relationship changes or does not change has a direct impact on promoting or hindering the development of productive forces.

The relationship between people in labor production is also a production relationship.Here, for example, leaders appear as ordinary laborers, treat people with an equal attitude, improve rules and regulations, cadres participate in labor, workers participate in management, the combination of leaders, workers and technical personnel, etc. There are many articles to be done.The relations of production include the ownership of the means of production, the relationship between people in labor production, and the distribution system.The revolution in ownership has a bottom line for a certain period of time. For example, after the transition from collective ownership to ownership by the whole people, and after the entire national economy has become a single ownership by the whole people, it will remain under the ownership of the whole people for quite a long time.However, it is hard to say what is the basis for the mutual relationship between people in the production and distribution of labor, which must be continuously improved.The public ownership system in the primitive society lasted for a long time, with the same nature for tens of thousands of years, but there were many changes in the mutual relationship between people in labor production.It can be imagined that after the realization of communism in the world in the future, there will be infinite changes in the mutual relationship between people in the production and distribution of labor, but there will not be much change in terms of ownership.

Regarding the distribution of products, the textbooks in the Soviet Union were the worst, and they had to be rewritten and written in a different way.Hard work should be emphasized, the expansion of reproduction should be emphasized, the future and prospects of communism should be emphasized, and the people should be educated with communist ideals.It is necessary to emphasize that individual interests are subject to collective interests, partial interests are subject to overall interests, and immediate interests are subject to long-term interests.It is necessary to give consideration to the country, the collective and the individual, put the interests of the country and the collective first, and not put personal interests first.We can't emphasize personal material interests like they do, and we can't lead people to the road of "a lover, a villa, a car, a piano, and a TV" that are for the individual and not for the society. "A journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step." If you only see the first step and don't think about the future or the prospect, then what interest and enthusiasm is there for traveling a thousand miles?

The needs of the people are gradually met. In a communist society, distribution according to needs is implemented, and needs cannot be fully satisfied at once, because needs are constantly being created.Take the past as an example, without words, people would have no need for stationery, and with the creation of words, people's needs for stationery were also created.Taking the present as an example, since the television was invented, people's needs for it have also been raised. The needs of people's lives are constantly increasing.Need stimulates the continuous development of production, and production constantly creates new needs.People's demand for food cannot always be unlimited in quantity, but it can also vary in variety. Distribution according to work, commodity production, the law of value, etc. in a socialist society are now suitable for the development of productive forces. Breakthroughs, one day they will complete their own destiny.Can it be said that the economic categories in a socialist society are all permanent? Can it be said that the categories of distribution according to work are permanent, rather than historical categories like other categories? Writing a textbook on the political economy of socialism and communism is still a difficult task.Only with Britain, a typical example of mature capitalism, could Marx write Das Kapital.The history of socialist society is only more than forty years, and the development of socialist society is still immature, and it is still far from the advanced stage of communism.Now it is necessary to write a mature socialist communist political economy textbook, which is still limited by social practice. How to write a textbook of socialist political economy? Where should one start? This question is worthy of study. If we write about socialist political economy, we can also start from ownership.First write about the transformation of private ownership of the means of production into public ownership of the means of production, transforming bureaucratic capitalist private ownership and national capitalist private ownership into socialist public ownership; changing landlord private land ownership into individual peasant private ownership, and then into socialist collective ownership; For the socialist collective ownership.Then, write about the contradiction between the two kinds of socialist public ownership, and the development trend and solution of this contradiction, and how the socialist collective ownership transitions to the socialist ownership by the whole people.Collective ownership itself has a process of change and transformation, and ownership by the whole people also has a process of change and transformation, such as decentralization of the system, hierarchical management, and enterprise autonomy.In our case, all enterprises are owned by the whole people, but some are directly managed by the central government, some are managed by provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions, some are managed by regions, and some are managed by counties.They are all owned by the whole people, who manages them, and which level manages them. As long as there is only one initiative or two enthusiasms, this is a big problem, and it is very important to always pay attention to solving it in the process of socialist construction throughout the socialist period. question.Some of the enterprises managed by the people's communes are half-national and half-collective.Enterprises managed by central departments and local governments at various levels are under unified leadership and planning, and have a certain degree of autonomy.Whether or not such autonomy exists has a great bearing on promoting or hindering the development of production. It cannot be said that this book has no Marxism at all, because many viewpoints in the book are Marxist; nor can it be said that it is completely Marxist, because many viewpoints in the book deviate from Marxism.In particular, the writing method is not good. It does not start from the contradiction between productivity and production relations, the contradiction between the economic base and the superstructure to study the problem, and does not draw conclusions naturally from the historical narrative and analysis, but proceeds from the law and deduces it. This textbook only talks about the material premises and rarely touches on the superstructure, namely: the class state, the class philosophy, and the class science.The research object of political economy is mainly the relations of production, but it is difficult to distinguish between political economy and historical materialism.It is not easy to clarify the question of the economic base, that is, the relations of production, without dealing with the question of the superstructure. Another shortcoming of this book is that it defines first and does not make sense.Definition is the result of analysis, not the starting point of analysis.Research questions should begin with historical analysis.However, it is always a great credit to have produced a book of socialist political economy, no matter how many problems there are. The book is poorly written, always starting with the concept.To study problems, we must start from the phenomena that people can see and touch, and study the essence hidden behind the phenomena, so as to expose the contradictions in the essence of objective things. The analysis of the capitalist economy in "Das Kapital" uses this method, always starts from the phenomenon, finds out the essence, and then uses the essence to explain the phenomenon, so it can outline the essence.Textbooks do not start with analysis of problems, but always start with laws, principles, and definitions. This is a method that Marxism has always opposed.Principles and principles are results, which can only be obtained through analysis and research.Human cognition always comes into contact with phenomena first, and finds principles and principles through phenomena.The textbook, on the contrary, uses a method that is not analytical but deductive.Formal logic says that everyone is going to die, and Zhang San is a human being, so Zhang San is going to die.Here, everyone must die is the major premise.Textbooks always define each problem first, and then use this definition as a major premise to perform deduction to prove what they want to say.They don't understand that the major premise should also be the result of research, and it must be proved to be correct after specific analysis. The way the textbook is written is not from a high-rise building, powerful, unconvincing, unattractive, and uninteresting to read. One can tell at a glance that it was written by some scholars who only write articles and have no practical experience.This book speaks the words of scholars, not revolutionaries.Those who do practical work do not have the ability to generalize, and are not good at using concepts and logic; while those who do theoretical work have no practical experience and do not understand economic practice.Two kinds of people, two aspects - theory and practice are not combined.At the same time the authors have no dialectics.It is impossible for a writer without a philosopher's mind to write good economics.Marx was able to write "Das Kapital" and Lenin was able to write "Imperialism" because they were philosophers at the same time, with a philosopher's mind and the weapon of dialectics. Published based on the transcript of the conversation kept by the Central Archives. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1] During the first Zhengzhou meeting in November 1958, in order to make leading cadres at all levels understand more about the basic economic theory of Marxism, so as to better understand and correct some erroneous tendencies that appeared at that time, Mao Zedong gave Members of the party committees at the central, provincial, prefectural, and county levels wrote letters, suggesting that they read Stalin's "Economic Problems of Socialism in the Soviet Union" and "Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin on Communist Society." textbook".Later, at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Mao Zedong reiterated this request.When the Lushan Conference was held in 1959, Mao Zedong proposed eighteen issues for discussion. The first issue was "reading", which included requiring leading cadres at all levels to read the Soviet Union's "Textbook of Political Economy".From the winter of 1959 to the spring of 1960, Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, and Zhou Enlai organized reading groups respectively.The reading group organized by Mao Zedong included Chen Boda, Hu Sheng, Deng Liqun, Tian Jiaying and others.This reading group, from December 10, 1959 to February 9, 1960, was in Hangzhou, Shanghai and Guangzhou successively, and adopted the method of reading while discussing, and read through the "The Economic Research Institute of the Soviet Academy of Sciences" compiled by the Institute of Economics of the Soviet Academy of Sciences. Political Economy Textbook "Volume 2 of the Revised Third Edition (People's Publishing House, 1959 edition), Mao Zedong made many speeches. [2] See the postscript of the second edition of the first volume of Marx's "Das Kapital".The original text is: "ideal things are nothing but material things that have been transferred into and transformed in people's minds." (Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Volume 2, People's Publishing House, 1995 edition, p. [3] The passage containing this quotation in the "Textbook" is: "With the elimination of capitalism and the socialist publicization of the means of production, people become the masters of their own social and economic relations. After people understand the objective laws, they can fully Consciously grasp and use these laws to benefit the society as a whole." (Soviet "Textbook of Political Economy", Revised Third Edition Volume 2, People's Publishing House, 1959 edition, p. 446) [4] See Stalin's "Economic Problems of Socialism in the Soviet Union".The original text is: "Under the socialist system, there is usually no conflict between production relations and productive forces. It is possible for society to adapt the outdated production relations to the nature of productive forces in time. This is possible in a socialist society because There are no decaying classes in this society that can organize resistance. Of course, even under socialism, there will be backward and inert forces that do not understand the need for changes in production relations, but such forces, of course, are not difficult overcome, so as not to bring things to the point of conflict." ("Selected Works of Stalin", Volume 2, People's Publishing House, 1979 edition, p. 577) [5] Refers to the following paragraph in the "Textbook": "However, unlike the social formation based on exploitation, under the socialist system, this contradiction is not an antagonistic and irreconcilable contradiction. Therefore, things will not be messed up. to the point where conflicts such as economic crisis, class struggle and social revolution occur. These contradictions are contradictions in development, and contradictions in society on the road of gradual transition from socialism to communism. A socialist country that fully understands the laws of social and economic development , relying on the active activities of the masses—the builders of communism, the resulting contradictions can be overcome in a timely manner, because under socialism, there is no class that strives to preserve the decadent economic relations, and it conducts conscious and planned leadership over social development.” (Soviet "Political Economy Textbook" Revised Third Edition Volume 2, People's Publishing House, 1959 Edition, p. 444) [6] That is, "Two Strategies of the Social Democratic Party in the Democratic Revolution". [7] That is, "imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism".In the Chinese translation published in China, the title of the book was once translated as "On Imperialism". [8] The Encyclopedia School is a faction formed by some French Enlightenment thinkers in the process of compiling the Encyclopedia in the eighteenth century.Its core is the materialists headed by editor-in-chief Diderot. Their basic political tendency is to oppose the feudal privilege system and the Catholic Church, advocating that all systems and concepts should be criticized and weighed in a rational trial court. [9] The Bolshevik Party, the predecessor of the former Communist Party of the Soviet Union, was formally established in 1912. [10] The Cadet Party, also known as the People's Liberal Party, was established in 1905 as a liberal bourgeois political party in Russia.Advocating a constitutional monarchy and supporting the tsarist regime. [11] The two passages in the "Textbook" that contain this quotation are: "The Chinese Communist Party creatively applies the principles of Marxism-Leninism, skillfully uses the existing domestic The bourgeoisie formed an alliance to carry out the objective possibility of peaceful socialist economic transformation." "This alliance was formed by the characteristics of the Chinese revolution, the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist nature of the Chinese revolution, and the concern for opposing international imperialism and its influence in China. It was determined by the status of the Chinese national bourgeoisie in the struggle for the rule of lackeys. This alliance was produced under the conditions that the landlord class and the comprador bourgeoisie were crushed." People's Publishing House, 1959 edition, pages 419-420) [12] Soong Ching Ling (1893-1981), a native of Wenchang, Guangdong (now part of Hainan), a leftist political activist of the Kuomintang, and Mrs. Sun Yat-sen.After Sun Yat-sen passed away in 1925, he continued to adhere to the three major policies of allying with Russia, allying with the Communist Party, and supporting farmers and workers.After Chiang Kai-shek betrayed the revolution in 1927, he issued a statement severely condemning Chiang Kai-shek's betrayal.He Xiangning (1878-1972), a native of Nanhai, Guangdong, a leftist political activist of the Kuomintang, and Mrs. Liao Zhongkai.In 1924, he served as an executive member of the Central Committee of the Kuomintang and Minister of Women.After Chiang Kai-shek betrayed the revolution in 1927, he resigned from all positions in the Kuomintang government and waged unremitting struggles against the Kuomintang reactionaries. [13] On September 18, 1931, the so-called "Kwantung Army" stationed in Northeast China by Japan attacked Shenyang. The Chinese people used to call this Japanese aggression the September 18th Incident.After the incident, the Chinese troops stationed in Shenyang and Northeast China carried out Chiang Kai-shek's order not to resist, which enabled the Japanese army to quickly occupy the three provinces of Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang. [14] Yang Xingfo (1893-1933), born in Qingjiang (now Zhangshu), Jiangxi.In 1925, he followed Sun Yat-sen to the north and served as secretary.Later, he served as the dean of the School of Engineering of Southeast University and the director-general of the Academia Sinica of the Kuomintang government.After the September 18th Incident, he actively participated in anti-Japanese and national salvation activities.In 1932, together with Soong Ching Ling, Cai Yuanpei, Lu Xun, etc., he initiated and organized the China Civil Rights Protection League in Shanghai, served as the general director, and carried out progressive activities against Chiang Kai-shek and Japan.On June 18, 1933, he was assassinated by Kuomintang agents.Shi Liangcai (1880-1934) was born in Qingpu, Jiangsu (now part of Shanghai).Since 1913, he has been the general manager of "Shenbao". He adopted a pro-Chiang stance in the early days of Chiang Kai-shek's rule. After the September 18th Incident, his political attitude gradually changed.During the 128 Anti-Japanese War in Shanghai, he donated money to support the Anti-Japanese War and served as the president of the Shanghai Local Association of Anti-Japanese Mass Organizations. Later, he actively supported the China Civil Rights Protection League.On November 13, 1934, he was assassinated by Kuomintang agents. [15] The Third International, the Communist International, was founded in March 1919 under the leadership of Lenin.In 1922, the Communist Party of China joined the Communist International and became a branch of it.In May 1943, the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International passed a decision proposing to dissolve the Communist International. In June, the Communist International officially announced its dissolution. [16] See "Resolution on the Chinese Question of the Eighth Plenary Session of the Executive Committee of the Communist International" (May 1927).The original text reads: "The crisis of the Chinese revolution and the current combination of social class forces illustrate and confirm that the bourgeois-democratic revolution against the feudal system (peasant revolutions belong to it, and only then can we speak of the struggle against imperialism) It can only be accomplished in the struggle of the already counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. A thorough struggle for national freedom not only does not conflict with the demands of developing the mass movement of workers and peasants or the agrarian revolution, but also directly serves as the expansion of the revolutionary movement of the masses at the bottom to overthrow imperialism. premise." [17] The Lisan line refers to the "Left" adventurism mistakes represented by Li Lisan during the Second Civil Revolutionary War.On June 11, 1930, under the chairmanship of Li Lisan, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China passed the resolution "A New Revolutionary Upsurge and the First Victory of a Province or Several Provinces", forming the "Left" adventure represented by him. Doctrine error.Not long after, Li Lisan formulated an adventurous plan to organize an armed uprising in central cities across the country with Wuhan as the center and to concentrate the national Red Army to attack the central cities. He then merged the leading organs at all levels of the Party, Youth League, and trade unions into various organizations preparing for the armed uprising. Action committees at the top level brought all regular work to a standstill.In September of the same year, the Communist Party of China held the Third Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee, which corrected Li Lisan's "Left" adventurism mistakes. [18] The passage containing this quotation in the "Textbook" is: "Under modern conditions, when a strong socialist camp has formed, the general crisis of capitalism has further deepened, the colonial system has further disintegrated, socialism, democracy and peace Under the condition that the ideas of the Communist Party of China are extremely attractive to all working human beings, in some capitalist countries and former colonial countries, it is possible for the working class to peacefully take power through parliaments. In these countries, If the working class unites the overwhelming majority of the people—the working peasants, the petty bourgeoisie, the vast strata of the intellectuals, and all the patriotic forces in the country—under its leadership, and resolutely fights back against the opportunists, it will be It is possible to defeat the reactionary and anti-popular forces, obtain a stable majority in the parliament, and transform the parliament from an organ of bourgeois power into an organ of people's and workers' power, and into an instrument of working people's democracy. This depends on the proletariat A real people's parliament with the revolutionary movement of the working masses will be able to successfully solve the fundamental tasks of the socialist revolution, including the task of turning the basic means of production into the property of the people." (Soviet "Textbook of Political Economy" revised third Edition 2, People's Publishing House, 1959 edition, page 330) [19] After the February Revolution in Russia in 1917, there was a situation where the bourgeois provisional government and the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies coexisted.The Provisional Government pursued a counter-revolutionary and anti-people policy.On July 16, the revolutionary masses held demonstrations and demanded that the Soviet of Workers and Soldiers' Deputies formally seize power.The Bolshevik Party believed that it was not yet ripe to seize power by force, and after trying their best to dissuade them, they decided to participate in the demonstration.On July 17, 500,000 workers, soldiers and sailors in Petrograd held demonstrations, demanding that all power be returned to the Soviets.The provisional government dispatched troops to massacre the demonstrators, killing and injuring more than 400 people. At the same time, they arrested and killed Bolsheviks, closed the "Pravda", and disarmed the Red Guards.This event is called the July Incident.After that, the coexistence of the two regimes ended. [20] "Three Antis" refers to the struggle against corruption, waste, and bureaucracy carried out in state organs, military forces, and state-owned enterprises from December 1951 to October 1952. The "Five Antis" refers to the struggle launched in capitalist industry and commerce across the country in 1952 against bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cutting corners, and theft of economic intelligence. [21] See Lenin's "The Third International and Its Place in History" (Volume 3 of "Selected Works of Lenin", People's Publishing House, 1995 edition, pages 789-797). [22] Refers to the following passage in the "Textbook": "In some countries, with the overthrow of the political rule of the exploiting classes, the revolution immediately takes on a socialist character. This was the case in Russia in October 1917, when the In the course of the revolution, the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic revolution were thoroughly solved at the same time. In other countries that broke away from the capitalist system, the tasks of democracy in general were mainly solved at first. At the same time, in many cases, the revolution in the initial stage was mainly The bourgeois-democratic nature only gradually developed into a socialist revolution later. This depends on the level of capitalist development in each country, the existence of pre-capitalist forms, the relationship of class forces, the political situation, etc. "(Soviet "Political Economics Textbook" Revised Third Edition Volume 2, People's Publishing House, 1959 Edition, pp. 330-331) [23] "Common Program", that is, "Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference", adopted by the first plenary session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference on September 29, 1949.Before the promulgation of the "Constitution of the People's Republic of China" in 1954, it played the role of an interim constitution. [24] Fixed interest, see note [5] on page 46 of this volume. [25] Refers to the following passage in the "Textbook": "In order for the socialist revolution to be victorious in Russia, at least a moderate level of capitalist development is required. This is because Russia is the only country where the dictatorship of the proletariat exists. When the Soviet Union has already won victory and the world socialist economic system has taken shape, countries with underdeveloped capitalism and pre-capitalist economic forms can also successfully solve social problems with the help of advanced socialist countries. The task of socialist revolution." (Soviet "Textbook of Political Economy" Revised Third Edition Volume 2, People's Publishing House, 1959 edition, p. 331) [26] See Lenin's "On Grain Tax" (Volume 4 of "Selected Works of Lenin", People's Publishing House, 1995 edition, pages 488-525). [27] The passage in the "Textbook" that contains this quotation is: "At the same time, it must be noted that although the socialist revolution in all countries is consistent in the main and basic These forms and methods are produced by the historical, ethnic, economic, political and cultural conditions of the development of each country, the traditions of the people, and the international environment of a certain period. " (Soviet "Political Economy Textbook" Revised Third Edition Volume 2, People's Publishing House, 1959 Edition, p. 329) [28] Moscow Declaration, see note [5] on page 98 of this volume. [29] The general line for the transitional period was proposed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in 1952 in accordance with Mao Zedong's suggestion.The "Outline for the Study and Propaganda of the Party's General Line in the Transition Period" approved by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in December 1953 stated the general line as follows: "From the founding of the People's Republic of China to the basic completion of socialist transformation, this is a Transitional period. The general line and general task of the Party in this transitional period is to gradually realize the socialist industrialization of the country and the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts and capitalist industry and commerce by the country over a fairly long period of time. This general line is the lighthouse that illuminates all our work, and every work that departs from it will make right or 'left' mistakes." [30] The first five-year plan is the abbreviation of the first five-year plan for the development of the national economy of the People's Republic of China from 1953 to 1957.The preparation of this plan began in 1951, lasted four years, and changed its draft five times. It was officially approved by the Second Session of the First National People's Congress in July 1955.As a result of implementation, by 1956, the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts, and capitalist industry and commerce had been basically completed, and a basic socialist economic system had been established;建设任务也胜利实现，许多指标超额完成，这就为国家工业化打下了初步基础，同时人民生活也得到了很大改善。 [31]指一九五八年五月五日至二十三日在北京召开的中国共产党第八次全国代表大会第二次会议通过的“鼓足干劲、力争上游、多快好省地建设社会主义”的总路线。 [32]《论十大关系》，见本书第七卷第23－44页。 [33]指斯大林《在莫斯科市斯大林选区选举前的选民大会上的演说》（《斯大林选集》下卷，人民出版社1979年版，第488页）。 [34]指《一九五六年到一九六七年全国农业发展纲要（草案）》。这个草案是中共中央提出的，一九五六年一月公布。一九五七年十月公布修正草案。后又经修改，于一九六○年四月第二届全国人民代表大会第二次会议通过后作为正式文件颁发。纲要全文共四十条，提出了我国农业、畜牧业、林业、渔业、副业以及农村商业、信贷、交通、邮电、广播、科学、文化、教育、卫生等方面的发展规划。 [35]见恩格斯《社会主义从空想到科学的发展》。原文是：“无产阶级革命，矛盾的解决：无产阶级将取得公共权力，并且利用这个权力把脱离资产阶级掌握的社会生产资料变为公共财产。通过这个行动，无产阶级使生产资料摆脱了它们迄今具有的资本属性，使它们的社会性有充分的自由得以实现。从此按照预定计划进行的社会生产就成为可能的了。”（《马克思恩格斯选集》第3卷，人民出版社1995年版，第759页） [36]《教科书》中包含这个引文的那段话是：“由于生产资料的公有化，社会主义国民经济各部门间生产资料和劳动力分配的必要比例是有计划地实现的。自发性和自流性是同生产资料公有制的存在不相容的。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第465页） [37]指《教科书》中以下一段话：“社会主义计划化建立在严格的科学基础上，它要求经常总结共产主义建设的实践，利用科学技术的一切成就。用计划来指导国民经济，这就是预见。科学的预见基于对客观的经济规律的认识，并根据社会物质生活发展的业已成熟的需要。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第472页） [38]见《孟子·膝文公上》。原文是：“夫物之不齐，物之情也。” [39]指《教科书》中以下一段话：“在资本主义制度下，技术的发展极不平衡，必然加深生产中的比例失调现象，与此相反，社会主义计划经济保证根据国民经济的需要有计划地发展科学和技术。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第482页） [40]指《教科书》中以下一段话：“生产资料生产的优先增长意味着工业的发展快于农业。在社会主义制度下，工业和农业间的比例，要在更迅速地发展工业的基础上，保证农业生产的不断增长。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第623页） [41]《教科书》中包含这个引文的那段话是：“列宁的社会主义建设计划是以尽力发展国营工业和农民经济之间的经济联系为前提的。从小农经济的性质看来，农民迫切需要的同城市进行经济联系的形式是通过买卖的交换。在过渡时期，国营工业和小农经济之间的商业结合是经济的必然性。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第346页） [42]指《教科书》中以下一段话：“国家的工业化是在生产资料的生产比消费品的生产优先增长的规律作用的基础上实现的。生产资料生产的发展为制造消费品部门的发展、为提高人民的福利创造前提。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第365页） [43]《关于农业合作化问题》，见本书第六卷第418－442页。 [44]指《教科书》中以下一句话：“为了防止和消除国民经济中的个别比例失调现象，社会主义国家建立了必要的后备。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第627页） [45]《教科书》中包含这个引文的那段话是：“同时，社会主义的分工可以使各个国家作为世界社会主义体系的平等成员，彼此取长补短，因而有可能节约财力和人力，消除国民经济中个别部门的不必要的平行发展，以加快各国经济发展的速度。每个国家都可以集中自己的人力财力来发展在本国有最有利的自然条件和经济条件、有生产经验和干部的部门。而且个别国家可以不必生产能靠其他国家供应来满足需要的产品。这样就可以在工业中达到合理的生产专业化和协作化，在粮食和原料生产上达到最适当的分工。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第659页） [46]见列宁《全俄中央执行委员会会议文献》中的《答左派社会革命党人的质问》。新的译文是：“生气勃勃的创造性的社会主义是由人民群众自己创立的。”（《列宁全集》第33卷，人民出版社1985年版，第53页） [47]指《教科书》中以下一段话：“由于剥削的消灭，脑力劳动者和体力劳动者之间的关系根本改变了。资本主义所特有的工人和企业领导人员间的利益对立消失了。在社会主义制度下，体力劳动者和企业领导人员是统一的生产集体的成员，他们都极其关心生产的发展和改进。由此就产生出体力劳动者和脑力劳动者旨在不断改进生产的创造性的合作。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第500页） [48]资产阶级工业革命，即产业革命。指十七至十八世纪英国资本主义从以手工技术为基础的手工业工场过渡到采用机器的工厂制度的过程。 [49]见马克思《资本论》。原文是：“通过协作提高了个人生产力，而且是创造了一种生产力，这种生产力本身必然是集体力。”（《马克思恩格斯全集》第23卷，人民出版社1972年版，第362页） [50]指《教科书》中以下一段话：“批评和自我批评是社会主义制度下新旧斗争的基本形式之一，是社会主义社会发展的强大动力。批评和自我批评可以在发挥人民群众的积极性的基础上，揭露和消灭工作中的缺点和困难，铲除一切官僚主义现象，发现加速经济发展的新的潜力，从而克服社会主义社会的矛盾。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第453页） [51]指《教科书》中以下一段话：“随着社会主义的胜利和人剥削人的现象的消灭，苏联没有对抗性的阶级了，没有不可调和的阶级矛盾了。社会主义社会的阶级关系是以工人阶级、农民、知识分子的牢不可破的友谊和同志式的合作为特征的。工人阶级和农民间的阶级差别，同这两个阶级和知识分子之间的差别一样，日渐消失。可是资本主义社会却被阶级对抗和民族对抗弄得四分五裂，很不稳定；而社会主义社会根本就没有阶级对抗和民族对抗，它的特点是团结一致，十分稳定。公有制和社会主义的经济体系在苏联的统治地位，是社会主义社会的精神上政治上的一致、各族人民的友谊、苏维埃爱国主义这些强大的社会发展动力赖以发挥的经济基础。而这些动力又反过来给予经济很大的影响，加速经济的发展。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第413页） [52]《教科书》中包含这个引文的那段话是：“在社会主义阶段，使工作者从个人的物质利益上关心劳动结果是刺激生产发展的决定因素之一。保证这种关心的，是工作者的报酬以他的劳动数量和质量为转移。利用每个工作者从物质利益上对劳动结果的关心是社会主义经营的根本方法之一。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第487页） [53]经济主义，是十九世纪末二十世纪初俄国社会民主工党内的一种机会主义思潮。主要代表人物有普罗柯波维奇、库斯柯娃。经济主义反对工人阶级提出自己的政治要求，认为工人阶级只应当以罢工为手段，去进行争取改善经济状况和切身利益的斗争，否认无产阶级政党及其领导作用。工团主义，是国际工人运动中的一种小资产阶级机会主义思潮。二十世纪初在法国、意大利、西班牙、瑞士等地流传很广。主要代表人物有法国索烈尔、拉加德尔。工团主义反对政治斗争，否定无产阶级政党的领导作用，否定无产阶级革命和无产阶级专政，宣传工会高于一切和管理一切，幻想以工会代替国家机构。 [54]《教科书》中这句话的原文是：“社会主义企业生产者之间的社会关系，是同志式的合作和社会主义的互助关系。”（苏联《政治经济学教科书》修订第三版下册，人民出版社1959年版，第442页）