Chapter 56 Chapter 13 The Relationship Between Progress and Standards of Living

Section 1 Degree of activity and degree of desire; degree of life and degree of ease.The increase of comfort in England a century ago might have greatly increased wages by restraining the increase of population.But due to the easy availability of food and raw materials from newly developed countries, little development has been made in that direction. Let us first continue further the line of thought we have followed in our discussion of activities and desires in Part III.There we had reason to believe that the real key to economic progress lay in new activities, not in the development of new desires; and we now examine a problem of special contemporary importance; What is the connection between the changes?To what extent is one of them the cause of the other?And to what extent can it be seen as its result?

The term standard of living refers here to the standard of activity adapted to needs.Therefore, the improvement of living standards means the increase of knowledge, ability and self-esteem; more prudent in spending, food that only satisfies the appetite without increasing strength, avoids it, and rejects the life style that is harmful to the body and morality.The improvement of the standard of living of the whole people will greatly increase the national income and the share of income from all walks of life. A rise in the standard of living in any one trade or line of life, will increase their efficiency, and thus their real wages, which will raise the national income a little; and enable other trades to be aided at a cost somewhat less than their efficiency.

Many scholars, however, have thought that it is not an increase in the standard of living, but an increase in the degree of ease, which has an effect on wages; a term which implies an increase only of artificial wants, in which lower taste may predominate.Indeed, a general increase in ease may well lead to a better way of life and open the door to new and higher activities.And those who formerly had neither the necessaries nor the conveniences of life, are all animated and motivated by the increase of their ease, however crude and materialistic their attitude towards it may be. An increase in the degree of ease, therefore, will probably give rise to some increase in the standard of living; if so, it will tend to increase the national income and improve the life of the people.

Some contemporary and former writers, however, go further than this, and hold that the mere increase of desires tends to raise wages.But the only direct result of increased desire is bound to make people more miserable than before.It raises wages only by reducing the supply of labour, if we disregard any indirect effects which it may have in increasing activity, or otherwise raising the standard of living.This should be discussed in more detail. Before the second quarter. As already pointed out, in a country where food is not easily imported, if the population continues to increase in a very high geometric progression through the ages, the total output that labor and capital will demand from natural resources is only sufficient to maintain and cultivate newborns. generation fee.This is true even if we assume that almost the entire national income goes to labor and that hardly any share goes to capitalists or landowners.Below this level, the rate of population growth must decline; unless the costs of maintenance and cultivation are reduced, the resulting reduction in efficiency will reduce the national income, and hence income.

But in fact the rapid growth of population may have been moderated earlier, because the average person is not likely to confine his consumption to the necessaries of life; and a portion of household income will no doubt be spent on those satisfactions which have little to do with subsistence and efficiency.That is to say, the maintenance of a degree of comfort somewhat in excess of that which is necessary for subsistence and efficiency, will necessarily lead to the abstinence of population growth much earlier than it would have been reached if domestic expenditures had been employed on the same principles as those for the maintenance of horses or slaves. many.There is more to this similarity.

The three conditions necessary to maintain full efficiency—hope, freedom, and change—are very difficult for slaves to achieve.But the cunning slave-owner routinely finances simple music or other amusements for the same purpose as he supplies medicines.For experience has shown that the monotony of a slave's life is as wasteful as disease or a cinder-choked furnace.If the comforts of the slaves are raised to such an extent that punishment and the fear of death cannot make them work unless they are provided with costly comforts, or even luxuries, then they will have them.Otherwise they will disappear like a herd of horses that cannot support themselves.If it is true that the real wages of the working people are forced down mainly by the difficulty of obtaining food, as was the case in England a hundred years ago, the working class can only escape the pressure of the law of diminishing returns by reducing their numbers.

However, they don't have to do that now because the pressure doesn't exist. The opening of the British port in 1846 was one of the many reasons for the development of the railways, which connected the vast farmlands of North and South America and Australia with the seaports.Wheat, produced under the most favorable conditions, is sent to the English workman for consumption, in quantities sufficient to support his family, at a total cost of but a small part of his wages.The increase in numbers opens up many new opportunities for increasing the efficiency of the common employment of labor and capital in satisfying the wants of men; thus, if the capital goods required for new enterprises increase rapidly enough, it can make An increase in wages in one area is equivalent to a decrease in another.The Englishman, of course, is not immune to the law of diminishing returns; he cannot obtain his food with as little labor as he can near vast virgin land.However, its cost to him, since it is now mainly determined by the amount of imports from newly developed countries, is largely unaffected by the increase or decrease of the population of the country.If the Englishman could make his labor more efficient in the production of those products in exchange for imported food, he would be able to obtain food for less than it actually costs him, whether the population of England increases rapidly or slowly.

When the corn-fields of the world are exhausted (and even earlier, if grain cannot be freely imported into England), the increase of England's population will indeed reduce wages, or at least keep the rise from the continuous improvement of production technology under control. .In this case, the increase of comfort can only increase wages by limiting the increase of the number of people. But the increased comfort of the people of England, when they now have an abundance of imported food, cannot increase their wages by its effect on numbers alone.Moreover, if the rise of wages is due to some measures which depress the rate of profit of capital, even below that which can occur in countries with a greater capacity to absorb capital than Great Britain, it will moderate it. The accumulation of British capital, and accelerate the export of capital.In this case wages in Great Britain would fall not only relatively, but absolutely, as compared with other countries.Conversely, if an increase in comfort produces a great increase in efficiency, it (whether it is accompanied by an increase in numbers or not) increases the national income according to population, and puts the rise of real wages on a permanent basis.For example, a tenth reduction in the number of workmen, while each laborer does as much work as before, would not increase wages very much; Generally, wages will be reduced by one-tenth.

The above arguments are of course consistent with the belief that a body of workers can for a short time raise its own wages at the expense of the rest of society by making their labor scarcer.However, the success of this strategy was far from sustainable.No matter how strong the antisocial barriers they erect to prevent others from sharing their profits, there are always opportunities for speculators to take advantage of them: some avoid them, some under their cover, some take advantage of this obstacle.Simultaneous inventions began to obtain by other means or elsewhere those things which the group considered to have a partial monopoly in production; , but do not use their labor.Those who, therefore, seek to expropriate by monopoly, will, therefore, after a short time find their numbers, not diminished, but increased, while the aggregate demand for their labor diminishes.In this case, their wages are greatly reduced.

Section III Efforts to regulate activity by shortening working hours.Excessive labor hours are not economical.But a short shortening of the labor-time generally reduces the output.Thus, though its immediate effect may stimulate employment, unless this surplus time is employed in the development of higher and wider activities, it will very quickly reduce the amount of employment at affordable wages.Dangers of capital export.The difficulty of finding the real cause from observational material.Direct results and final results often run counter to each other. The relationship between productivity and hours worked is complex.If the tension is too high, long hours of work can easily tire a person, making it difficult for him to be physically and mentally healthy, and often far below this state, or even fall ill.If, as a general rule, labor is more intensive when paid by the piece than by the hour, short hours are especially suited to those industries in which work by the piece is practiced.

Such as the hours of work, the nature of the work performed, the material conditions under which it is performed, and the method of remuneration, are causes of great wear and tear of body, mind, or both, and lead to a lowered standard of living, such as the lack of leisure, rest and sleep, such labor is as uneconomical from the general social point of view as is the waste caused by the individual capitalist overworking or undernourishing his horse or slave.In such cases, a moderate reduction of the working hours would only temporarily reduce the national income, for once the improved standards of living had had time to exert their full effect on the efficiency of the workers, the increase in their energy and intelligence, as well as their physical strength, would They can accomplish as much work as before in a shorter period of time.Thus, even from the point of view of material production, there is no loss in the end, like sending a sick worker to the hospital to restore his strength.The concern of the next generation to save men, especially women, from overwork is at least as valuable as bequeathing it a considerable amount of material wealth. The above argument holds that this added rest and leisure enhances the standard of living. And in the extreme cases of overwork we are discussing, this result is inevitable.Because the mere reduction of tension is necessary to move up one step. The earnest workers of the lowest ranks seldom exert themselves in their work.But they have no staying power, and many of them are so worn out that they may, after a short time, be able to do in shorter working days what they are now doing in longer working days. In addition, there are some branches of industry in which valuable equipment is at present employed only nine or ten hours a day; in these branches it would be advantageous to gradually introduce a double shift of eight hours, or even less.Such changes need to be introduced gradually.For the existing number of skilled workers is not sufficient to enable this plan to be adopted simultaneously in all factories where it is suitable.But some machines, when they are worn out or obsolete, may be replaced on a smaller scale, while on the other hand many new machines can be used sixteen hours instead of ten hours a day; Improved.Thus, the faster the progress of the technique of production, the greater the national income; and the higher wages the worker can receive without the need to check the growth of capital, or to divert it to countries where wages are lower.And all classes of society can benefit from this change. The importance of this problem becomes more and more apparent as the increasing cost and rapidity of obsolescence of machinery aggravates the waste caused by idleness of machinery for sixteen hours out of twenty-four.In every country such a change would increase the net product, and hence the wages of each workman; for the cost of machinery, equipment, and factory rent would be subtracted from the gross product much less than before.But English artisans, with such great skill and energy, if they keep their machinery at full power for sixteen hours a day, even if they themselves work only eight hours, add more to the net product than the workmen of any other country. It must never be forgotten, however, that this initiative to shorten working hours applies only to those trades which use or can use valuable equipment; Almost keeps the device running frequently. In many of the remaining trades, therefore, the shortening of the hours of work will necessarily reduce the present output, without any immediate increase in efficiency, so that the average amount of work performed by each person may reach its original level.In this case, the variation in the hours of work reduces the national income.The greater part of the material damage caused by this is borne by those workers whose hours of work are reduced.The scarcity of labor, indeed, in some trades, tends for a considerable time to raise its price, at the expense of the rest of the community.But a rise in the real price of labour, as a rule, brings about a reduction in the demand for products (due in part to the increased use of substitutes), and at the same time induces an inflow of workers in those trades which are less well paid. The fourth quarter continues. The general and persistent belief that wages can generally be raised by merely making labor scarcer, is worth explaining.In the first place, it is difficult to conceive how different, and often even opposite, the immediate and permanent effects of such a change would be.People understand that when there are many qualified people waiting for work outside the streetcar companies, those who are working are often thinking about how to keep their jobs, rather than asking for higher wages.Without these, employers cannot resist demands for higher wages.They took into account the fact that, if the hours of work of the trolley workers were shorter, and the mileage covered by the trams on the existing route was not shortened, more workers would have to be employed, perhaps at higher hourly rates. Wages, possibly at a higher daily rate.They understand that when embarking on a business, such as building a house or a boat, it must be done anyway, because it is not worthwhile to give up halfway.More of the work is done by any one of them, and less is left for the others to do. There are, however, other results which need to be discussed, which are less compelling but more important.If, for example, tram-workers and builders artificially limit their labor, the extension of tram-lines will be hindered; fewer men will be employed in building roads and drivers; It is now necessary to walk into the city; many people, who would enjoy gardens and fresh air in the suburbs, will have to be crowded in the city; reduce. In short, the argument that wages are constantly raised by restraint of labor is based on the assumption.That is, there is a permanent fixed work fund, that is, no matter what the price of labor is, there is always a certain amount of work that must be done. And this assumption is unfounded.Instead, the demand for jobs comes from national income, that is, it comes from jobs.As there is less work of one kind, there will be less demand for others; and if labor is scarce, there will be less business done. Second, the permanence of employment depends on the organization of industry and commerce, and on the effectiveness of those who arrange supply to adjust their actions in anticipation of future changes in demand and prices.However, this is not benefited by the shorter working day.Indeed, the introduction of short working hours, if not double shifts, prevents the use of expensive equipment, the existence of which makes employers very reluctant to go out of business.Artificial restraints of work of almost every kind always give rise to friction, and tend, therefore, to increase, rather than decrease, the uncertainty of employment. It is true that, if a mason or a shoemaker were not affected by external competition, they would have an opportunity of raising their wages simply by reducing the hours of their work, or otherwise reducing the amount of work they each did; at the expense of a greater total loss to the other distributors of the country, since the national income is the source of wages and profits in all domestic industries.This conclusion is all the more convincing by the fact, confirmed by experience and elucidated by analysis, that the majority of cases in which trade union tactics have been employed to raise wages occur in those branches of industry whose labor demands Not directly, but derived from the demand for products which are co-manufactured in many branches of industry; for whichever branch is strategically superior can capture for itself a portion of the price of finished goods attributed to the other branches. The fifth section continues. We now come to the second reason for insisting on the belief that a moderate supply of labor generally permanently raises wages.This reason underestimates the impact of changes in the supply of labor on the supply of capital. It is a fact, and an important fact so far as it affects, that some part of the loss caused by the reduction of the output of the mason or the shoemaker will be borne by persons outside the laboring classes.A part undoubtedly falls on the shoulders of the employers and capitalists in construction or shoe-making; part falls on the wealthy users or consumers of houses or shoes.Moreover, if the working classes raise their wages by limiting the effective supply of their labour, the greater part of the burden of the reduced national income must within a short time fall upon the other classes of the country, especially the capitalist class; But only for a short time.Because of the large reduction in investment net income, the supply of new capital goods will quickly flee abroad.In view of this danger, it is sometimes maintained that railway equipment and domestic factories and equipment cannot be exported.But nearly all the raw materials, and most of the means of production, are consumed, worn out, or obsolete every year, and they all need to be replaced.The reduced scale of the compensation, together with the export of a part of the freed capital, may, for a few years, reduce the effective demand for labor in the country so much that wages, on the contrary, fall far below their present levels. Although the export of capital is not in any case met with many difficulties, capitalists, for considerable business reasons and emotional preferences, prefer to invest at home.The rise in the standard of living, which makes a country more livable, must, therefore, to some extent counteract the tendency to fall in the net return of investment which leads to the exportation of capital.Conversely, raising wages by the antisocial scheme of cutting output will inevitably compel the emigration of the wealthy in general; the capitalist class in particular, whose entrepreneurial spirit and willingness to overcome difficulties are vital to the working class.For their persistent initiative contributes to the leadership of the state, which in turn increases the supply of those means of production which increase efficiency, thereby raising real wages while maintaining national income growth. It is also true that a general rise of wages, however caused, if spread over the whole world, would not cause capital to be diverted from one place to another.The wages of manual laborers all over the world, mainly through increased production, will hopefully rise in time; but also due in part to falling interest rates, and more than is necessary to maintain productive work and culture even in the broadest sense. Relative (if not absolute) reduction in income.But methods of raising wages, that is, methods of maintaining a higher degree of comfort by reducing rather than increasing efficiency, are contrary to the social interest and short-sighted, and thus invite swift reprisals.The chances of most countries adopting these methods are probably few and far between; if a few countries adopt them, others, moving towards higher living and efficient Countries with restrictive policies draw around themselves. The sixth section continues. In this discussion it is necessary to stick to general reasoning; for direct appeal to experience is difficult; and light reference to experience can only lead to error.Whether we look at the statistics of wages and their production shortly after their changes, or in the long run after their changes, the salient facts are likely to be chiefly due to other causes than those under consideration. If, for example, the reduction in working hours was the result of a successful strike, it is likely that the time chosen for the strike was one at which the workers were strategically in a position to prevail, when prevailing conditions of business made it possible for them to increase their wages, and if the hours of work had not changed ; the immediate effect of such a change on wages, therefore, may appear to be more favorable than it actually is.Moreover, there are many employers who have contracts and are bound to perform them, and for a short period of time they may pay higher wages for short hours than they used to pay for long hours.But this is the result of a sudden change, and only a flash in the pan. The immediate results of this movement, as has been stated above, are likely to be opposed to those later, more permanent ones. On the contrary, if people are overtired and the shortening of working hours cannot cheer them up immediately, the improvement of workers' material and spiritual living conditions, thus the improvement of efficiency and the increase of wages cannot be immediately manifested. Moreover, the statistics of production and wages for a few years after the shortening of the working hours may well reflect the prosperity of the country.In particular, changes in the prosperity of the industry, as well as changes in the methods of production and the purchasing power of money.It is perhaps as difficult to separate out the effect of a shortening of the working-hour as that of a stone thrown upon a roaring sea. Therefore, we must clarify two questions: whether a certain cause tends to produce a certain effect, and whether the cause necessarily produces the effect.Opening the gate of the reservoir tends to lower the water level; however, if a large flow flows into the reservoir at the other end at the same time, the water level will rise with the opening of the gate.In the same way, though the shortening of the working hours has a tendency to reduce the production of those industries which were not sufficiently employed to allow double shifts, it is likely to be accompanied by an increase in production due to the general increase of wealth and knowledge.In this case, however, wages would increase, regardless of, and not due to, the shortening of the working hours. Section 7. The primary object of trade unions is to raise wages, and at the same time to impart independence to the workers and thus improve their standard of living.The success of this attempt demonstrates the importance of their main weapon - the common charter.But strict enforcement of the terms of the charter often created a false standardization of labor and discouraged and drove out capital, among other things, to the detriment of the working class and other social classes. In modern Britain almost all movements of the kind we have been discussing have been directed by trade unions.It is beyond the scope of this work to give a full discussion of the purposes and results of trade unions; for it must be founded upon a study of associations in general, industrial changes, and foreign trade.But that part of trade union policy which is most relevant to living standards, work and wages must still be explained here. Occupational variability obscures, for better or worse, the effects, good or bad, of the wages and industrial policies of one generation of a group of workers on the efficiency and productive capacity of the next generation of that group of workers.The source of the young generation's training expenses - family income, now seldom comes from one industry.It is rare for a son to follow his father's business.The strong and accomplished (remuneration in any occupation contributes to the formation of his character) tend to seek higher treatment elsewhere, while the weak and dissolute tend to sink below it.It is therefore becoming more and more difficult to prove empirically whether the efforts of any trade union to raise the wages of its members have been very effective in raising the living and working standards of the generation brought up by means of higher wages.But certain salient facts still stand out. The purpose of the British trade unions was to raise wage rates and the standard of living of the workers. What gave them a great stimulus at first was the fact that the law, directly or indirectly, permitted employers to form associations to fix wages, and to protect their own interests;Such laws not only lowered wages but also suppressed the willpower of the workers.So limited was his vision that he was so engrossed in the trifles around him that he paid no attention to the affairs of state, so that he seldom thought of any worldly affairs except those which directly concerned himself, his family, and his neighbours.Freedom to associate with other fellow workers necessarily broadens his horizons to ponder larger problems, and it heightens his sense of social responsibility, though this responsibility may be tinged with a great deal of class self-interest.Thus the early struggle for the principle that workers could do what employers could do in free association was as much a struggle for higher wages as it was a struggle for real self-respect and An effort to improve living conditions consistent with the interests of society at large. In this regard, a complete victory has been achieved.Trade union organization has made it possible for skilled artisans, and even unskilled workers of many kinds, to negotiate with their employers with that seriousness, restraint, gravity, and foresight which are common in the diplomacy of great powers.It has made them realize generally that a policy of mere offense is a foolish policy, and that the use of military means is chiefly for the maintenance of a favorable peace. In many British industries the Wages Adjustment Boards carry on their work without hindrance, because of a strong desire to avoid wasting energy on trifles.If a worker disagrees with the employer or the foreman's stipulations on his work or remuneration, that is, the employer first asks the secretary of the trade union for arbitration. His decision is generally accepted by the employer, but must also be approved by the workers.If this specific dispute involves an issue of principle that was not clearly stipulated by the adjustment committee in the past, the matter can be referred to the secretaries of the employers' federation and trade union for discussion.If they fail to come to an agreement, it may be referred to the Wages Adjustment Board, and finally, if the stakes of the dispute are so high that neither side will make concessions, the matter may be settled by the strength of both parties, by means of a strike or lockout of the employers.But even in this case, organized trade unions have played an exemplary role for generations in dealing with conflicts of this kind which are generally different in method from the labor conflicts of a century ago, as in the modern There is a difference between an aboveboard war between civilized peoples and a ferocious guerrilla war among savage peoples.At the International Labor Conference, the British delegates had a restraint, humility, and firmness of purpose that no other country represented. However, the open and aboveboard service of the trade unions has put forward corresponding obligations for themselves.The so-called high-ranking people are never rash.They have to be wary of those who exaggerate the special tricks they can use to raise wages, especially when the tricks have an antisocial element.Indeed, campaigns that go unchallenged are exceedingly rare. In almost every great enterprise there is always something destructive lurking.However, this kind of harm should not be misinterpreted, but should be carefully examined in order to bring peace to the people. The eighth section continues. The principal means by which trade unions obtain their power to bargain with employers on equal terms are the "common regulations" concerning the standard wages payable for an hour's work for a certain type of work or for a certain piecework.The rather ineffectual regulation of wages by custom and courts, though a check on the workman's riots, also protects him from extreme oppression.But when competition becomes free, unorganized workers are at a disadvantage in bargaining with employers.For even in Adam Smith's day, employers generally had formal or informal agreements not to hire labor to compete for higher prices.And over time, when a single factory can often employ thousands of workers, it becomes a tight and huge bargaining power in itself, which is beyond the reach of small labor unions. Indeed, agreements and understandings among employers not to compete to raise prices are not universal, and are often broken or avoided.Indeed, if the net product of the labor of the recruits greatly exceeds the wages they receive, the greedy employer, despite the indignation of his fellow workers, draws the workers to his side by the higher wages.Indeed, in advanced industrial areas this competition is sufficient to secure that the wages of a large number of workers do not remain for long much below the equivalent of their pure produce.It is necessary here to recall the fact that the net product to which a normally efficient worker's wages approach is the net product of a normally efficient worker: for some advocates of regulation have indeed held that competition There is a tendency to equate the wages of the efficient worker with the net product of the inefficient worker (who is so inefficient that employers are just able to employ him). But in fact competition does not work that way.It does not tend to equalize weekly wages in the same occupation.It has a tendency to adapt the weekly wages to the efficiency of the workers.If A is to do twice as much work as B, the employer who is still hesitating about employing more workers is as profitable a transaction for A at four shillings as for two B at two shillings each.The factors which determine wages can be seen equally clearly from the marginal case where A is employed at four shillings as at B at two shillings. The ninth section continues. Generally speaking, workers will benefit both themselves and the country by employing a constitution that tends toward true standardization of work and wages, especially when accompanied by a sincere effort to maximize the country's resources and thereby increase the growth of national income. favorable.Any rise in wages, or improvement in living conditions and the employment they can obtain in these reasonable ways, is likely to be good for social welfare, it will probably not dampen the spirit of enterprise, it will not throw the big statesmen out of step, and it will not massive outflow of capital. The situation is different when using charters, which tend to erroneously standardize.It tends to make employers pay equal wages to less efficient workers as to more efficient workers; or it prevents any man from taking up a job for which he is competent, on the grounds that it is not technically within his scope .Applying the charter in this way is clearly anti-social.There are indeed stronger reasons for such action than they may appear on the surface, but the importance of these reasons is often exaggerated by the zeal of trade unionists for the technical perfection of the organization for which they are responsible, so that is There are reasons for which external criticism may be useful, though unsympathetic. We can first discuss a prominent case where differences of opinion are relatively small. In an age when trade unions did not yet know full self-respect, forms of false normalization were not uncommon.There have been many objections to the use of advanced methods of production and machinery; and attempts have been made to fix a standard wage for the equivalence of labor employed in a job when it is done by long outdated methods.This again tends to maintain wages in the particular branch of industry concerned; but this can only be done by a policy of greatly curtailing production, which, if generally successful, would greatly reduce the national income and general employment at decent wages throughout the country. quantity.What a distinguished trade unionist did to the country by prohibiting the use of such anti-social measures will never be forgotten.Although a partial departure from its high principles by an enlightened trade union caused a great dispute in the engineering trade in 1897, the error was quickly overcome, at least in its main aspects. In addition, related to false standardization, a method still used by many trade unions today is to insist on full standard wages for an older worker who can no longer work a full standard working day.This practice somewhat restricted the supply and sale of labor in the trade; and it seemed to benefit those who practiced it.But it cannot limit numbers for long: its pressure on trade union welfare funds is often high, and so the practice is generally short-sighted even from a purely selfish point of view.It greatly reduces the national income, and leaves the older worker with a choice between idle idleness and the grudging struggles of hard labor of the kind not suited to him, it is harsh and anti-social. Let us consider a more suspicious case.Delineating the boundaries of the functions of each group of workers is necessary to enforce the statute.It is naturally to the advantage of the progress of industry that every city artisan should strive to become proficient in a particular branch of work.But a good principle is often carried too far, to the disadvantage, if a worker is not allowed to do a certain part of the work which he performs which is quite easy for him, on the pretext that this work belongs technically to another branch.This prohibition is less harmful in factories producing large quantities of the same commodity.For in these factories it is possible to arrange the tasks of production in such a way as to employ approximately a whole number of workers of many different kinds of work, the whole number being those of the various workers who do not earn part of their livelihood elsewhere.但是这种禁止对小雇主，特别是对那些居于在一二代内能导致有助于国家领导地位的那些伟大成就的阶梯的最低级的人的压力很大。即使在大厂中，这种禁止也增加了这样的机会，即当时很难为自己找到工作的人，将被送往别处谋职；从而，在短时期内扩大了失业队伍。这样看来，划定界限，如适可而止，对社会是一件好事，如为它所提供的技术上的小心利益而走向极端，就变成了坏事。 第十节与货币购买力特别是商业信用的变动相联系的困难。 其次我们可以考察一个更加微妙而困难的问题。那就是共同章程似乎失灵的问题。其所以失灵，并不是由于对它的运用粗暴，而是由于它所解决的任务要求它比现在或比所能拟定的在技术上要更加完善。问题的焦点在于标准工资是用货币来计算的。因为货币的实际价值前十年与后十年有所不同，并且年年都有急剧的波动，所以僵硬的货币标准不能成为真正的标准。使这种标准具有适当的灵活性，如果不是不可能的，也是困难的。这就是反对极端运用共同章程的一个理由，因为这将不得不使用如此僵硬而不完善的一个工具。 上述考虑之所以更加迫切，是由于这一事实，即在短时期内使价格上涨并使货币购买力下降的信用膨胀的过程中，职工会有要求增加标准货币工资的自然倾向。那时雇主们甚至对那些尚没有达到完全正常效率水平的工人也情愿支付很高的工资（用实际购买力计算很高，而用货币计算则更高）。 这样，只具有二等效率的工人也获得很高的标准货币工资，实现了参加职工会的愿望。但是不久信用膨胀停止，继而出现了衰退，物价下落，货币购买力上升，劳动的实际价值下降，而它的货币价值降得更快。膨胀时期所形成的货币工资的高标准，现在高得甚至使那些充分有效率的人也不能提供适当的利润。而在效率水平以下的那些人更不值这种标准工资了。 这种错误的标准化对该业有效率的成员并不纯粹是一种灾难，因为它有使对他们劳动的需求增加的趋势，正如年长工人的被迫赋闲使对他们劳动的需求增加一样。但是只有通过缩减其他工业部门的生产，从而缩减它们的劳动需求，才能有这样的增加，职工会越坚持这种政策，国民收入所受的损害越大；而按适当工资的全国就业总量就越小。 如果各工业部门发奋建立几种劳动效率标准和相应的工资标准，一俟物价高涨的巨潮过去以后，就赶快降低适应这种暴涨的高额货币工资标准，则在长期内各部门都会获得较大的利益。这种调节是有许多困难的。但是如果对通过阻碍任何工业部门的生产而取得的高额工资势必增加其他部门的失业人数这一事实有普遍而明确的认识，则也许会很快获得这种调节。因为对失业唯一有效的药方就在于不断地使手段和目的相适应，这样才能使信用建立在相当可靠的预料这个坚固基础上面；信用的任意膨胀（一切经济病症的主要原因）才可以限制在狭隘的范围内。 这个问题在这里不便加以论证。但是略需加以解释。穆勒说得好，“构成商品支付手段的东西仅仅是商品而已。各人用以购买他人产品的支付手段是由他所拥有的那些东西构成的。一切卖主不可避免地都是买主（就此词的意义来说）。如果我们能把全国的生产力立即增加一倍，那末，我们就会使各个市场的商品供应增加一倍，但是同时我们会使购买力增加一倍。各个人的供给和需求都增加一倍，各个人所能买的东西增加一倍，因为各个人拿出交换的东西也增加一倍”。 虽然人们有购买能力，但是他们也许不愿使用它。因为一旦破产动摇了信心之后，资本便不被用来成立新公司或扩大旧公司。兴修铁路，无人问津，船只停航，新船定单绝迹。 对掘凿机的工作几乎没有任何需求，对建筑业和发动机制造业的工作的需求也不大。总之，在任何生产固定资本的企业中，工作很少。这些行业中的资本家和熟练工人所赚极少，从而购买其他行业的产品也极少。其他行业发觉它们的商品销路很小，生产减少；它们的收入减少，因此，它们的购买量也减少。对它们的商品的需求减少，使它们对其他行业的商品的需求也减少。商业恐慌弥漫全国，一业的恐慌使他业失常，而他业又对它起着反作用，并加深它的恐慌。 这种灾难的主要原因是缺乏信心。如果信心可以恢复，并用它的魔杖触动所有的工业，使它们继续它们的生产和它们对其他各业商品的需求，则这种灾难大都会立即消失。如果生产直接消费的各业同意继续开工，并像往常一样互相购买商品，那末，它们就会互相提供获得适当利润率和工资率的手段。生产固定资本的那些行业也许不得不等待较长的时间，但是当信心恢复到这样的程度，以致有资可投的那些人决定了如何投资的时候，它们也会获得雇用的。有信心就会使信心更足；信用增加了购买手段，从而物价有所回升。已开业者会获得适当的利润，新公司将要成立，旧企业将要扩大；不久甚至对那些生产固定资本的企业的工作也有适当的需求。关于重新全部开工并为自己的商品相互提供市场一事，各业当然是没有正式协定的。但是工业的复苏是通过各业信心的逐渐而往往是同时的增加来实现的；一俟商人们认为物价不会继续下降，工业就开始复苏，而随着工业的复苏，物价上涨。 第十一节关于社会进步的可能性的临时结论。国民收入的平均分配会降低许多技工家庭的收入。社会的最低层需要加以特殊对待。但是提高非熟练劳动的工资的捷径，莫过于使各阶层人民的性格和才干受到如此完备的教育，以致一方面它大大减少那些只能胜任非熟练劳动的人的数量，另一方面增加那些善于进行独立思考（这是人对自然控制的主要源泉）的人的数量。而真正的高生活程度是不会达到的，除非人学会了善于利用空闲时间：这是剧烈的经济变革为害的许多迹象之一，如果这些变革超过了人类从长期自私自利和斗争中继承下来的那种性格的逐步转变。 分配论研究的主要意义是使我们知道：现有的社会经济力量使财富的分配日趋完善；这些力量是经常起作用的，日益壮大的；它们的影响大多是积累性的；社会经济组织比乍看起来要更加微妙而复杂；考虑不周的巨大改革会引起严重的后果。它特别提醒我们，政府占有全部生产资料，即使这种占有是逐渐地稳步地实现的，像较负责的“集体主义者”所提倡的那样，对社会繁荣的损害比初看起来要大得多。 从国民收入的增长取决于发明的不断进步和费用浩大的生产设备的不断积累这一事实出发，我们不得不想到，使我们驾驭自然的无数发明差不多都是由独立的工作者所创造的；全世界的政府官吏在这方面的贡献是比较小的。中央政府或地方政府集体所有的几乎全部贵重生产设备，是用主要借自企业家和其他私人储蓄的资金购置的。集权政府在积累集体财富方面有时也作了巨大的努力，也许可以指望，在将来先见和忍耐将成为大部分劳动阶级的共同财产。但是事实上，把进一步控制自然界所需要的资金的积累委托给一个纯粹的民主政府，也会引起巨大的风险。 因此，显然有很强烈的理由害怕，生产资料的集体所有制，除非在实行以前，全体人民已养成现在比较罕见的那种忠于社会福利的能力，会挫伤人类的积极性和阻碍经济的进步。虽然这个问题此刻不能加以讨论，但是它也许把私人和家庭生活关系中最美丽而和谐的东西毁其大半。这些就是使那些慎重的经济学家一般认为经济社会和政治生活条件的急剧改造是害多益少的主要理由。 此外，我们不得不想到，国民收入的分配虽有缺点，但不像一般所说的那样多。实际上英国有许多技工的家庭，美国这种家庭甚至更多（尽管在那里曾发现了巨大的宝藏），它们会因国民收入的平均分配而受到损失。因此，人民群众的境遇虽然通过废除一切不均而在短时间内自必有很大的改善，但是甚至暂时也决不会改善到社会主义者所憧憬的那种黄金时代给他们规定的水平。 但是这种审慎的态度并不意味着对现时财富分配不均的默认。许多世纪以来，经济科学越来越相信，极端贫困伴随着巨大财富是没有实际必要的，从而，在伦理上是不对的。财富的不均，虽没有往往被指责的那样厉害，确是我们经济组织的一个严重缺点。通过不会伤害人们的主动性，从而不会大大限制国民收入的增长的那种方法而能减少这种不均，显然是对社会有利的。虽然算术提醒我们，把一切所得提高到超过特别富有的技工家庭业已达到的那种水平，是不可能的，但是不到该水平的应加以提高，甚至不惜在某种程度上降低该水平以上的所得，自然是合算的。 第十二节续前。 对那些在体力上、智力上和道德上都不能做一整日工作赚一整日工资的“社会残渣”（它的人数很多，虽然现在有不断减少的征兆），需要采取迅速措施。这个阶层，除了那些绝对“不能就业的”人以外，也许还包括一些其他的人。但那是一个需要特殊处理的阶层。经济自由制度对那些身心健康的人来说，不论从道德或物质的观点来看也许是最理想的制度。但是那些社会残渣却不能善于利用这种制度。如果让他们按自己的方式教育儿童，则盎格罗撒克逊的自由通过他们势必贻害后代。把他们置于像德国所流行的那种家长制纪律之下，对他们有利，而对国家更有利。 要解决的祸害是如此紧急，以致迫切地需要一种反祸害的有力措施。这样一个建议很早就引起学者的注意，即：政府当局给男工和女工都规定一种最低工资，在这种工资以下，他或她都可以拒绝工作。如果行之有效，则它的利益是如此之大，以致人们会欣然接受，而不顾它会引起某些副作用，和在某些毫无理由的场合下把它用作要求严格的虚拟工资标准的手段。虽然最低工资计划的细节，最近，尤其是近二、三年以来，曾有很大的改进，但是它的基本困难似乎还没有得到正视。除了澳大利西亚的经验之外，几乎没有任何经验可作为我们的借鉴，在那里，每个居民都是大地产的部分所有者，近年来，有许多年青力壮的男男女女都移居到那里。而这种经验对我国人民来说也用处不大，因为他们的活力曾为过去的济贫法和谷物条例所伤，为工厂制度（当不理解它的危险时）的滥用所害。任何实用可行的计划必须建立在对那些赚不到最低工资，从而不得不请求国家补助的人的人数统计上面；特别要查明其中有多少人大体上可以维持生活，如果可能听其工作并在许多场合下以家庭而不以个人来调节最低工资的话。 第十三节续前。 讲到那些身心相当健康的工人，大致可以作这样的估计。 只能胜任非熟练劳动的约占人口的四分之一。适宜于低级熟练劳动，而不适宜于高级熟练劳动，又不能在责任重大的岗位上行动迅速自如的，占人口的四分之一左右。如果一世纪以前在英国进行同样的估计，则比例会截然不同。除普通的农业工作外，不适宜于任何熟练劳动的，也许占人口的一半以上，而适宜于高级熟练劳动或责任重大的工作的，也许还不到人口的六分之一。因为那时并不把人民教育当作国家的义务，和对国家的一种经济。如果这是唯一的变动，那末，非熟练劳动的迫切需求势必迫使雇主对它支付几乎和对熟练劳动一样的工资。熟练劳动的工资会略有下降，而非熟练劳动的工资会上升，直至这两种工资大致相等为止。 尽管如此，非熟练劳动的工资涨得比任何其他劳动的工资，甚至比熟练劳动的工资还要快些。如果完全非熟练劳动的工作没有被自动机器和其他机器代替得甚至比熟练劳动的工作还要快，那末，这种工资平均化运动也许会进行得更快些。因此，现在完全不需要技术的工作比以前要少些。的确，有几种历来属于熟练技工的工作现在所需要的技巧不及以前那样高，而相反地，所谓“非熟练”工人现在往往所须操纵的工具是这样的精巧昂贵，以致不便为一世纪以前的英国普通工人或现在某些落后国家的人民所应用。 这样看来，机械进步是各种劳动报酬之间仍然存在着巨大差别的一个主要原因；初看起来，这似乎是一种严重的控诉，其实不然。如果机械进步慢得多，即非熟练劳动的实际工资比现在要低些，而不会高些。因为国民收入的增长会受到如此大的限制，以致甚至熟练工人也不得不对一小时工作的所得还不及伦敦瓦工六便士的实际购买力而感到满足，而非熟练工人的工资当然还会更低一些。曾经有一种观点，认为倘生活上的幸福取决于物质条件，则收入足以提供最必要的生活必需品之时，可以说是幸福开始之日。此后，收入增加一定的百分比，将增加大约等量的幸福，不论收入何似。这种粗浅的假设导致这一结论：贫苦阶级中实际工人的工资（比方说）增加四分之一，对总幸福的增益，比其他阶级中相同人数的收入增加四分之一要大些。这似乎是合理的。因为它阻止了绝对的痛苦，消除了堕落的积极因素，并通向幸福之路，而这是收入的其他比例增加所不及的。从这点来看，贫苦阶级从机械和其他方面的经济进步中所获得的实际利益，比他们的工资统计数字所代表的要大些。但是力求用这样低的成本来进一步增加福利仍是社会的当务之急。 可见，我们必须力求使机械的进步大力向前发展，并减少不能从事任何技术性工作的劳动供给，以便使全国的平均收入增加得甚至比过去还要快些，使每个非熟练工人的收入份额增加得更快些。为了这个目的，我们需要向近几年来的那种方向迈进，但须更加努力。教育必须更加普及。学校教师必须懂得他的主要任务不是传授知识，因为几先令买来的报刊上的知识一个人的头脑就容纳不了。他的主要任务是培养个性、能力和才干；因此甚至那些轻率的父母们的子女也有机会被培养成下一代的审慎的父母。为了这个目的，必须大量使用公款，而这种公款必须用来提供新鲜的空气和场所，以供工人阶级住宅区的儿童作有益的游戏。 这样看来，国家似乎需要对贫苦的工人阶级本身无法举办的那种福利要大力资助，同时要坚持室内必须清洁，适于日后成为强壮而有责任感的公民居住之用。每人应有若干立方呎空气的强迫标准必须加以稳步提高，这和不准建造房前房后没有适当空地的高楼的规定结合起来，将加速工人阶级从大城市的中心市区移向可能有较空旷场所的那些地方。同时国家对医药卫生的补助和管理将在另一方面减轻贫苦阶级的儿童迄今所受的压迫。 非熟练工人的子女有必要培养得能够赚取熟练劳动的工资；而熟练工人的子女有必要用同样的方法培养得能够担任更加负责的工作。挤入中下阶级，对他们不但不利，而确实有害。因为，如所指出的，只会书写和记帐实际上属于比熟练手工劳动还要低一级的劳动，它过去之所以高于熟练手工劳动，只是由于普及教育曾被忽视。 任何一级的儿童挤入高于他们的那一级，对社会往往既有利，而又有害。但是我们现在那个最贫困的阶级的存在确是一种罪恶，促进该阶级人数增加的事，不应当做，而应当帮助不幸生而为该阶级的那些儿童来摆脱这个阶级。 在上层技工中有广阔的天地；而在上层中产阶级中对后进者也有广阔的天地。正是由于这个阶级的卓越人物的创造和智慧，才出现了大多数的发明和改良，而这些发明和改良使今天的工人有可能拥有几代以前最富的人也不常有的那些安逸品和奢侈品。没有它们，英国甚至不能给她现在的人口提供充分的普通食物。如任何一个阶级的子女厕身于那些从事新发明并把这种发明应用在实际建设上的一小群人之中，那确是一种纯粹的巨大收获。他们的利益有时很大，但是他们为世界赚得的也许比为自己多一百倍以上。 的确，许多巨大的财富是由投机，而不是由真正建设性的劳动得来的。这种投机大多是和反社会的策略，甚至和对一般投资者所凭恃的那些消息的蒙蔽分不开的。补救的方法不易，也许永不会完善。用简单的法令来控制投机的那种草率的作法，结果不是无效，就是有害。但这是经济研究的那种日益壮大的力量有希望在本世纪对世界作出巨大贡献的问题之一。 在许多其他方面，祸害可以通过对社会在经济上的慷慨捐输的广泛认识而有所减轻。富人对社会福利的热心，可以大大有助于收税人尽量利用富人的资金来为穷人谋福利，并可以消除贫困之害。 第十四节续前。 上面讨论了财富的不均和贫苦阶级的微薄收入，特别提到了它们使人不能满足需要和阻碍自然发育的种种影响。但是这里如往常一样，经济学家不得不提请注意的一个事实是，正确地使用一个家庭的收入和利用它所拥有的机会的那种能力本身就是一种最高级的财富，是各阶级极其罕见的一种财富。甚至英国各劳动阶级每年用得不当钱约有一亿镑，其他阶级约有四亿镑。虽然缩短劳动时间在许多场合下的确会减少国民收入，降低工资；但是大多数人的工作时间缩短也许更加理想，如果所引起的物质收入的损失可以全由各阶级抛弃那种最无谓的消费方法来补偿，如果他们能学会善于利用自己的闲暇。 但遗憾的是，人性的改善很慢，在任何方面都没有比在学会善于利用闲暇这方面慢了。在各个时代，各个国家和各个社会阶层里，懂得善于工作的人比懂得善于利用闲暇的人要多得多。但是另一方面，只有通过有利用闲暇的自由，人们才能学会善于利用闲暇。没有一个缺乏闲暇的体力劳动者阶级，能够具有高度的自尊并成为完全的公民。在使人精力疲竭而无教育意义的工作之后，有一些可以自由支配的时间，是高等生活程度的一个必要条件。 在这个场合，像在所有类似的场合一样，正是青年人的能力和才干对于道德家和经济学家具有头等重要的意义。我们这一代最迫切的任务是给青年人提供发展其所长并使其成为有效率的生产者的各种机会。而达到这个目的的一个主要条件是长期免于机械劳动的自由；和有上学与进行各种有助于个性发展的游戏的充分时间。 即使我们只考虑到那些因生活在父母都过着不幸生活的家庭而使青年所受的损害，对他们加以适当的体恤对社会也会是有利的。能干的工人和优秀的公民多半不是来自那些母亲白天大部分时间不在家，或父亲不到半夜不回家的家庭。因此，社会即使与限制那些守矿车者和工作本身并不繁重的其他人员的过长的值班时间，一般也有直接的利害关系。 第十五节续前。 在讨论使各种不同工业技巧的供给和需求相适应的困难时，曾要求我们注意这一事实，即这种适应不会完全准确，因为工业方法的变动很快，而工人的技巧在他掌握以后还要用四十年，甚或五十年。上述困难的关键多半在于生活习惯和思想情感的持久性。如果我们的股份公司、铁路或运河的组织有缺点，我们用一二十年的时间就可以把它纠正过来。但是在几世纪以来的战争、暴力和卑鄙下流的放荡行为中形成的那些人性因素，用一代的时间也是不能大大加以改变的。 现在像往常一样，那些高尚而热心的社会改造家们曾给他们的想像所便于虚构的那种制度下的生活描绘了美丽的图景。但那是一种不负责任的想像，其所以不负责任，就在于它从这一虚伪的假设出发，即在新制度下人性将迅速改变，而这种改变在一世纪内，甚至在有利的条件下也是不可企求的。 如果人性可以得到这样理想的改造，那末，即使在现存私有财产制度下，经济上的慷慨捐输也会在生活中占统治地位。而源于人类天性的那种私有财产就成为无害的了，同时也成为不必要的了。 因此我们有必要来提防那种夸大我们时代的经济灾难并忽视以往更严重的类似灾难的诱惑；尽管某些夸张在短时间内可以刺激我们和其他的人更加坚决地要求立即消除现有的这种灾难。但蒙蔽正义事业的真相和蒙蔽利己勾当的真相同样有害，而往往更加愚蠢。悲观主义者对我们时代的描绘，再加上对过去幸福的那种浪漫的夸张，必然有助于抛弃那些工作虽缓但是踏实的进步方法，有助于轻率地采纳许下更大诺言的其他方法，但是这些方法像江湖医生的烈性药一样，在立见微效的同时，却播下了长期到处腐烂的种子。这种不耐的虚伪为害之大仅次于这样一种道德上的麻痹，即在我们现代资源和知识的条件下，对不断毁坏无数生命中值得拥有的一切处之泰然，并以我们时代的灾难总不及过去这种感想来安慰我们。 现在我们必须结束我们的这部分研究。我们所得到的实际结论很少，因为在解决一个实际问题以前，一般有必要来考察它的经济全貌，更不用说它那伦理方面和其他方面了。在现实生活中，每一个经济问题多少直接地取决于信用，对外贸易和垄断组织的现代发展的错综作用和反作用。但是我们在第五篇和第六篇中所讨论的那些问题，在某些方面是整个经济学领域中最困难的问题，懂得它们就可以研究其他问题了。