Chapter 19 An Analysis of the Social Components of the Chinese Secret Society Party in Southeast Asia in the 19th Century
The Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society Party is one of the overseas branches of the Tiandi Society of China. Since the day it appeared, it has been playing an extremely important role in the Chinese society in Southeast Asia.As a part of the local overseas Chinese society, its members accounted for more than 50% of the overseas Chinese population in its most prosperous era. In the 1850s and 1860s, even the adult males in the entire Chinese community were almost all members of the secret society.The Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Association not only has a large number of people, but also has a great influence on the overseas Chinese society. Many leaders of the association are both wealthy and the leaders of the overseas Chinese associations. The head of the party.So, who are these people who flowed from the land of the Qing Empire to the barren land?Why did they occupy a place in the local society and gather a certain amount of wealth in a short period of time?
The Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society is a variant of the Tiandihui in a special environment and under specific conditions. The environment has been modified in some details.Nevertheless, the social composition of their leaders and members is quite different from that of Tiandihui in China.This article attempts to study the social components of the Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society Party in comparison with the composition of the members of the Tiandi Society in China, so that we can see more clearly that the overseas branch of the Tiandi Society that grew up in the new land—the Southeast Asian Chinese A change in the nature of secret societies.
Like the members of the China Tiandihui, most of the members of the Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society are from the bottom of society.The difference is that the Southeast Asian Chinese secret societies also include a large number of wealthy businessmen and leaders of overseas Chinese communities. In particular, the origins of the leaders of the secret societies are very different from heaven and earth.
1. The social composition of members Li Zifeng said in "Under the Sea" that the leaders of China's political parties are people who "have been out for a long time, have traveled all over the world, and have shown their extraordinary abilities, and they know all the three religions and nine streams".In fact, a large number of party members are no exception. Although they are not "knowing all three religions and nine streams", they all have no permanent career, no fixed place, and no life. The vagabonds, that is, those who rely on dishonest means as their main source of livelihood. This group is a very restless section of the lower classes."Professor Cai Shaoqing, a well-known party history expert, has done in-depth research on this.According to his identities provided by 85 key members of the Tiandihui during the Lin Shuangwen Uprising in Taiwan during the Qianlong period, the identities of 235 people involved in 128 cases of the Tiandihui during the Jiadao period, and the 39 members of the "Red Soldier" uprising members of the Tiandihui in Guangdong during the Xianfeng period. According to the identities and statistics of 57 members of Xiangyang and Guanghua Jianghu Associations in Hubei Province during the 1911 Revolution, "bankrupt laborers and vagrants" "occupied a dominant position" in the Tiandihui.Tiandihui is actually a "collection of the homeless class".The reason for this situation is that, on the one hand, China's natural economy was severely damaged at that time, and a large number of farmers were separated from the land.These people live in poverty, often wandering in foreign lands, isolated and helpless, so they form associations and form alliances; on the other hand, the Tiandihui, as Mr. In other words, this is the most enough to make the scholar-officials feel disgusted by hearing it, and avoid it at a distance."
However, after the Tiandihui spread to Southeast Asia, due to changes in the environment, the composition of members has also undergone great changes.Not only are there no vagrants without constant employment and no fixed residence among the party leaders, but ordinary members also have relatively fixed occupations, such as hawkers, miners, gardeners, tricycle drivers, servants, etc.Because, first of all, one of the main reasons why the majority of Chinese went to Southeast Asia was that the European colonists needed a lot of labor when they developed Southeast Asia. , all have the opportunity to find a job, if they are not afraid of hard work, they will seldom become jobless. Secondly, the Chinese in Southeast Asia, regardless of whether they are rich or poor, are almost all bankrupt laborers from China.They have all had the experience of being bullied and oppressed by the government or the rich, or poor and destitute. It's just that some people are courageous and have good opportunities to make a fortune quickly, while some still live at the bottom of society.Therefore, unlike Chinese landlords and bureaucrats, rich overseas Chinese businessmen in Southeast Asia disdain to associate with ordinary people in the lower class, and some upper classes also join the party.Although the members are at different levels, it does not prevent the brothers in the association from uniting and helping each other and working together with the outside world.
Generally speaking, the vast majority of Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society members still come from the middle and lower classes of overseas Chinese society. They are either miners, gardeners, servants, small vendors, etc.This is determined by the composition of Chinese immigrants to Southeast Asia in the 19th century.
Chinese immigrants in the 19th century were basically bankrupt peasant laborers.
As early as the nineteenth year of Daoguang (1839), Lin Zexu said in a memorial: "When the barbarians returned to the country, there were unemployed poor people who were privately introduced and hired to go abroad. When they were brought to the country, they were ordered to open mountains and plant trees. Or do menial work."
Thirty years later, in 1871, an Englishman who witnessed the "piglet" trafficking in Chaozhou also said that most of the "new customers" from Chaozhou to Nanyang were "vagrants, unemployed and poor".Although some of these unemployed poor people became wealthy businessmen by virtue of their wisdom and luck after they arrived in Southeast Asia, these people are only a very small number. Even small businessmen with a better life generally do not have many, and most immigrants still live at the bottom of society.According to this characteristic of overseas Chinese society, Dr. Yan Qinghuang divided the class structure of overseas Chinese society into three levels: upper, middle and lower. Tin mine proprietors, plantation owners, opium monopoly merchants, winery owners, etc.The middle class includes small shopkeepers, retailers, small traders, shop assistants, government employees, artisans, tailors and mechanics.The lower class is the class that constitutes the main body of the Chinese society, accounting for the majority of the entire Chinese population. They are mainly plantation and tin mine workers, domestic servants, tricycle drivers, hawkers, etc.Since the Chinese Secret Society is an important organization in the Chinese society, and its members account for the majority of the Chinese population, the class relationship in the Chinese society will undoubtedly be reflected in the society. The lower class that constitutes the main body of the Chinese society is of course also a member of the Chinese Secret Society main source.
The earliest records in Penang about the composition of the members of the Chinese secret society in Southeast Asia also show that: the members of the Chinese secret society mainly came from the lower class. On June 9, 1825, four well-known Chinese businessmen in Penang went to the local British Governor’s Office and the General Inspectorate’s Office to confirm that there were 1,000 Cantonese people in the Seamount Society in Penang, most of them were laborers, carpenters, and gardeners from the lower class, and they did not have any shops. East and decent businessmen participated.What the purpose of these four wealthy businessmen in providing information to the Governor and the Attorney-General’s Department at that time is unknown to us, but their grasp of the composition of the Chinese Secret Society at that time should be basically correct, but “there were no shopkeepers and decent It seems wrong to say that the leader of the Yee Hing Association in Penang at that time, Koo Lai Huan, was not only the owner of the store, but also a wealthy businessman who was trusted by the government and monopolized Penang’s opium and soju wages with his son Ku Desong for more than 20 years. So what was the situation in 1825? More than 50 years later, the British who knew the most about the secret society, Bi Qilin, the guardian of the Chinese people, said: "Most of the secret society members come from the lower class, and they don't even know much about the secret code, history and secrets of the society. , and cannot explain the meaning of each sign.”
This shows that most of the members of the Chinese Secret Society at that time were ignorant, poor and illiterate.Professor Mills wrote in his monograph: "Most of the Tiandihui people are criminals from the lower class in Chinese society... many are even pirates and robbers lurking in Singapore."
Of course, things are not as bad as Mills said, but it also reflects from one aspect that the members of the party do come from the lower classes.The above are the conclusions of Westerners, but what about the research results of Chinese people?Qian He, an expert on Chinese in Southeast Asia during the period of the Republic of China, said: "Generally speaking, the members of the secret association are mostly ignorant and poor, and the property owners and businessmen with status also join. Therefore, they have status. Although the overseas Chinese do not join directly, most of them are secretly sponsoring, and they often bear financial expenses and other things."
Wen Xiongfei also made a similar statement.It can be seen that it has been recognized that the members of the Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society are mainly overseas Chinese from the lower class.Regarding the social composition of the members of the Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society, the most reliable information should be the records in the investigation report of the Penang Riot Investigative Committee. Unfortunately, it only records the members of the Yee Hing Society, one of the two hostile parties involved in the riot. constitute.According to the report, "Yi Hing Association is mainly composed of laborers and craftsmen from Guangdong."
From the above analysis, we can see that after the Tiandihui moved to the south, the social composition of its members changed a lot, but generally speaking, the conclusion that "members of the Huihui mainly come from the lower classes of society" is still applicable.
2. The social composition of the leader Although most members of the party come from the lower class, it does not mean that the leaders of the party also come from the same class.In fact, most of the leaders of Southeast Asian Chinese secret societies are what Max Weber called "economically powerful rulers." They are recognized because of their economic status and wealth.This kind of recognition comes not only from within the Chinese society, but also from all social strata including Europeans.At the same time, their social contacts are not limited to the Chinese circle, they are also relied on by government officials.
There are two proverbs that are popular in Southeast Asia: "Gambling with excellence leads to business" and "Business with excellence leads to Chinese leaders".In the specific time and space of Southeast Asia in the 19th century, the leaders of the Chinese secret societies were mostly wealthy businessmen, just like the leaders of other overseas Chinese societies. This feature became more prominent after the mid-19th century, when the leadership of the Secret Society Party was basically controlled by businessmen.Ba Su, an Englishman who had worked as a policeman in Southeast Asia for many years, pointed out that at that time the leadership of the Secret Society Party "was invariably under the domination of the Chinese 'head family' class, including a series of 'head family members' from small to large. ".For example, the hundred or so leaders of Yixinghui, Yifuhui, and Songbaiguan, except for a few, are all opium tax contractors, owners of tobacco halls, or businessmen of all sizes dealing in honey, rice, and cloth.Cai Maochun of Yifuhui and Chen Yayan of Yixinghui are big businessmen.However, the research results of Wynne and Yan Qinghuang consistently show that although businessmen are predominant among Chinese secret society leaders, they are not as numerous as Basu claims.According to the long list of leaders of the Chinese Association in the book Triad and Tabut written by Pooh, from 1881 to 1889, 9 of the 21 leaders of the Association in Singapore were businessmen. , accounting for 43%.They are honey merchants, rice merchants, opium shop owners, tavern owners, etc., basically belonging to the upper class of Chinese society.There are also many craftsmen among the 21 people, 7 in total, ranking second, including carpenters, shoemakers, sawers, tailors and coffinmakers.The remaining 5 people are Miao Zhu, Chinese medicine dealer, Chinese doctor, fortune teller and boatman.However, except for fortune tellers and boatmen, all of them are middle and upper class people in Chinese society.Among the 40 leaders of the party in Penang, 24 are businessmen, accounting for 60%. They are plantation owners, tin mine owners, etc. ; the second place is still craftsmen, a total of 8 people, including 3 tailors, 2 pastry chefs, 1 blacksmith, 1 chef, 1 engraver, etc.; among the remaining 8 people, it is said that 7 people even once Write for a living.From the 1877, 1885 and 1889 annual party statistics released by the government, it can be seen that almost all middle and upper-class Chinese served as the main leaders of the Chinese secret society at that time.The results of the three statistics show that among the 43 main leaders of the well-known parties in Singapore and Penang, 24 are businessmen, 10 are craftsmen, and the remaining 9 are middle-level people unless they are not specifically marked. (See Table 1)
Table 1 Occupational list of party leaders of secret Chinese societies in Singapore and Penang in 1877, 1885 and 1889※
(Continued)
※Source: Proceedings of Legislarive Council, Straits Settlements, 1886. Quoted from "Nanyang Materials Translation Collection" compiled by Xiamen University Nanyang Research Institute, No. 3, 1984, page 97; TableDof Straits Settlements Chinese Protectorate Annual Report, 1877; Lean Comber, Chinese Secret SOCIETIES IN malaya: A Suruey of the Triad Society From 1800—1900. New York: JJ Augustin Incorporated Publisher Locust Valley, 1959, p.291～293.
However, the author believes that the early leaders of the party, like the members, came from the bottom of the society. Basic businessmen, such as Gu Lihuan and so on.However, with the development of the economy and the increasingly complex relations within the Chinese society, the contradictions between the Chinese gangs have continued to deepen, and the role of the Chinese secret societies in doing business and other economic activities with risk factors has become more and more important. Most of the wealthy Chinese businessmen regard controlling and manipulating the Chinese secret societies for their own use as their common goal.A rich businessman like Chen Song who was in the 1920s and 1930s was not a wealthy person in the early days of the port opening.Because Penang Guangfu Palace was founded in the fifth year of Jiaqing (1800), the first five donors listed in the monument in the palace did not have Chen Song, he only donated 50 yuan, although it belongs to the category of more donations , but compared with the big head who donated 200 yuan, he is not the richest yet.According to Professor Chen Tiefan's deduction, Chen Song should not be too high in terms of economic strength and social status at this time, and of course his age is not too old.And 30 years later, when the Hengshan Pavilion in Singapore was established in the fifteenth year of Daoguang (1830), he was already a prominent figure in the overseas Chinese community in Singapore, and he was among the leaders of the Chinese society. one.
After the middle of the 19th century, more and more business tycoons became the leaders of the Chinese Secret Society. For example, Yap Ah Lai had already owned millions when he was the leader of the Kuala Lumpur Seamount Society in 1868.In the Selangor War that started in 1870 alone, Ye Yalai spent more than 1 million yuan. When Ye Yalai passed away in 1885, JB Rodger, the acting British resident officer in Selangor, said in his annual report that year: Yeh owned more than 150 houses in Kuala Lumpur, and there were also a large number of tin mines and vast land in Selangor. The plantation employs 5,000 laborers.In addition, Qiu Tiande, another main figure of the Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society, is also a rich man in the Chinese society.Professor Chen Tiefan marked 42 various bells from various temples, temples, palaces and pavilions in Nanyang in his "Nanyang Chinese Cultural Relics". 4 It is a personal gift only, and the hanging bell of Qinglong Palace in Penang is a gift from Qiu Tiande alone.The bells and tripods are all of high value. If they are not rich, they cannot afford the cost.In fact, Qiu Tiande's family is not only rich, but most of the bosses below him are businessmen and shopkeepers with tens of thousands of households, and some are big businessmen engaged in arms production and trade.It is precisely because of this that the members of the Dabo Association have weapons during the riots, and they have been able to defeat the Yixing Association which is several times their number many times.
This situation occurs not only in the Straits Settlements, the stronghold of the Chinese secret society, but also in Siam. Skinner’s research on the Chinese secret society in Thailand shows that in Thailand, the relatively large Chinese secret society Party leaders are mainly opium, gambling, liquor raters or wealthy businessmen.
The correlation between business tycoons and party leaders in Southeast Asian Chinese society is not difficult to explain. It is determined by two mutually causal conditions.First, unlike China, which has always followed the principle of seniority in the selection of clan and community leaders, with seniority as the basic condition, wealth is the prerequisite for entering the leadership of Chinese societies in Southeast Asia, and wealthy businessmen can often obtain leadership positions.Whether it is a dialect organization, a geographical organization or a party organization, when choosing leaders, the rich are more likely to be elected because they have a high status and prestige in society and can donate huge sums of money when necessary.At the same time, wealth can also enable them to gain political influence and provide more guarantees for the survival of the Chinese Secret Society.Second, although wealth is the main condition for determining social mobility, wealth does not automatically translate into authority.Therefore, people with a lot of wealth will have some way to realize their desire to be at the top of society.In addition to donating to guild halls and temples, building schools and hospitals, participating in Chinese secret societies is also an important way.
3. The dependence and interaction between the leaders of the secret society and the party organizations. Due to the indispensable role of businessmen in the economic development of Southeast Asia, the economic success of the leaders of the secret Chinese societies has also improved their social and political status. They are regarded as It is the main force that can directly promote the local economic development and prosperity.The various systems implemented by the colonial government in the overseas Chinese society made the local Chinese secret society the main force controlling the overseas Chinese society.The leaders of the Chinese secret societies became the leaders of the overseas Chinese communities that were recognized by the government, openly or semi-publicly. Some leaders of the secret Chinese societies simply appeared as Chinese Kapitan and became the legal rulers of the Chinese society.
After the establishment of the Straits Settlements in 1826, the Capitan system seemed to cease to exist, but in fact some influential figures in the Chinese society were still functioning like Capitan.
In the Malay states, the Kapitan system has been completely preserved.Chinese Kapitan has won the trust of local indigenous leaders and colonial governments throughout Southeast Asia. It is a tool for the ruling authorities to maintain the stability and order of the Chinese community, and to a certain extent acts as a tax agent for the government.Many historical materials show that there was a close relationship between the leader of the secret society and the Chinese Kapitan who was recognized by the local aboriginal leaders and the colonial government as the leader of the overseas Chinese community.For example, in Kuala Lumpur, the famous Kapitan Yap Yalai almost became the de facto ruler between 1868 and 1879.He not only made detailed rules and regulations to maintain law and order in the area, but also handled civil disputes, interrogated and established prisons to house criminals.Although Resident Officers were appointed by the colonial government after 1879, Yip's leadership remained intact.In fact, "Since 1873, the actual power in Kuala Lumpur has been in the hands of him and his clan, Yap Ah Shak. The local government has always looked at him with admiration and treated him favorably. Even after the British ruled Kuala Lumpur, Yap was still approved Receive 'freedom contributions' from Chinese merchants to maintain public expenditure and continue to exercise magistrate's powers". In 1880, Rui Tianxian, an administrator of the colonial government, inspected Kuala Lumpur and said in a report to the Singapore authorities: "The Chinese Kapitan Yap Yah Lai is still the leader of Selangor. His energy and dedication are very outstanding. In the During the chaotic period before the garrison system was implemented, the town was burned down three times by the Malays (Malay feudal lords), and he was re-established. Hold on to this place."
"Until recently, his power was sufficient to maintain law and order in and around Kuala Lumpur."
His brothers Sheng Mingli, Qiu Xiu, and Liu Renguang are all his predecessors, while Ye Zhiying, Zhao Yu, etc. are his successors.In addition, for example, Kapitan Zheng Jinggui, a Chinese from Narut, Perak, is a famous leader of Narut and Penang Sea Mountain Association; another Chinese from Narut, Kapitan Chen Yayan, is the leader of Penang Yee Hing Association; Kapitan Xu Wuan is the boss of Willis Province and Perak Yixing Association; Kapitan Chao Yajue from Kulim, South Kedah is the "big brother" of the Kulim Yixing Association.
The Kapitan system is a political and economic entity. Kapitan is responsible for maintaining law and order, but the government does not provide them with financial and human support.When someone is appointed as Kapitan, the secret society becomes his armed force to control the society, and it is also a tool for him to improve his political and economic status.In this case, the secret society party became the power base of the Chinese Kapitan.
Since the Chinese Kapitan relies on the secret society to gain and consolidate power for him, of course, he is obliged to seek benefits for the secret society that supports him and provide them with more opportunities to develop the group economy.Therefore, on the one hand, the Chinese Kapitan used the power of the association to expand opportunities for economic development for himself and his group; on the other hand, he used his special relationship with the ruling government to create opportunities for the secret association to amass wealth.Although Kapitan received no salaries and had no police force at their disposal, they were supported by the government as agents of the colonial government.Once a person is appointed as Capitan, he will not only have the opportunity to communicate with the upper echelons of Britain, but also have more opportunities to make money.Through its contacts and influence in the official circles of the government, Kapitan can obtain the privileges of mining, land for plantation and preferential contracting of various wages for its party.For example, Zheng Jinggui not only owns the mining rights, but also applies for business licenses for four other tin mine operators. In August 1890, he contracted the general rate of Kin-da at a relatively low rent.At the same time, he owns some of the best tin mines in nearby Solakai and Kota in Narut. In 1893, Kapitan Yap Kwan Seng, a Chinese from Kuala Lumpur, was recommended by Selangor’s Acting Minister of Chinese People, and obtained a large government mine in Petaling, with a contract of 80.5 acres.The Chinese Kapitan has also established his own business network to ensure that he and his party can maintain their special interests in the business field for a long time.Therefore, some Kapitans will lead secret societies at specific times to devote themselves to wars between the societies, between the chieftains, and between the chieftains and the chieftains.
The combination of the Chinese Kapitan and the Chinese Secret Society ensured his indisputable position in the Chinese society and ensured that the Chinese Secret Society had enough room for survival.The Haishan Association formed by Huizhou people in Selangor is one example.Since the first day of its establishment, the Haishan Society has been led by Qiu Xiu, Liu Renguang, Ye Yalai, Ye Zhiying, etc. who served as Chinese Kapitan in various periods.This method of electing the leader of the Haishan Society is beneficial to the Haishan Society itself, because the Chinese Kapitan always does everything possible to seek benefits for his own party.For example, Ye Yalai Kapitan is also a local Chinese magistrate, who has the power to manage Chinese people granted by the government. He often suggests that the government suppress other associations in order to make the Haishan Association a monopoly in Kuala Lumpur.In Malacca, in December 1875, there was a conflict between Fu Ming Hui, a secret Chinese society, and Yi Fu Hui and Yi Xing Hui.In the end, it was Zhong Mingxiu, who was the interpreter of the colonial government of Malacca, who came forward to bring the two sides to a ceasefire and reach an agreement.But this Zhong Mingxiu is the leader of the Fuming Society, and the agreement reached under his presidency will undoubtedly benefit Fuming.The most prominent example is the Johor Yee Hing Association.The relationship between Chen Kaishun, the leader of Johor Teochew Yixing Association, and Ibrahim, who succeeded Johor Temeng-gong in 1825, is extraordinary.This close relationship not only allowed Chen Kaishun to enjoy the first priority to open a port in Johor, but also the Yixing Society was honored by having a leader like Chen Kaishun.After the opening of Johor, the Yee Hing Society was the only Chinese secret society that was allowed to operate openly in Johor. Moreover, in order to protect the absolute dominance of the Yee Hing Society, Temenggong even issued an order to deny entry to other societies.Abubakar, who succeeded Ibrahim as the puller, inherited the old system and promulgated a decree stipulating that "no party other than Yee Heng shall be established".The Yee Hing Society in Johor has a lot of power.This is of course due to the influence of their leader Chen Kaishun in the government.The friendly relationship between Cai Maochun, the leader of the Singapore Yifu Association, and government officials has also brought a lot of benefits to the members of the Yifu Association. In the 1860s, the local court's handling of the wounding case of a member of the Yifu Society and a member of the Cai family was completely reversed under Cai Maochun's interrogation.This member named Cai Yaxia (Choa Ah Siah), who later assassinated Bi Qilin, cut and wounded a person named Chen Tianjia (Sound, Tan ThianKia). Chen sued the district court, demanding compensation and holding Cai accountable , but due to the influence of Cai Maochun, the circumstances of the case changed in the opposite way. Chen was accused of violating the peace of the local area.Therefore, the Chinese society at that time believed that a good overseas Chinese leader should be the leader of a secret society.
Friedman divided group leaders into four types. The first type is decisive, that is, the role of a leader in a group depends on their participation in the decision-making process. The second is social activity, that is, their leadership is obtained through their active participation in the activities of one or more organizations, such as business, culture, religion, political parties, charitable organizations, etc. , entertainment, professional and service, etc.; the third is the reputation leader, that is, the reason why he becomes the leader of the local community is not determined by how many club activities he has participated in or how much financial assistance he has given, but by his social status. The last type is position leadership, that is, his leadership in the community comes from his status in other areas of society, such as he may be a famous entrepreneur or government official.Of course, the distinction between the four types of leadership is not always clear-cut; in fact, the types are often intertwined, and a single person can fit into all four types at the same time.According to Friedman's theory and the previous analysis, it can be said that the leaders of the Southeast Asian Chinese Secret Society are position leaders. He is favored by the Chinese Secret Society because of his relationship with others, and he is more of an entrepreneur and a government official.Of course, once these people become leaders of the party, they have the characteristics of the other three types of leaders.
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