Chapter 57 APPENDIX I DEVELOPMENT OF FREE INDUSTRY AND ENTERPRISE

APPENDIX I DEVELOPMENT OF FREE INDUSTRY AND ENTERPRISE Section 1. In the early stages of civilization, which first arose in temperate zones, the role of natural factors was extremely strong. The last section of the first chapter of Part I indicates the purpose of Appendices I and II; we may take it as an introduction to these Appendices. Although the proximate causes of major events in history may be explained by the actions of individual individuals, most of the conditions which make these events possible derive from the influence of traditional institutions, the temperament of the race, and the natural environment.And the temperament of race is mainly formed by personal behavior and material reasons in the long years.Strong races, whether in fact or in name, are often descended from ancestors who are strong in constitution and tough in character.Those factors which make a race great in time of peace as well as in time of war, are often due to the wisdom of a few great thinkers, who have explained and developed its customs and institutions by moral precepts, and perhaps by invisible influences.But these things can do nothing if the climate is unfavorable to the constitution.The bounty of nature, its lands, rivers, and climate, determines the nature of what the race does, and thus, gives certain characteristics to the social and political institutions.

These distinctions were not clearly shown when man was in barbarism.The customs of savage tribes, though we know very little and are not reliable, yet, so far as we know, it is quite certain that they have a general consistency in many different details.Whatever their climate and their ancestry, we find savages living under the dominion of habit and impulse; never carving out new paths for themselves; and though they are governed by habit, they are often capricious by the moment of impulse; sometimes ready for the most arduous endeavors, but unable to persist long in solid work.Heavy tasks are avoided as much as possible; and those unavoidable jobs are performed by women's forced labor.

It is when we pass from the life of savages to early civilizations that we are compelled to pay attention to the influence of the natural environment.This is partly due to the poverty of early history, which tells us little of the course of national progress which directs and manipulates, and the influences of particular events and strong personalities which hasten and retard it.But the main reason is that at this stage of human progress man's ability to fight against nature is weak, and man can do nothing without her bounty. Nature has marked out on the face of the earth a few places specially adapted to man's first separation from barbarism; and it is from the material conditions of these favored areas that the germs of culture and crafts have been nurtured.

Even the simplest civilization is impossible unless man's labor is more than sufficient to furnish his own necessaries; some surplus over the necessaries of life is necessary to maintain the mental labor by which that progress takes place.Almost all ancient civilizations, therefore, arose in temperate climates, where few things were needed to sustain life, and where nature provided rich rewards even for the crudest cultivation.They are often gathered on the banks of great rivers, which irrigate the land and provide convenient transportation.The rulers were generally recent arrivals from distant foreign lands or from the cooler climates of the nearby mountains.For a temperate climate weakens the energies of men; and the strength which makes their government possible comes almost entirely from the milder climate of their native land.They, indeed, preserved the greater part of their energies for several generations in their new lands, while living in luxury on the surplus produce of the conquered peoples; work.At first they were ignorant, but soon learned everything they had to learn from their subjects, and surpassed them.But at this stage of civilization, cultured man is confined to a few rulers, and is almost unique among the toiling masses.

The reason for this is that the same climate that nurtured an early civilization must also have decimated it.In colder climates, nature provides a refreshing atmosphere; though men struggle at first, as their knowledge and wealth increase, they are well-fed; During the first period, people built themselves the large and strong houses most necessary for cultural life in those regions where the severe cold required shelter for almost all domestic and social activities.But that invigorating atmosphere necessary for the abundance of life is utterly unattainable without nature's handouts.Despite the hard manual labor visible in the tropical sun, despite the ingenuity of the artisan, despite the alertness and ingenuity of the sages, statesmen, and bankers, the relentless heat made strenuous, continuous manual labor incompatible with a high degree of cultural activity. .Under the combined influence of climate and luxury, the ruling classes gradually lose their vitality; and fewer and fewer of them can achieve great things.In the end, they were overthrown by powerful peoples, most likely from colder climates.Sometimes they form an intermediate class between those formerly ruled by them and their new rulers; but more often they are lost in the listless mass of the people.

Such civilizations tend to have a lot of interest to historians of philosophy.Its whole life is saturated, almost unconsciously, with a few simple thoughts, woven together in such a harmony that they are as beautiful as an Oriental rug.There must be much to learn from the combined influence of nations, natural circumstances, religion, philosophy, and poetry, and of war and strong individuality, all of which may in many respects be drawn upon by economists; but , which cannot directly illuminate those motives that economists specialize in.For in such a civilization labor is despised by the most able men; there is neither such a steaming free worker nor an adventurous capitalist, and despised labor is regulated by custom, and even Success is the only talisman against tyranny.

The vast majority of habits are undoubtedly only concrete forms of oppression and persecution.But a set of habits which only have the effect of crushing the weak is not long-lived.For the strong live off the weak, and without their support they are helpless; and if they organize social activities which overburden the weak beyond their means, they destroy themselves.Those customs which stand the test of time, therefore, always contain provisions which protect the weak from arbitrary injury. In fact, when the business is carried on so small that there is no room for effective competition, custom is a necessary shield not only against those superior to them, but even against their fellow neighbours.If the country blacksmith cannot sell his plowshares except from his own village, and if that village cannot buy plowshares except from him, it is to everyone's advantage that custom fix an appropriate level of price.In this way, habit becomes sacrosanct.In the early days of progress, nothing tends to destroy that primitive habit which regards the innovator as a heretic or an enemy.Thus the effects of economic causes are thrown into the background, where they are surely but slowly at work.It took centuries, not years, to make their impact.Their operations are so subtle that they are often overlooked, and are hardly perceptible to all but those who know where to look for them, by observing the more pronounced and rapid operation of similar modern causes.

Section 2 The division of ownership strengthens the forces of habit and resists changes of all kinds. This force of custom in early civilizations was both a cause and an effect of the limitation of individual property rights.In all more or less property, especially land, the rights of the individual generally derive from and are bound by those of the family and family (in the narrower sense of the word), and everywhere have to obey them.The rights of the family were likewise subordinated to those of the commune; and the commune, according to legend, if not fact, was often only an enlarged and developed family.

Indeed, in the first stages of civilization there are perhaps very few people who try to break free from the conventions which prevail among men.Notwithstanding the definite and well-established determination of the rights of individuals to their property, they would perhaps not wish to expose themselves to the wrath of their neighbors, hostile to innovation, or to any The ridicule of a wise man.But the more adventurous may conceive of many small changes; and if they are at liberty to experiment in their own interest, those changes may gradually develop, almost imperceptibly, until the general routine becomes sufficiently habitual. Until the regulations on the Internet are indistinguishable and allow a great deal of freedom for individual choice.But when the individual head of the family is regarded as the sole elder and custodian of the estate, a slight departure from ancestral conventions is opposed by those who have the right to consult in all trivial matters.

In addition, behind the opposition of the parents, there is also the opposition of the village community.For, though for a short period of time each family has a fixed field of cultivation, yet many operations are generally carried on in common, and therefore all must do the same work at the same time.As each field fell into rotation, it became part of the communal meadow; the commune's entire land was often redistributed.The communes, therefore, clearly have the right to prohibit any technical innovation; for such an innovation might hinder their plans for collective cultivation; and might eventually destroy the value of the land, thereby causing them a loss when it is next redistributed.Often, therefore, there is an extremely burdensome and complicated set of regulations, which binds the individual farmer so tightly that he is unable to exercise his own judgment and choice even in the smallest tasks.This is perhaps the most important of all the causes which retard the development of the human spirit of free enterprise.It may be noted that the communal ownership of property is in harmony with the quietism which pervades many Eastern religions; its long preservation among the Hindoos is partly due to the quietism which is preached in their religious scriptures. .

The influence of custom on prices, wages, and rent may be overestimated, and its influence on forms of production and the general economic disposition of society may be underestimated.On one occasion these effects are significant but not cumulative, and on the other they are subtle but cumulative.It is almost a general rule that the effects of causes, though small at any one time, if they continually act in the same direction, have a much greater effect than they might seem at first glance to have . However great the influence of custom in earlier civilizations, it is a question worthy of investigation why the Greeks and Romans were so full of enterprise, so indifferent to the social aspects of those economic problems which we find interesting. Section 3 The Greeks combined the energy of the northerners with the culture of the east, but they regarded labor as something that belonged exclusively to slaves. Most of the birthplaces of ancient civilizations were in the basins of large rivers. Because of the benefits of irrigation, the plains were rarely hit by famine, because in a climate where there is no shortage of heat, the fertility of the soil is almost proportional to its temperature. Variety.The great river also provided the convenience of transportation that facilitated the simple division of labor and labor, and did not hinder the mobilization of the large armies that maintained the violence of the central government.Indeed, the Phoenicians lived off the sea.The great Sems contributed greatly to the conditions created for the free intercourse of nations, and to the dissemination of knowledge of calligraphy, arithmetic, and weights and measures, but they were chiefly engaged in commerce and manufacture. It was up to the creative spirit of the Greeks to fully enjoy the freedom of the sea, and to absorb in their free life the noble thoughts and fine arts of the old world.Their innumerable colonies in Asia Minor, Magna, Gracia, and Greece proper allowed their ideals to develop freely under the influence of the new ideas which arose to them; Frequent contact, exchange of experience with each other, learn from each other's strengths, without being bound by any authority.Their energies and enterprise, not weighed down by the burden of tradition and custom, were employed in founding new colonies and inventing new ideas freely. Their climate relieved them of hard labour; they left the necessary drudgery to their slaves, and immersed themselves in meditation.Clothing, lodging, and heating cost little; their clear and warm skies habituate them to life outside, and thereby facilitate social and political activity at no expense.And the cool breeze of the Mediterranean refreshed their physical strength so much that they did not lose through the centuries the fortitude of character they had brought with them from their Nordic homeland.Under such circumstances, there are various kinds of beauty, fantastic fantasies, and creative thinking, enthusiasm for political life, and personal obedience to the state, as never before or since. In many respects the Greeks were more modern than the nations of medieval Europe; in some respects they were even more advanced than our own time.But they did not acquire a conception of the dignity of being human; they saw slavery as a given, they tolerated agriculture but considered all other trades shameful; , either know little or nothing. They never felt the extreme oppression of poverty.The land and the sea, the sun and the climate together gave them easy access to the material means of a perfect life.Even their slaves had plenty of opportunities to learn culture.Otherwise, the character of the Greeks would be of no concern, and the lessons which the world had received hitherto would not need to be seriously considered.The outstanding thinking of the Greeks made it a touchstone for the research of many great thinkers in later generations.The impatience of ancient scholars for the study of economics was largely due to the impatience felt by the Greeks for the toil and chores of business. But there may be some lessons to be learned from the fall of Greece.Greece fell for lack of firmness and zeal to accomplish its purpose; and no nation could preserve it for many centuries without industry.Socially and culturally, they are free, but they do not know how to use their freedom well; they are indecisive, without firm determination.They are perceptive and ready to innovate, which are elements of an entrepreneurial spirit, but they have no fixed goals and perseverance.The warm and agreeable climate gradually slackens the strength of their constitution; they scorn the fortitude of will that comes from hard work, and sink at last into trivialities. Section 4 The similarity between Roman and modern economic conditions is superficial; but the world experience of the Stoics and late Roman jurists had a huge indirect influence on economic thought and economic behavior. As civilization expanded westward, it reached its next center, Rome.The Romans were a large army, not a great people.Like the Greeks, they gave as much work as possible to slaves.But in many other respects the Romans were very different from the Greeks.Unlike the exuberance of Athenian life and the childhood joy of making the most of their faculties and strengths, the Romans displayed a strong will, an iron determination, and a well-rounded personality. That unwavering seriousness of purpose. Completely free from the shackles of habit, they shape their lives with a spirit of deliberate choice that they never had before.They are strong and courageous, determined in purpose, tactful, orderly in their actions, and clear in their judgment; thus, although they are fond of war and politics, they often use all the talents used in business. Nor is the principle of association in vain.Although freelancers are poor, guilds are well developed.The methods of corporate collaboration and mass production in factories with slaves that the Greeks had learned from the East gained new strength once they were imported to Rome. The talents and character of the Romans were especially suited to joint ventures; and a relatively small number of wealthy men, not supplemented by a middle class but by slaves and freed men, was able to carry on a great deal of land and sea commerce, both at home and abroad.They made capital an abomination; but they made it powerful and efficient; Commerce and intercourse in China are even freer than we are now. If we recall how great a center of wealth Rome was; We should not be surprised, then, that many scholars think they find much in common with the economic problems of Rome and our own; but this commonality is superficial and unreliable.It deals only with form, not with the real spirit of national life.It does not involve the acknowledgment of the value of ordinary people's lives, which in our time gives economic science great interest. In ancient Rome, industry and commerce lacked the vitality that they have in modern times.Her imports come by force; not by the produce of such skilled labor as the burghers of Venice, Florence, or Bruges pride themselves on.Manufactures and communications were established with the sole object of profit; and the morals of commercial life were corrupted by the official disdain expressed in the "laws" imposed by the Senate on every form of commerce except land. and practically effective limits”.The Knights, who made their fortunes in the tax collection, the plundering of the provinces, and later in the favor of the Emperor, lacked that scrupulous integrity which was required to build a great national commerce; And suffered setbacks. Although the Romans made little direct contribution to the progress of economic science, they did, for better or for worse, have an indirect and profound influence on economics by laying the foundations of modern jurisprudence.The philosophical thought of Rome was mainly Stoic; most of the giants of Roman Stoic were born in the East.Transplanted in Rome, their philosophy exerted practical force without diminishing its emotional intensity; despite its austerity in its abstinence, it had many parallels with the insights of modern social science; The majority of jurists believed in this philosophy, which influenced later Roman law, and through it all modern European law.The power of the Roman state made the power of the state annihilate the rights of the gens and tribes earlier in Rome than in Greece.But many primitive Aryan habits of thought about property survived for a long time even in Rome.Great though the power of the head of the household is over its members, the property at his disposal was for a long time considered entrusted to him as a representative of the family rather than as an individual.But when Rome became an empire, the Roman jurists leaped forward to be the final interpreters of the legal rights of many nations.And under the influence of the Stoics, they devoted themselves to the discovery of the fundamental law of nature, which they believed to be hidden in various specific legal codes.This quest for the universal, as distinguished from the accidental judicial element, makes common ownership (for no other reason than local custom) disappear as quickly as snow in the spring sun.Thus, later Roman law, gradually but steadily enlarged the scope of the contract; made it more precise, flexible, and powerful; The division of property is very clear, and he can dispose of his property at will.The modern jurist has inherited from the Stoic nobility a high sense of responsibility.From its austere self-determination they derived a tendency to define individual property rights.Thus, many good and bad aspects of our present economic system can be explained indirectly from the influence of Rome, especially the Stoics.The laissez-faire of individuals in the conduct of their own affairs, on the one hand, and the indifference of a little brutality under the cover of the rights established by the legal system, on the other, are as certain as its chief principle is fairness and rationality. The strong sense of responsibility brought by the Stoics from their Eastern homeland also contained a certain amount of Eastern quietism.The Stoics, though active in doing good, pride themselves on being out of the ordinary. He also shares the pain of life, because of the responsibility, but he never compromises with it.His life is miserable and serious, and he is deeply depressed by the failure of life itself.As Hegel said, this inner contradiction will not disappear unless virtue is regarded as an end that can only be achieved by denying the self; therefore, the pursuit of this end is content with all social work inevitable failures.The strong religious sentiments of the Jews paved the way for this great change.But until Christianity became popular with the love of the Germanic peoples, the world did not readily accept its spirit fully.Even among the Germanic peoples the development of Christianity was slow.After the fall of Rome, Central and Western Europe was in a state of chaos for a long time. Section V The Teutonic people are not good at learning from the peoples they conquered.The Saracens hold high the academic torch. Teutons, tough as they are, can hardly free themselves from the shackles of ignorance and habit.The zeal and filial piety which gave him his peculiar strength often caused him to give too much importance to the institutions and customs of his family and tribe.No other powerful conquering nation was so incapable of receiving new ideas from the more cultured and weaker nations they conquered.They pride themselves on their daring; they dislike knowledge and art.But learning remained temporarily on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean; it was not revived until another conquering people from the south. The Saracens eagerly learned the best they had to learn from the conquered peoples. They promoted the sciences and the arts, and carried the torch of learning at a time when Christendom was indifferent to it; we should always remember this.But their morality is not as abundant as the Teutons.The warm climate and their religious sensuality rapidly weakened their physical strength; their immediate influence on the problems of modern civilization was insignificant. The civilization of the Teutons progressed more slowly, but more steadily.They spread civilization to the North, where persevering work went hand in hand with the gradual growth of robust cultural forms of all kinds.They spread civilization westward and into the Atlantic Ocean.Civilizations that left the great river basins long ago to reach the coasts of the inner seas are finally crossing the oceans. However, this change was achieved slowly.The first point which interests us in the new age is the re-emergence of the old conflicts between cities and states which had been terminated by the unification of Rome. And the vast land is the source of its strength. Section 6 Self-government can only exist in free cities. Only a few years ago, a democratic government of complete direct self-government was impossible in a large country; it could exist only in cities or in small national territories.The government is necessarily in the hands of a few who see themselves as a privileged class and the working people as an inferior class.Thus, even when laborers are allowed to manage their own local affairs, they often lack the courage, self-confidence and consideration that are essential to business.In fact, both the central government and the local authorities directly impeded industrial freedom; they prohibited the free movement of people and levied all kinds of exorbitant taxes.Even the nominally free of the lower classes were plundered by arbitrary fines and taxes, unjust judging, and public plunder under various pretexts.These burdens fall chiefly precisely on the shoulders of those who are more thrifty than their neighbours.Among these people, if the countryside is liberated, the entrepreneurial spirit in business will gradually increase, so as to get rid of the shackles of tradition and habit. The situation is quite different for urban dwellers.The strength of the various industrial classes there rests in their numbers; and even when they are not wholly victorious, they cannot be regarded as if they were of a different class from the rulers than their country counterparts.In Florence and Bruges, as in ancient Athens, the population as a whole could hear, and sometimes did hear, reports from the leaders of the government on their own plans and the reasons for them, and could express their opinion before taking further steps. Agree or disagree.Sometimes all the residents can discuss the social and industrial issues at that time together, exchange opinions and experiences, learn from each other's strengths, make decisions together, and implement this decision by themselves.But, before the invention of the telegraph, railroads, and cheap printing presses, such things were impossible over large areas. By means of the telegraph, the railways, and the printing press, the nation knows in the morning what the leaders of the government expressed the previous night;By means of them, the boards of the major trade unions can, at little expense, bring a difficult question to their members all over the country for discussion, and get their answer within a few days.Even a great state can now be governed by the people; but what has hitherto been called "government by the people" has in fact been more or less an oligarchy; Only a small number of people can directly participate in management.Though there is a much greater number who suffice to know to what extent their will is carried out by electing their own representatives, they were until a few years ago only a very small minority in the population of the country; representation is only a recent invention. The seventh section continues. The history of the rise and fall of medieval cities is a history of successive waves of progress.Medieval cities generally originated from industry and commerce, so they did not despise industry and commerce.Although wealthier citizens were sometimes able to establish a restrictive government that kept workers out, it was difficult for them to maintain their power for long.The majority of the population often enjoyed full civil rights, determined for themselves the domestic and foreign policies of the city, and prided themselves on being self-sufficient.They organized themselves into guilds, thereby strengthening their solidarity and cultivating habits of self-government; and though guilds were often exclusive, and their statutes ended in retarding the development of industry, they did a great deal before this corrupting influence appeared. contribution. The citizens acquired culture without losing their energy, without neglecting their commerce, and were intellectually interested in many things besides commerce; they were ahead in the arts, but not behind in martial arts.They pride themselves on spending large sums of money on public works, as well as on saving public money, maintaining a balanced budget, and implementing a fair tax system based on sound business principles.In this way they became the forerunners of modern industrial civilization; if they had carried on smoothly and maintained their original love of liberty and social equality, they might have solved many of the socio-economic problems we are only now beginning to encounter .However, after being ravaged by war for so long, they were finally defeated by their powerful neighbors around them.Indeed, when their neighbors were subject to them, their rule was often so brutal, that their eventual overthrow by their neighbors was in part the result of a fair vengeance.They were tortured for their injustice, but the fruits of their toil remain and are the source of much of the best of the socio-economic traditions our age has inherited from previous generations Section VIII Knights and the influence of the Church.The creation of a huge army led to the collapse of the Free Cities.But the invention of printing, the Reformation, and the discovery of the New World rekindled the flames of progress. Feudalism was perhaps a necessary stage in the development of the Teutonic race.It gives the ruling class the opportunity to display their political talents, and makes the common people develop the habit of observing discipline and emphasizing order.However, feudalism conceals a lot of physical and mental cruelty and squalor under a certain form of external beauty.The chivalry's method was to bow down to women in public and be tyrannical at home.Much of the red tape to knighthood was sustained by cruelty and blackmail to the lower classes.The ruling classes discharge their obligations to one another with frankness and generosity.Their lives, too, had an ideal, which was not devoid of nobility; and therefore their characters always possessed a certain fascination for the thoughtful historian, and for the chronicler of those splendid wars and love duels.But when they have fulfilled the duty which their class demands of them, they are at ease.And one of the duties is to keep the lower classes in their place; though they are often kind and affectionate to the servants with whom they spend their days. As far as personal suffering is concerned, the Church seeks to protect the weak and alleviate the suffering of the poor.If those outstanding priests were able to marry their wives into secular life, perhaps they would often have a deeper and wider influence.This is not to say that we underestimate the benefits that priests, especially monks, provided to the poorer classes.Temples are the source of industry, especially the source of agriculture.They were a safe university for scholars, a hospital and almshouse for the afflicted, and the Church mediated in matters great and small.The festivals and fairs held under its sanction made commerce free and safe. Furthermore, the church was often opposed to hierarchical sectarianism, and it was democratically organized internally, like the armies of ancient Rome.It stands ready to place the most able men of whatever origin into the most important jobs; clergy and sects do much for the material and spiritual welfare of the people; sometimes the Church even leads the people in open rebellion against the tyranny of their rulers . But, on the other hand, the Church has not devoted itself to helping people to develop their faculties of self-reliance and self-determination, so as to gain true inner freedom.While expecting those with special gifts to rise to the highest positions through their careers, it does not prevent but assists those feudal powers which strive to make the working class a bunch of ignorance, lack of enterprise and dependence on superiors. .The feudalism of the Teutons was milder in nature than the military rule of Rome; the clergy and laity were influenced by it, though they did not fully understand the Christian teaching on the dignity of man.But, in the early Middle Ages, the rulers of the country combined the ingenuity of the Eastern theocracy with the best of the Roman discipline and determination, which they employed to completely block the will of the lower classes. Strength growth and personality development. However, the military power of feudalism has been weakened for a long time by local strife.This was just suitable for kneading the governance of a vast area into an organic whole under the genius of Charlemagne.But once this leadership genius is gone, it is also easy to break it down into its component parts. Italy had long been governed by its cities, among them the Roman system, a city with Roman ambition and firm will, which until modern times guarded the waterways from foreign aggressors, and in the Netherlands and elsewhere on the Continent, the free cities Has long resisted the provocations of kings and barons.But in the end Austria, Spain, and France all established stable kingdoms.A despotic kingdom, served by a few capable men, trained and organized armies of ignorant but strong peasants; the management of the free cities, whose noble combination of culture and industry, ceased before its former errors were corrected. The world might turn backwards had no new power arose at that very moment to break the chains of bondage and spread liberty to the earth.In a short period of time, printing was invented, the Renaissance, the Reformation, and shipping routes to America and India were discovered.Any one of these events alone might have been enough to start a new epoch in history; but because they all came together and acted in the same direction, they caused a general revolution. Thought has become relatively free, and knowledge is no longer out of reach for the people.The free character of the Greeks was revived; strong self-determination acquired new strength and was able to extend their influence over others.一个新大陆对有思想的人提出了各种各样的新问题，同时它也使勇敢的冒险家有了用武之地。 第九节海外发现的利益首先归于西班牙和葡萄牙。进而归于荷兰、法国，再进而归于英国。 在这种新的航海事业中领先的国家是西班牙和葡萄牙。仿佛世界的领导权在最初落于地中海最东部的半岛，从此又移向中部半岛之后，似乎暂时又定着在分属于地中海和大西洋的西部半岛了。但是，工业的力量这时已经成长得足以使北方保有财富和文明了。西班牙和葡萄牙是不能长期抵抗北方民族那种更大的毅力和更加慷慨的精神的。 荷兰人民早期的历史，的确是一部卓越的传奇史。他们以捕鱼和织布为生，创造了高尚的文学和艺术，建立了科学和政府机构。像波斯围困爱奥尼亚，只是更加激起希腊本土的士气那样，奥匈帝国征服荷兰，也只能更加激发荷兰人和英国人的爱国心和精力。 荷兰因英国嫉妒它的商业，尤其是因法国跃跃欲试的军事野心而受到损害。不久就看得很清楚，荷兰是抵抗法国侵略而保卫欧洲的自由的。但是，在它那历史上的生死关头，它没有得到信新教的英国理应给予它的那种援助；虽然自1688年起，得到过大量的援助，但那时它的最勇敢而慷慨的儿女已经战死于战场，同时它也负债累累。荷兰愈来愈不为人所注意了，但是英国人首先应当承认它对自由和企业心所已作的和也许还会作出的更多的贡献。 这样，只留下英国和法国来争夺海上的霸权了。法国所拥有的自然资源比任何其他北欧国家丰富，也比任何一个南欧国家更合于新时代的精神；有一个时其它曾是世界上最大的强国。但是，在连年战争中它挥霍了自己的财富，断送了那些没有因宗教迫害而被驱逐的最优秀的公民的生命。文明的进步本身并没有使统治阶级对被统治阶级施行仁政，也没有使开支更加合理。 被压迫的法国人民起来反抗他们统治者的主要刺激是来自革命的美国。但是，法国人十分缺乏美洲移民所特有的那种克己的自由。他们的精力和勇敢在伟大的拿破仑战争中再一次表现出来。但是，他们的野心太大，不能实现，最后不得不把海上经营的领导权让给英国。这样，新世界的工业问题是在英国人性格的直接影响下解决的，如同旧世界的工业问题是在它的间接影响下解决的那样。那末、让我们较详细地来研究一下英国自由企业的发展过程罢。 第十节英国人的性格很早就显示了他们具有现代组织才能的迹象。农业资本主义组织为工业资本主义组织铺平道路。 英国的地理位置使北欧最强大民族中最强大的成员移来居住；自然淘汰过程使那些最勇敢而依靠自己的人相继移入英国。它的气候比北半球任何其他地方都更宜于保持精力。它没有崇山峻岭的阻隔，它的任何一个角落离可通航的水道都不超过二十哩，所以，英国各地都可以自由往来，而没有自然障碍；同时诺曼和普拉特琴各个国王的力量和英明的政策又使当地诸侯不能设立人为的障碍。 罗马在历史上所起的作用主要由于它曾把大帝国的军事力量同城中寡头政治成员的胆识和坚定的意志结合起来，同样，英国之伟大也是由于它把中世纪城市的自由风气同国家的力量和广泛的基础结合起来，如荷兰从前在较小规模上所做的那样。英国的城市没有其他国家城市那样声势显赫；但是，它比任何其他国家都容易同化这些城市，从而最终获得它们的实惠。 长子继承制使贵族之家长男以外的诸子倾向于自谋生计；他们没有特殊的阶级特权，很容易和普通人打成一片。不同阶级的这种融合使政治很有条理；同时也使企业冒险具有贵族那种勇敢而传奇式的抱负的性质。英国人一方面坚决反对强暴，另一方面勇于服从权威（当他们的理性认为应该时），他们进行过许多次革命；但是，没有一次革命是没有明确的目的的。在修改宪法时，他们遵守法律。如果我们除去荷兰人不计，则只有他们懂得如何把纪律和自由结合起来，只有他们把崇古和为将来（而不是过去）而生活的能力统一起来了。但是，后来使英国成为工业进步领导者的那种意志的力量，最初主要表现在政治、战争和农业方面。 英国的射手是英国技工的前身。他因自己的食物和体格胜过大陆上的对手而感到同样的光荣；在学习纯熟地运用自己的双手中，他具有同样的顽强性，同样的自由独立性，同样的自制力和赴汤蹈火的精神；当时机适当时，他同样惯于诙谐，但当危急之际，即使面临着艰苦和不幸，他也同样惯于保持纪律。 但是，英国人的工业才能长期隐而不显。他们对文明所提供的安逸品和奢侈偏向来是不大熟习，也不大喜欢的。在各种工场手工业方面，他们落后于意大利、法国和西班牙这些拉丁国家，以及北欧的自由城市。后来较富有的阶级逐渐对进口奢侈品有所喜好，而英国的贸易慢慢地发展起来。 但是，很长一段时间表面上看不出英国未来商业的模样。的确，在商业形成的过程中，英国的特殊环境如不比英国人的某种天性重要，则至少具有相同的作用。他们最初和现在都不像犹太人、意大利人、希腊人和亚美尼亚人那样特别喜欢讲价还价，也不像他们那样特别喜欢较抽象的金融业务方面；同他们做生意，总是直截了当的，而不是尔虞我诈的。甚至现在伦敦股票交易所中最巧妙的金融投机主要也是由那些民族干的，他们继承了同样的生意习惯，而英国人却继承了同样的实践传统。 使英国后来在各种不同环境中勘察世界，并成为世界加工厂的那些因素，甚至在中世纪就使英国为现代农业组织开拓了道路，从而，为许多其他现代企业的建立树立了榜样。英国首先把劳役改成交纳货币，这是一种变革，它大大增进了各个人根据他自己的自由选择而来调理自己生活的能力。不论好坏，人民可以自由交换他们对土地的权利和义务。十四世纪中黑死病所造成的实际工资的激剧上涨；十六世纪时因银价跌落、货币贬值和寺院收入划归王室挥霍而引起的实际工资的急剧下降；最后是牧场的扩大，它使许多劳动者流离失所，减少了所在者的实际收入并改变了他们的生活方式；所有这些都使习惯愈来愈不能维持。这一运动因都铎王朝诸王手中权力的增长而进一步有所扩大，这种权力的增长结束了私人之间的战争，并使贵族和乡绅们所豢养的大批食客游勇皆无用武之地。把不动产遗给长子而把动产分给全家成员的这种习惯，一方面增加了地产的规模，另一方面减少了土地所有者经营土地所运用的资本。 上述原因有助于英国建立租佃关系。外国对英国货的需求和英国对外国奢侈品的需求，特别在十六世纪使许多份地集中而成资本主义农场主所经营的大规模的牧场。这就是说，那样的农场主人数得到很大的增加，他们自己经理农业，自担风险，自己出一部分资本，但租用土地，每年付一定的租金，并雇用工人；如同后来英国的新型企业家一样，他们自己经营工业，自担风险，自己出一部分资本，但以利息借用其余部分的资本，并雇用工人。自由经营发展得既快且猛，它的作用是片面的，对穷人是无情的，但是说，英国的箭术是英国工匠技术的前身，同样，用借贷资本经营的英国大农场（不论用于耕种或放牧）是英国工厂的前身，这仍是正确的。 第十一节宗教改革的影响。 当时英国人的性格是在不断地深化着。定居在英国海岸的那些坚强民族所幸有的庄重和大无畏精神，使他们很容易接受宗教改革的理论；这些理论对他们的生活习惯起了作用，而对他们的工业也有所影响。人原原本本地被直接置于上帝的面前，其间用不着人的媒介；大多数粗野而无文化的人第一次向往着绝对精神自由的奥秘。各个人的宗教责任和他同辈的宗教责任的分离，如加以正确的理解，是最高精神进步的一个必要条件。但这个概念对世人来说是崭新的，素朴而无掩饰的，尚未消融于快感之中；甚至在温和的人方面，个性也表现得轮廓分明，而粗俗的人也自觉自尊起来。特别在清教徒中，使他们的宗教信条赋有逻辑上的确定性和严密性的那种热中，是一种全注的情感，敌视一切肤浅的思想和不健康的娱乐。必要时，他们采取一致行动，而这种行动由于他们的坚定意志成为不可抗拒的。但是，他们很少分享社会上的快乐；他们不参加公共娱乐，而宁愿在家享受清福；必须承认，他们当中有些人对艺术是持有敌视态度的。 可见，意志力的最初成长本身含有某些粗暴不雅的因素；但那种力量是社会生活的下一个阶段所必要的。在新的本能围绕着它成长以便用更高的形式把原来集体趋势中最美丽最殷实的东西恢复过来以前，它必须通过许多磨难而加以精炼和柔化；它必须变得较不武断；而不失原有的力量。它增进了家庭情谊，这种世俗情感中最丰富最充实的情感。也许从来没有过如此坚实而纤细的原料可用它来组成社会生活的高尚结构。 荷兰和其他国家也和英国一起经受了中世纪末期精神革命的伟大考验。但是，从许多观点特别是从经济学家的观点来看，英国的经验是最有教益的，最丰富的；而且是所有其他经验的典范。英国在由主动性和自由意志所促成的现代工业企业的演进中起了领导作用。 第十二节续前。 英国工商业的特点因这一事实而更加突出，即其他国家许多接受新教义的人为了避免宗教迫害而来到了英国。由于某种自然淘汰，性格与英国人十分相近、并且由于那种价格而曾使他们掌握了工业技术的那些法国人、法兰明斯人和别的人，来和英国人住在一起，并把完全适合他们性格的那些技术教给他们。在十七世纪和十八世纪中，上层统治阶级仍然有些骄奢淫逸，但是中产阶级和一部分劳动阶级对生活却十分严肃；他们不喜欢妨害工作的那种娱乐，并且对于那些只有用坚持不懈的辛勤劳动才能获得的物质安逸品也具有很高的标准。他们所力求生产的是坚固而耐用的东西，而不是仅仅用来装璜门面的东西。这种趋势一旦开始之后，就因气候而有所增进；因为它虽然不很严寒，但特别不宜于那种轻佻的娱乐；在这种气候中一种舒适生活所需要的衣着、住房和其他必需品，具有特别昂贵的性质。 英国现代工业生活借以发展的条件是：物质享受的欲望能人不断努力从每周中攫取最大可能的工作量；要让各种行为服从于理性判断这一坚定的决心使每一个人经常反省他是否不能因改变他的企业或经营的方法而改善自己的处境；最后，完全的政治自由和安全使每一个人有可能依照他认为有利于自己的做法来调整他的行为并毫无顾虑地把他和他的财产从事于新的未来事业。 总之，影响英国和它的殖民地的现代政治的那些因素也影响了现代企业。给予它们以政治自由的那些因素，也给他们带来了工商业经营上的自由。 第十三节英国的企业为需要大量简单商品的海外消费者的增长所促进。企业家最初只是组织供应，而不监督工业；后来才把他们的工人集中在工厂中。 工业企业的自由，就其作用所及，有使每一个人把他的资本和劳动运用到恰到好处的趋势；而这又使他在某特定工作上力求获得特殊的技巧和能力，借助于这种技能他可以获取购买他所需要的东西的那种手段。因此，就产生了具有十分精细的分工的复杂工业组织。 在任何一种长期持续的文明中，某种类型的分工，不论它的形式多么原始，是势必要出现的。甚至在十分落后的国家里，我们也看到了极其专门化的行业；但是，我们没有看到各业中的工作如此划分，以致企业的计划和安排，它的管理，以及它的风险由一伙人所承担，而企业所需要的体力劳动却由雇佣工人所担任。这种分工形式一般说来是现代世界的特点，特殊说来又是英国民族的特点。它也许只是人类发展中的一个过渡阶段；它也许会被使它存在的那种自由企业的进一步发展所消灭。但是，就目前而论，不管是好是坏它表现为现代文明形式中的一个主要事实，表现为现代经济问题的核心。 直到现在工业生活中所发生的那些极其重大的变化，是围绕着企业家的成长进行的。我们已经看到，企业家在英国农业的初期是怎。样出现的。农场主从地主租得土地，并雇用必要的劳动，而自己负责管理并承担企业风险。农场主的选择的确不是由完全自由竞争所决定的，而在某种程度上是由财产继承和其他影响所限制的，而这些因素往往使农业的领导权操于那些对农业没有特殊才能的人的手中。但英国是唯一的国家，在这个国家中自然淘汰起着很大的作用。大陆上的农业制度曾容许出身来决定各个人参加农业或经营农业的事情。英国仅凭这种狭隘的选择作用所获得的威力和弹性，也足以使它的农业比所有其他国家都先进，并使它有可能比欧洲任何别的国家用同样的土地和等量劳动所获得的产量要多得多。 但是，物竞天择，适者生存（即创办，组织和管理企业）在工业中有大得多的活动余地。在英国对外贸易得到大发展以前，工业企业家已逐渐在成长；实际上在十五世纪的毛织业中就可以看出它的迹象来。但是新开发国家中庞大市场的开辟，直接地并且通过它对工业布局（亦即把特定工业部门集中在一定的地区）的影响大大地推动了这一运动。 中世纪的市集和行商的纪事表明，有许多东西，其中每一种东西只在一二个地方生产；从那里再分发到欧洲各处。但是生产局部化而运销很远的那些商品，差不多总是价格很高，体积不大的商品。价格较廉，体积较大的商品都由各地自行供应。不过在新世界的各个殖民地，人们并不总是有余暇来为自己提供工业品的，并且即使他们生产他们所能生产的东西往往也是不容许的；因为英国对待它的殖民地虽然比任何其他国家都更加宽大，但是它认为它为殖民地所出的费用使它有理由来强其它们向它购买各种工业品。对销售于印度和野蛮民族的简单商品的需求也是很大的。 这些原因导致加工工业中许多繁重工作的局部化。在那种需要高度技巧和工人的丰富想像力的工作中，组织有时倒居于次要地位。但是，在对少数式样简单的商品有大量需求的时候，组织多数人的能力却具有无比的优势。这样，工业布局和资本主义企业家制度的成长是两个并行的运动，都由于同一个一般原因，且彼此互相促进。 工厂制度和工业中贵重设备的运用，是在后一阶段出现的。它们通常被认为是企业家握有英国工业大权的源渊；无疑地它们增加了这种权力。但是在它们的影响被察觉以前，这种权力已经清楚地表现出来了。法国大革命时代，投资在以水或蒸汽为动力的机器上的资本是不很多的；工厂的规模不大，为数也不多。但那时差不多英国的全部纺织工作都是按合同制来进行的。纺织业操于比较少数企业家之手，他们力图查明买卖什么东西，在那里买卖和在什么时候买卖是最有利的，生产什么东西是最有利的。然后他们就和分散在全国各地的为数很多的人订立合同来生产这些东西。企业家（即包买主——译者）一般供给原料，有时甚至供给所使用的简单工具。那些承包人用自己和他们家人的劳动和有时用少数徒工的劳动（但未必总是如此）来完成包工任务。 随着时间的推移，机械发明的进步使工人们愈来愈聚集在靠近水力的那些小工厂里，而当蒸汽逐渐代替了水力之后，他们又集聚在大城市的大工厂里。这样，那些承担生产上的主要风险而又不直接管理和监督的大企业家（指包买主——译者）开始让位于富有的雇主，他们经营着大规模的全部加工事业。这些新的工厂引起了那些最不经心的观察家的注意；像以前的变动一样，这种变动也不轻易为那些实际上不从事商业的人所忽略。 这样，酝酿了很久的那种工业组织的巨大变革最后引起了普遍注意；人们所见到的是，由劳动者所管理的小企业的制度正在被那些由有特殊才能的资本主义企业家所管理的大企业的制度所代替。即使没有工厂，这种变革也会照样实现的。即使电力或其他动力的零销使得现在在工厂中所做的那部分工作可以拿回劳动者家里去做，这种变革也会实现。 第十四节此后，工业劳动得到成批的雇用。新的组织带来了一些巨大的灾难，不过其中有些是由于别的原因，这种新制度使英国免于法国军队的蹂躏。 这种新的变动，不论就以前的形式或以后的形式来说，都有不断冲破那几乎使每个人定居在他所出生的那个乡镇上的那种束缚的趋势；它开辟了自由劳动市场，这个市场招引人们来寻求就业的机会。由于这种变动，决定劳动价值的那些因素就开始了新的一页。直到十八世纪，工业劳动照例总是零雇的；虽然那时以前一个大而流动的劳动阶级（它可以大批地雇用）在欧洲大陆某些特定地区和英国的工业史上起了重大的作用，在十八世纪中却一反常规，至少对英国是如此；劳动价格不再由习惯或小市场上的议价决定了。在最近几百年中，它愈来愈由广大区域（一个城市，一个国家或全世界）中的供求情况所决定。 这种新的工业组织大大地提高了生产效率；因为它对保证每个人应该从事他最能胜任的那种工作，和保证他的工作适当地辅以当代知识和财富所能提供的最好的机械与其他的帮助起了很大的作用。但是，它本身也带来了巨大的祸害。其中哪些祸害不可避免，我们是无法判断的。因为正当那种变革急剧进行的时候，英国受到史无前例的各种灾害的袭击。它们是人们所受的通常被认为是无限制竞争的骤然出现所造成的大部分苦难的原因（究竟有多大的部分是不可能判断的）。英国丧失了一些大的殖民地之后，接踵而来的是拿破仑战争，结果使英国所受的损失比战争开始时它所拥有的蓄积财富的总价值还大。空前的连年歉收，使谷价暴涨。而最坏的是，采用了实施济贫法的方法，它损害了人民的体力和自立精神。 因此，在上世纪的前半期中，英国是在有利条件下确立自由经营的。它的祸害为外部灾难所加剧，而它的有利影响却为这些灾难所妨害。 第十五节续前。 过去保护弱者的那些商业习惯和行会规章现在与新的工业不相适应了。有的地方，人们因一致同意而废止了它们；有的地方在短时期内却成功地保留了它们。但那是一种得不偿失的成功；因为在旧有束缚下不能发展的新工业就离开那些地方，而转向它可以有更多自由的其他地方去了。于是工人们请求政府实行规定商业经营方式的那些议院的旧法案，甚至请求恢复由治安当局来规定价格和工资。 这些努力注定是要失败的。旧有的规章制度是当时社会、伦理和经济思想的体现；它们是摸索出来的，而不是想出来的；它们是那些在几乎不变的经济条件下生息的人们多少代经验的自然结果。而在新时代中，变化是如此之快，以致没有时间来这样做。各个人都必须自行其是，很少借鉴过去的经验。那些力图保存旧传统的人很快就被抛在一边。 新兴的企业家族主要是由这些人组成的；他们自力更生、坚强、敏捷并富有进取心。他们看到以自己的努力所获得的成功时，往往认为贫者和弱者的不幸应归罪于他们自己，而不应加以怜恤。深感于那些力图支持进步潮流所损害了的经济秩序的人们的荒谬，他们往往认为，除使竞争完全自由和让强者自行其是以外，再没有什么可需要的了。他们赞扬人的个性，而且并不急于寻求一种从前使人们结合在一起的社会工业约束的现代替代品。 同时这种不幸曾减少了英国人民的纯收入总额。1820年，仅国债的利息就用去了纯收入总额的十分之一。因新发明而价格低廉的那些商品主要是工业品，而这种工业品劳动者消费极少。因为英国那时差不多是工业的垄断者，如果工业家可以自由地以自己的商品交换外国的粮食，则他显然会得到便宜的食物。但是议会中掌权的地主阶级却禁止这样做。劳动者的工资，就用于普通的食物而论，等于他的劳动在一块很贫瘠的土地上所生产的数量，这块土地是为了补充较肥沃的土地所提供之数量不足而被迫耕种的。他必须在市场上出卖自己的劳动，其中供求力量即使自由地起着作用，则它们也只能给他带来低微的工资。但是他并没有享受经济自由的全部利益。他同其他工人也没有有效的联合；他既缺乏市场知识，又缺乏商品卖主们所具有的那种坚持不卖以求善价的能力，他被迫在不卫生的条件下工作，并使他的家人也在这种条件下进行长时间的劳动。这就影响了劳动人民的效率，从而也影响了他们劳动的纯价值，从而它降低了他们的工资。雇用童工进行长时间的劳动并不是一件新鲜的事情，甚至在十七世纪的诺尔维奇和其他地区就已经十分普遍了。但是十九世纪的三十年代因在恶劣条件下进行过度劳动而造成的道德上的败坏、身体上的痛苦和疾病在工厂居民中却达到了顶点。在十九世纪的中叶，它们逐渐减少，此后，减少得更快。 工人们认识了企图恢复管理工业的旧规章的愚蠢之后，就再没有箝制经营自由的任何愿望了。英国人民所受的痛苦，充其量也永不能同革命前的法国因没有自由而造成的那些痛苦相提并论，有一种论点，认为如果不是由于英国从它的新兴工业中所得到的那种力量，它也许会屈服于外国的军事独裁之下，如同它以前的那些自由城市所遭遇的那样。它的人口虽少，但有时却几乎独自负担着那反抗控制大陆几乎全部资源的征服者的战争重担；而在反抗那个征服者的斗争中它有时又资助一些较大而较贫的国家。不论正确与否，当时人们认为，如果自由的英国工业不供给反对共同敌人的战费，则欧洲也许会长期受着法国的统治，如同它以前受着罗马的统治那样。因此，很少听到对自由经营的过度的怨言了，而多数的暴怨是对英国人以自己廉价生产的商起来交换外国的粮食所加与的那些限制。 甚至那些当时正在开始英国史上几乎比任何其他事物都富有趣味和教益的光辉而波折重重的生涯的职工会，也转入明哲保身的时其。它们根据辛酸的经验知道企图实行政府借以指导工业行径的那些旧规章的荒谬；但是关于如何用它们自己的行动来调节商业，他们还没有深远的见解。它们所关怀的是通过取消反工人结社的立法来增加本身的经济自由。 第十六节电报和印刷机现在有可能使人们对他们的灾难采取补救措施；我们正在逐步走向集体主义形式，而这些形式，如以坚强的个人克制为基础，将比旧的形式高级。 目睹经济自由的急剧增长所带来的各种祸害就有待于我们这一代了。现在我们才第一次逐渐懂得不尽自己新义务的资本家如何力图使工人的福利服从于他的致富愿望。现在我们才第一次逐渐知道坚持富人不论以个人或集体的身份除享权利外还得尽义务的重要性。现在新时代的经济自由才第一次如实地出现在我们面前。这一部分是由于知识的扩大和热诚的增加。但是不论我们的祖先如何明智，他们决不能像我们那样了解事物；因为他们忙于应付各种紧急需要和可怕的灾难。 我们必须用更高的标准来衡量自己。因为英国虽然近来为了民族生存而再次要求进行斗争，但是它的生产力有了巨大的增长；自由贸易和交通的发达使人数大大增加了的人口有可能以有利的条件获得充分的粮食。人民的货币收入平均增加了一倍以上；除了饲料和住房差不多所有商品的价格下降了一半，甚或多些。的确，即使现在如果财富加以平均分配，则全国的总生产也许只足以提供人民的必需品和较需要的安逸品，而实际上许多人只有最低生活必需品。但是国家的财富增加了，卫生条件改善了，教育发达了，道德增进了；我们不再被迫几乎把其他各种考虑都置于增加工业总产量的需要之下。 特别是这种新增加的繁荣使我们富强得足以对自由经营加以新的限制。虽然为了高尚的最后较大利益而必须忍受暂时的物质损失。 但这些新的限制与旧日的限制是不同的。它们并不是作为一种阶级统治的手段而强加上的，而是为了在那些不能利用竞争力量来保护自己的事务中来保护弱者，特别是儿童和有子女的母亲。目的是周到而迅速地提供一些适于现代工业急剧变化着的环境的药方；从而，得到其他时代中逐渐由习惯而来的那种从前对弱者的保护之利，而不受其害。 即使当工业在性质上有好几代几乎都没有变动时，习惯的成长也太慢，盲目性也太大，不能在压力有利时来施加压力。在后一个阶段它的利少而弊多。但是借助于电报，印刷机，议会政治和商会人们有可能对他们自己的问题想出解决办法。知识的增进和自赖性的加强，曾给予他们以真正克己的自由，而这种自由使他们有可能自愿地对他们自己的行动有所约束；集体生产，集体所有和集体消费这些问题正在进入一个新的阶段。 实行巨大而急剧的变革的计划，现在和以往一样，注定是要失败的，而且也会引起反作用；我们是不能稳步前进的，如果我们前进得如此之快，以致我们新的生活方式超过了我们的本能的话。的确，人性是可以改变的——新思想新机会和新的行为方法甚至用几代的时间就可以使它有很大的改变，如历史所表明的那样；人性的这种改变所涉及的范围也许从来没有现在那样广泛，所进行的速度也许从来没有现在那样快。但它仍然是发展的，从而是渐进的；我们社会组织的变革必然由它而生，因此也必然是渐进的。 虽然社会变革由它而生，但是这种变革因经常使它承担某种新的更高尚的工作和争取某种远大的实际理想而促进我们更高的社会性的发展时，往往会多少走在它的前面。这样，慢慢地我们就会达到一种社会生活的秩序，在这种秩序中，公益战胜了个人的反复无常，其程度甚至超过个人主义开始以前的那些时代。但那时大公无私将是有意识的产物；虽然借助于本能，那时个人自由将在集体自由中发展自己。这是和旧的生活秩序成为一个可喜的对照，在旧的生活秩序中，个人受习惯的奴役造成了集体的奴役和停滞，而这些只有用专制主义的任性或革命的任性才能打破。 第十七节续前。 直到现在我们都是从英国的观点来考察这种运动的。但是其他国家也向着同一个方向迈进。美国以这样勇敢而直率的态度来处理新的实际困难，以致它已经在某些经济事务中获得了领导权。它提供了当代最近经济趋势中许多最有教益的事例，如各种形式的投机和商业联盟的发展，不久它也许将在为世界其他各国开拓道路方面起主导作用。 澳大利亚也不示弱，它在人口的较纯方面较之美国显然具有