Chapter 15 Relevant policies after suppressing the rebellion in Tibet[1]

(May 7, 1959) It now appears that the masses in Tibet warmly welcome the quelling of the rebellion.These rebels wanted to eat and wear clothes, and looted the common people everywhere. They were very divorced from the masses.The masses are very supportive of the People's Liberation Army, and support the People's Liberation Army to completely quell the rebellion. Suokang, Pala[2] and others launched a rebellion. They miscalculated the situation, and miscalculated our policy and policy towards Tibet.As you know, our policy is not to reform for six years. Whether to reform after six years can also be decided according to the situation.After deciding not to reform for six years, we withdrew more than 30,000 troops from Tibet. The purpose of this was to unite them and make them progress.However, they took advantage of this situation and organized some rebels from Xikang [3] to launch rebellions in Shannan and other places.

The purpose of their rebellion, the first step is to drive away the People's Liberation Army and scare us away.They don't understand our guidelines, policies and the combat effectiveness of the People's Liberation Army at all.This time to quell the rebellion in Lhasa, it only took ten companies to quell the rebellion in two days and two nights.In Shannan, only four regiments were used.Now the People's Liberation Army has added two and a half divisions in Tibet, one division is in Shannan, the other division is in Qamdo, and half of the divisions maintain the traffic on the Qinghai-Tibet Road.

After the war, we must organize people's self-defense armed forces that are fundamentally different from the original Tibetan army.With the People's Self-Defense Armed Forces, there is no need to station so many troops, lest the Indian government be afraid. Do you have any opinions on the issue of reform in Tibet? Does Tibet need reform? According to the actual situation. I hope that the reform will be carried out as soon as possible.) The specific policies of the reform need to be discussed and determined.I suggest that you discuss it with the Ethnic Affairs Committee and Comrade Zhang Jingwu [4] in Beijing first, and discuss it more specifically after you return to Lhasa.

In my opinion, Tibet can be divided into four types: Left, Center, Right, and Rebels.The so-called "right" refers to those who did not take up guns to participate in the rebellion, nor did they go to India, but their attitude was very stubborn, and they opposed us and opposed reform.Policies should be different for these four types of people. You stand on the side of patriotism and progress, and you are leftists. Don't be afraid that you will have nothing to eat after losing your estate.For leftists and centrists, a policy of redemption should be adopted to ensure that the standard of living will not decrease after the reform.We should treat you in the same way as we treat capitalists in Shanghai, Beijing, Tianjin, Wuhan, Guangzhou, Xi'an, Lanzhou, Chengdu and other big cities across the country, as we treat Rong Yiren[5].Among those present today are members of the National Federation of Industry and Commerce and the Democratic National Construction Association.When they started to accept the socialist transformation, they were also a little uncomfortable, but they gradually got used to it, and now they live a very good life.We have a policy of solid unity with them.

In addition to capitalists, there are also democrats, civil servants and military officials of the Kuomintang government in the past, and even big landlords like Liu Wenhui[6]. Cooperation will not need them in the future.We are a policy of solidarity with all democratic parties, intellectuals and enlightened people across the country.The reason is simple, only by adopting such a policy will it benefit the people of the whole country. You have participated in the National People's Congress and the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference this time.Compared with the meeting in 1954[7], these two meetings, especially the CPPCC meeting, had many more people, and the range of participants expanded.We plan to continue to arrange for some people.

You are different from Sokang and the others, and have adopted a political attitude opposite to theirs.Suokang has been to Beijing, and I have seen them.These people have been with the British for too long, and they are already stuck in it, and they want to be independent.They had planned for a long time, and it was their plan to mobilize the Xikang rebels to establish a base in Shannan.This was also to prepare for retreat, where they would flee after the rebellion failed. They mobilized the rebels in Xikang, we know that.They're going to rebel, and we know it.They made trouble in the past, but we did not try to calm them down. They thought we were afraid.I remember that there was a trend in 1956, when they wanted to start a rebellion.Lama Tiebang [8] wanted to enter the city, so I said, let them enter the city, and let them fight if they want to fight.This time the Xikang rebels entered the city, and Lama Tiebang entered the city. Our attitude is to do whatever we want.What can be done? Make peace with them every day, why don't they do anything! Two opposing political attitudes!

You are different from them and on our side.There are also centrists who are vacillating.There are also rightists who did not fight us.As long as they don't fight with us, there is room for them, and you have to work on them.You work better with the middle and the right than with us. It is difficult to live apart from the people, and you will not suffer from standing on the side of the people.Farmers, how do you say it in Tibetan? (Translation: It’s called “Misai” in Tibetan.) Are you afraid that Misai will fight you? As long as you stand on the side of the people, we can make it clear to Misai not to fight.Liu Wenhui did not fight.We can ask Misai to take care of the overall situation and not settle for old accounts in history.This can provide peace of mind for many.Rightists, it's hard to say whether they want to fight.We regard you as leftists, you can persuade the centrists, tell them that the world is about to change, and ask them to have a better attitude towards Misai.They have three advantages in doing so: first, they have political status; second, they do not degrade their lives; third, they are free from struggle.

Now, you are all state cadres, people's representatives, and vice-chairmen of the National People's Congress, vice-chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and members of the Standing Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. You still have positions and jobs in Tibet.As long as you cooperate with the Tibetan people and talk about democracy, you must have your political status and your life will not be lowered. Just like in the past, this is guaranteed by the central government.Those who had a bad relationship with Misai in the past should improve, like Liu Wenhui, workers and peasants will stop fighting against him.This is the first step, taking the road of democracy.The second step is to take the road of socialism. Han areas and Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang and other minority areas have taken these two steps.Where you take the road of democracy first, and after the war, you will carry out peaceful reforms.

Regarding religion, our policy is very clear, it is the policy of freedom of religious belief.It appears that religious temples also need reform.Some people in the monastery participated in the rebellion and cooperated with the rebels. This happened in Tibet, Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan and other places. In a place in Qinghai, probably Xiangride, a temple was smashed by the masses during the reform, and the cadres tried to stop it, and the masses clashed with the cadres.We have protected the temples in other places.For religious temples, the people's government used to protect them.There are some lama temples in Mount Wutai. During the land reform, the peasants wanted to smash them up. I passed by there and they were stopped.Now, the local people's government is organizing the reconstruction of the smashed temples.

You have to be mentally prepared.After the reform, there may be a period of time when the number of lamas may decrease.Some lamas want to go home, but it's not like they don't believe in Buddhism anymore.Of course, the elderly still prefer to stay in the temple.You need to expand the scope of your work a little bit, and Buddhists who are in the temple and not in the temple are all under your leadership.How to reform religious temples, I think you should consider a way.When the Dalai Lama [9] came to Beijing last time, I had a conversation with him and it was very good.He assured me that he would definitely follow the road of socialism and carry out reforms when he returned home, but it seemed that he was still in a contradiction.People like Suokang, Chijiang[10], and Pala below him are very bad.The Dalai Lama has such a very bad environment.These people pulled him outward and against the central government; on the other hand, he is a smart person, and he can think that after he leaves Tibet, the people, and the motherland, the following articles will not be easy to write.The three letters [11] he wrote to Tan Guansan revealed this idea.

Dalai, now one may come back, and the other may not come back.The air recently released by Indian newspapers is that he wants to come back.However, the Dalai Lama's two statements[12] are completely against the central government, against the big family of the motherland, and demand Tibet's independence.In this way, the way back was blocked by the Dalai Lama himself.As far as I can see, the Dalai Lama's statement is the work of Sokang, Pala and others, and it has been agreed by some people in India.If the Dalai Lama agrees with these two statements, he cannot come back. If he wants to come back, he must change his attitude, stand against the two statements and support the Central Committee.It is very difficult for the Dalai Lama to come out of that environment and leave Suokang, Chijiang, Pala and others. It all depends on his own will and his own way.We left room for that, and elected him as vice-chairman of the National People's Congress, and reserved the seat of chairman of the preparatory committee for the Autonomous Region.If there is room, our attitude is very proactive.Other traitors, they can come back too, but with a change of attitude.Even if you come back, you can’t be a Kalon again[13], otherwise you will be no different from you. Chi Jiang and others committed a crime and were the leaders of the rebellion.We are not going to take the method of killing them, keep their lives, and slowly change their minds.But we can't let them go on doing business, because they are traitors.You should unite well with Ngawang Gyatso, Sherao Gyatso, Huang Zhengqing[14], etc., and for the common purpose, do things well in Tibet.To develop Tibet, population, culture, economy and politics must be developed. All the work expenses of the Tibet Working Committee and the military region are entirely in the charge of the central government, and are not disbursed from Tibet's local fiscal revenue.The central government can still help with things that Tibet is unable to hold.Tibet still has to collect taxes, and the funds of Xika, Zong, Kicha[15] and the autonomous region governments must be maintained by the people. Tibetan people are smart and hardworking.After the reform of the social system, Tibet may develop very quickly.Your career is hopeful and promising.People who go to India have no hope and no future. You can visit all parts of the country, some of you can go back first, and some of you can go back later.In short, the country is changing and developing a lot every year.This year marks the tenth anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China, and in another ten years, we will build even better. You are state cadres, don't just worry about Tibet's affairs, but also care about Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, Chengdu, Xi'an, Lanzhou, and the whole country.You have positions in the central government and often work in Tibet. You can come to Beijing often in the future. You don’t need to stay for a long time, just a few weeks is enough.The transportation is convenient and you can travel more. The Dalai Lama told our comrades that he was worried that his life was in danger.He told Comrade Chen Yi[16] that he was mainly afraid of Sokang and Pala.Dalai knows that the Communist Party will not punish him to death.He is afraid of Sukang because Sukang and others poisoned his father to death.With people like them, the Dalai Lama's life is not guaranteed. The tens of thousands of people who went to India, I think, are going to be divided.Some will resolutely oppose the motherland, and some will feel that there is no way out and hope to return.Of course, it takes time, for example, after ten years, the young and deceived ones will come back.Treat them with a welcoming attitude. Published based on the transcript of the conversation kept by the Central Archives. -------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------ note [1] This is Mao Zedong, Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, Acting Chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region Preparatory Committee Panchen Erdeni Chokyi Gyaltsen, Vice Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Vice Chairman and Secretary General of the Tibet Autonomous Region Preparatory Committee. Conversation between Pei Ngawang Jigme and CPPCC National Committee Member and Standing Committee Member of Tibet Autonomous Region Preparatory Committee Zhandong Jigme. [2] Suokang, that is, Suokang Wangqinggele, see note [8] on page 46 of this volume.Pala, that is, Pala Tudeng Weideng, was a member of the Tibet Autonomous Region Preparatory Committee and one of the instigators of the armed rebellion of the upper-level reactionary group in Tibet in 1959. [3] Xikang, that is, Xikang Province, was revoked in 1955.When revoked, the original jurisdiction was assigned to Sichuan Province. [4] Zhang Jingwu (1906-1971), born in Ling County, Hunan Province (now Yanling County).At that time, he was the secretary of the Tibet Working Committee of the Communist Party of China and the first political commissar of the Tibet Military Region. [5] Rong Yiren, born in 1916, is from Wuxi, Jiangsu.He used to be the general manager of the General Management Office of Shanghai Shenxin Textile Printing and Dyeing Company.At that time, he was the vice mayor of Shanghai and vice chairman of the Shanghai Federation of Industry and Commerce. [6] Liu Wenhui (1895-1976), a native of Dayi, Sichuan.Before liberation, he served as the chairman of the Xikang Provincial Government of the Kuomintang and the director of the provincial party department.In December 1949, an uprising was announced in Peng County, Sichuan.In 1959, he was Minister of Forestry. [7] Refers to the First Session of the First National People's Congress held in Beijing from September 15 to 28, 1954 and the meeting held in Beijing from December 21 to 25 of the same year The first plenary session of the Second National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference was held. [8] Tiebang Lama is a common name for noble monks in Tibetan Buddhist monasteries. [9] The Dalai Lama, the Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso, see note [4] on page 46 of this volume. [10] Chijiang, that is, Chijiang Lobsang Yeshe, was a member of the Tibet Autonomous Region Preparatory Committee.One of the instigators of the armed rebellion of the upper-level reactionary group in Tibet in 1959. [11] See note [11] on page 47 of this volume. [12] Refers to the two statements issued in India in the name of the Dalai Lama on April 18 and 22, 1959, the main content of which was to advocate Tibetan independence. [13] Galon, Tibetan language, former official in charge of the local government of Tibet. [14] Ngawang Gyatso (1894-1968), a native of Ganzi, Sichuan, was the vice president of the Buddhist Association of China and the deputy governor of Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan Province at that time.Xirao Gyatso (1883-1968), a native of Xunhua, Qinghai, was the president of the Chinese Buddhist Association at that time.Huang Zhengqing (1903-1997), born in Lihua (now Litang), Sichuan, whose Tibetan name is Luosang Zewang, was the vice governor of Gansu Province and governor of Gannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture at that time. [15] Xika, Tibetan, the name of a rural grassroots organization below or equivalent to the Dzong of the former Tibetan local government (equivalent to the local administrative division at the county level).Kicha, in Tibetan, was a first-level local administrative official of the former Tibetan local government. He was in charge of various affairs, and his jurisdiction was equivalent to a region. [16] Chen Yi (1901-1972), a native of Lezhi, Sichuan.He was Vice Premier and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the State Council at the time.