Chapter 11 Chapter 8 Measurer-1

At the London International Health Exhibition in 1884, on a small booth of only 36 x 6 feet in the exhibition hall, it was majesticly marked "Anthropometric Research Laboratory".There are 3 service personnel in the booth, some simple instruments are placed on the long table, among them there is a pendulum and a reaction key, a handle and a turntable, a photometer with which to compare the color of small pieces, and a A long tube that emits a whistling sound as the assistant inflates it, the pitch of which can be turned up by adjusting a graduated screw at the end of the tube until the visitor can no longer hear it.For just 3p, visitors can test and measure 13 characteristics: reaction time, acuity of sight and hearing, ability to distinguish colors, ability to judge length, pulling and twisting force, blowing power, height, weight , arm length, breathing force and vital capacity.

Why people are willing to pay 3p for this data is hard to say, but a total of 9,337 visitors did pay during the exhibition.Perhaps the activity itself was rewarding; at a time when accurate measurement was becoming a testament to the quality of science, it held great prestige, even when no specific purpose was in mind. If the people who visited the "Anthropometry Laboratory" had no specific purpose in their minds, its operators did.He was Francis Galton, a small, balding man with white sideburns, piercing blue eyes, a prominent nose, and a narrow mouth that gave him a sense of grandeur. An authoritative demeanor that tall men might envy.Galton was an amateur psychologist. He believed that the differences in intelligence between people were largely due to heredity. Therefore, some people with the best intelligence should be rewarded for breeding. Can make human evolution progress.But how to recognize these people?He believed that certain inherited physical traits or abilities, especially the sensitivity of the senses and reaction times, were associated with intelligence and thus were the criteria for identifying these individuals. (He reasoned in this way because of two observations of his own: first, that mentally retarded people have poorer sensory resolution; Brewers or wool sorters were usually performed by men, who, he believed, were far more intelligent than women.)

Galton's heredity may have innately determined his view of intelligence.On the one hand, he was the great-grandson of the famous physician and botanist Erasmus Darwin (another great-grandson, Charles Darwin, was Galton's cousin); son.However, he has other advantages.Earlier, he had assembled a large family tree of eminent men, and demonstrated that eminence - which he considered no different from intelligence - was transmitted in families. Galton himself paid to rent a booth to display the "anthropometry laboratory", precisely for the purpose of conducting tests to measure the physiological characteristics connected with intelligence and collect the results.In this way, he opened a new form of psychological research, completely different from the experimental research Wundt was conducting at the University of Leipzig, and from James who practiced at Harvard through introspection, and from the "talking therapy". Freud was discussing with Breuer in Vienna and shortly thereafter in his own office with a different approach.

Whatever one may feel about Galton's views, Galton himself was not a philanderer, a chauvinist of the Victorian era, but an intellectually gifted scientist with passion and curiosity , There is also a focus on work.A true polymath, a successful inventor, an award-winning geographer, authoritative travel writer, and meteorologist, he developed the first practical method of identifying fingerprints, the first Using pairwise research to tease apart genetic and environmental influences, he also invented association analysis, one of the most valuable research tools in psychology and other sciences.

Most importantly, Galton was the first to use an intelligence test, so he announced a new form of psychological research and a new field of study: individual differences.Other psychologists, notably Wundt's, looked for general psychological principles, such as how long it takes to produce a reflexive response versus a conscious response to a sound.Galton was looking for differences between individual traits (such as reaction times) and the relationship between these differences and their other traits and abilities. Galton's interest in inter-individual differences reflected the status of psychology in England in his day.Unlike German universities, British universities do not support psychology, do not have a psychology laboratory, and do not have a psychology department.People who are interested in this field do not regard it as a specialty under physiology or psychotherapy, but follow their own interests and treat it as a personal hobby.In a German university Galton might well have been introduced to physiological psychology; while in England he was free to claim what made him such a gifted man, and to preach how society could multiply the number of people.

Galton was born in Birmingham in 1822, much earlier than Wundt, James, and Freud, but his contributions to psychology were made in his middle and later years, so he was almost contemporaneous with the previous ones people.Galton was young and old. In a middle-class intellectual family, he was the youngest of seven children. He started reading at the age of two and a half. He could read any English style before the age of five. He knew a lot of Latin and some French. , but also to solve the most basic arithmetic problems. At the age of six he attended a local school, looking down on the other children because they had never heard of Mamion or the Iliad, and at seven he read Shakespeare and Pooh's Works as a way to pass the time.

The promising rising star looms large at boarding school, where rote learning is emphasized and natural curiosity and independence are stifled by whippings, sermons and punishing homework.He transferred to Cambridge without even saying hello: he felt under pressure to succeed, beset by underachievement in exams and studies.By third grade, he still wasn't at the top of his class, and with no prospect of being a top student (an honors student who excelled in math), he slowly developed heart palpitations, dizziness, and mind-wandering problems. "There seems to be a machine turning in my mind," he also said, "I can't get rid of these thoughts. Sometimes I can't even read a book, and it's annoying just to see paper with words." In the episode of mental breakdown In pain, he left school and went home.Only after deciding not to compete for honors and graduating as regulars did he return to school and finish his studies.He is obsessed with the rankings of his exams and academic performance, which has always been kept in his heart, and he will never forget it all his life.

After Cambridge, Galton completed his medical training (which he had started long ago), but when his father died in 1844, he was already well-off, so he gave up his intentions to practice medicine and lived the life of a gentleman for several years , riding, shooting, dining and traveling.However, a life of leisure and leisure was far from enough for his restless mind, so at the age of twenty-seven or eighteen, after consulting the Royal Geographical Society, he decided to spend his own money to travel to South West Africa. Two years of adventure life in the hinterland.He brought back a large amount of cartographic information, filling a blank space on the original map with content, and at the age of 31, he was awarded the gold medal of this society and was commended as an outstanding explorer.

In the same year, 1853, he married and reined in his travel life a bit, maintaining his appetite for adventure by writing travelogues and helping others arrange major expeditions.These activities could not satisfy him for long, however, and he turned to inventions, which produced a series of useful devices, including the printed telegraph (predecessor of the telex), an improved oil pump, a sledge pin devices, a rotary steam engine, and a periscope that would allow him to see places over tall people in crowded places. By the time he was 40, he picked up meteorology because he needed a new challenge.It had occurred to him that he could gather weather data from different places simultaneously with a recently developed transmitter, put them on a single map, and see if important patterns became apparent.When he did this, and connected the points with the same air pressure with lines, he found that they could describe nearly ring-shaped areas of low pressure and high pressure (cyclones and non-cyclones), the movement of which on the surface predicts the weather Foundation.

At about the same time, Galton finally came to the field that interested him most in his life, that is, the inheritance of intelligence. In 1859, Charles Darwin published his epoch-making work, which greatly influenced Galton and left a deep impression on him.One of Darwin's most basic assumptions is that, among the members of any species, there is a small amount of genetic variation or difference, and that evolution occurs through the principles of natural selection and the survival of the fittest.Although primarily concerned with animals, Galton applied its conclusions to humans.He speculates that the evolution of the human species may also have occurred through the innate psychological superiority of those with the best brains and passed on to their descendants.

This is consistent with Galton's Cambridge impression that many people were able to win honors and high grades because their fathers and father's fathers were winners.Galton now conceived and undertook a worthwhile, if not onerous, research project: he examined and counted families who had earned high marks in classical knowledge and mathematics at Cambridge over the course of 40 years.As he expected, high scores have always been obtained by the children of some special families, and this ratio is extremely uneven.He published his results in 1865, and since then his life and work have revolved around the genetic nature of human mental abilities and the improvement of humans through selective reproduction.Galton must have found this a baffling prank, since he and his wife were never able to have children.A Freudian psychologist might say that his fixation on the subject is compensation for his infertility. Although Galton has never been able to get honors in mathematics at Cambridge, his research methods have mathematical characteristics; like the ancient Greek orator Demosthenes, although he has a speech impediment, he still wants to become an orator. Dayton turned his weakness into his greatest strength.His way of studying intelligence, or anything that interested him, was to find something that could be measured, so that he could calculate ratios, compare averages, and draw conclusions.In Africa he measured some figures (at a sensible distance) of native women, which he found to be quite different when compared with the corresponding figures of English women.After returning home, he recorded data on whether the women he encountered were beautiful, average or ugly in the cities he visited, and he found that the incidence of beautiful women was highest in London and lowest in Aberdeen.At scientific conferences, he counted the number of fidgeting episodes per minute, and in a sample session of 50 listeners, he found that when the presentation interested the audience, the fidgeting episodes were cut in half. Galton published Inherited Gifts in 1869, his first and most influential of his four books on the inheritance of mental abilities.His proposal in the book was to select a series of extraordinary people and see how high the prevalence of intelligence was in their families compared with the average family.The criterion of his psychic abilities, at this time, was fame among the public: I think social and professional life is a continuous check.All for the goodwill of others, and for success in their own profession, they achieve success in proportion to the prevailing estimate of their general superiority. To establish how frequent such prestige (and thus mental capacity) was, he counted obituaries in the Times of London in 1868 and earlier, and found that, of a million people over middle age, only 250 The obituary was published, that is, only one in four thousand. He then proceeded to compare the proportions of notable figures in the families of some distinguished persons: British judges since the Reformation, prime ministers and famous military chiefs of past centuries, literary figures, scientists, poets, painters , musicians, and Protestant clergy.He calculated that such individuals occur in far fewer proportions than one in four thousand; he estimates that their frequency is one in a million.If genius were hereditary, he should have found among their relatives a much greater rate than one in a million or even one in four thousand. Galton based his estimate of the rarity of geniuses on the basis of the "rate of deviation from the mean."This law was deduced by some mathematicians in the early part of that century to express the error distribution rate of numbers or card types in astronomical observations and games of chance.However, it also applies to the variability of human characteristics. In 1835 the Belgian astronomer Adolphe Quettler, using information about French soldiers, reported that some were tall, some short, others were in the middle, and the greatest number were average or close to average.This data, if represented graphically, would result in a bell-shaped curve, with most people in the middle.From the middle to the beginning, the more people go to the two sides, the fewer people go.The notion of a "normal distribution curve" for human traits is so familiar today, but the question would have been a new discovery in Quittler's day. Galton reasoned that what was true of height should be the same for other characteristics of the human body, such as brain weight, number of nerve fibers, sensory sensitivity—and thus mental capacity.If so, a person's mental abilities should follow a normal distribution curve.He divided the human intelligence curve into 16 equal segments—eight above average and eight below average—and calculated the proportion of the population in each segment based on the shape of the curve.The two top segments add up to just 248 parts per million, which fits the 1 in 4,000 obituary ratio for prominent figures, he said.However, at both ends of the curve, the number of people becomes very small.There are only one in a million people who are truly exceptional, and, he wishes to demonstrate, these people are born that way rather than made or educated: I have little patience for the supposition that babies are born all alike, and that the only cause of difference from one child to another, from one person to another, is steady education and moral development. . . . I strongly disagree with the idea of ​​being born equal.Nursery, school, and university experiences, combined with career experiences, are evidence to the contrary. Galton felt certain that in a "progressive" society (in his words), such as Victorian England, natural ability would be rewarded for success: "If a man has a high intellectual The urgency to work and the strength to work, I can't understand how such a man could be suppressed... (in turn,) he must be cheered by the crowd." Galton's painstaking genealogical research borne fruit when he found that about one-ninth of the 286 judges he sampled were the father, son, or brother of another judge; Among the relatives of these judges were bishops, generals, novelists, poets, and physicians.In the families of these people, the odds of being distinguished are hundreds of times higher than in ordinary families; the same is true of other characteristics of the distinguished. He summarized data on all categories of eminent people and reported that 31 percent had an eminent father, 41 percent had an eminent brother, 48 percent The man has a distinguished son.Also, the closer a prominent person is to a relative, the more likely it is that the relative will also be famous.Galton was very happy, because he had thoroughly proved his hypothesis-"man's natural ability comes from heredity, and obeys the same strict laws as the natural characteristics of the whole organic world." Modern psychologists can point out some of the naïve shortcomings of Galton's method, especially the failure to point to the circumstances in which eminent men grew up; As influential a result as heredity.Whatever the limitations of Galton's method, however, he had established heritability in intelligence as a valid subject of psychological research, and it has been so since. Galton's reputation, however, was tarnished by proposing a social policy in the light of what his discoveries and history meant to him.It was he who coined the term "eugenics," and from the publication of his first book on genetic genius in 1869 until his death in 1911, he believed that if society encouraged and rewarded the reproduction of superior species, society would There will definitely be improvement and progress: (Eugenics is) the science of improving blood, which... recognizes the operation of influences which tend, however slight, to give a better chance of rapid development to a more suitable race or blood, Instead of giving less suitable races the opportunity to develop at an otherwise rapid pace. Galton's view looked dire in the wake of the Nazis' attempts to encourage the breeding of pure-bred "Aryans," exterminating Jews, Gypsies, and other races they considered human pests.According to his biographers, Galton himself appears to have been a suave and well-mannered man, apparently not a genocidal advocate, but, on the question of the appropriate treatment of unwanted peoples , some of Galton's words are already close to this line: I do not see how the arrogance of the hierarchy can hinder the gifted ranks of society, who are capable of loving kindness to their fellow men, so long as they retain their celibacy.If, however, such people continue to produce children of poor moral, intellectual, and physical qualities, it is easy to believe that a day may come when these people will be regarded as enemies of the state, and many acts of kindness will be undone. One might think that a man who regarded all races other than his own as inferior must be a racist, but Galton was not.Although he estimated that the average Negro was two notches below the English, he thought the English were two notches below the ancient Greeks; he also said that he would like to investigate the Italians and the Jews: "Both countries seem to have a lot of families with high IQ seeds." Galton's ideas about eugenics have not become any part of psychology today, but they did lead him to invent some very valuable research methods in this field.Family studies on the genetics of psychological traits are just one example.Another example, and a more useful one, arose from a review of "Inherited Gifts," which pointed to the influence of environment on intelligence, particularly the statistics proposed by the Swiss botanist Alphonse Condor, Demonstrating that great scientists tend to come from countries with temperate climates, religious tolerance, democratic regimes, and healthy business interests—these are all environmental influences. This stimulated Galton to think of distinguishing the influence of heredity and environment in remarkable achievements, especially in science. In 1874, in The Scientific Englishman, he did his fair share of the question, in a very succinct account of the genetic and environmental influences that go into language: The phrase "nature and nurture" is a convenient two-wheeler of words, for it divides under two distinct names the innumerable elements of which character is composed.Nature is all that a man brings with him into this world; nurture is everything that affects him since his birth.The distinction is clear: one makes the baby what it actually is, including its potential growth functions and consciousness; the other provides the environment for growth, so that natural tendencies may be strengthened or hindered, or entirely new environments created. To understand the role of nature and nurture in scientific achievement, Galton invented another new research tool: the self-questionnaire.He devised a questionnaire in which respondents answered questions about ethnicity, religion, social and political background, personality traits and even hair color and hat size, which he then distributed to 200 members of the Royal Society.Some of the key questions are: "How much does your scientific taste appear to be innate? Did much of this interest in science arise as a result of something in adulthood? If so, what events?" " Despite the “amazing” length of the questionnaire—Galton’s own resigned phrase—most subjects completed and returned the questionnaire. (This was the first questionnaire of its kind in history; researchers today may not experience such positive engagement.) When Galton included the feedback in the form, he found that most people believed their interest in science was Naturally; on the other hand, most respondents had a lot to say about how education helped or hindered them.Galton felt compelled to admit that environmental factors, especially education, could enhance or hinder the development of scientific aptitude, and that the inheritance of scientific aptitude did not necessarily lead to success.However, it has been shown, he argues, that genetic aptitude is the most fundamental factor in scientific achievement. Much later, as research methods developed, it was discovered that there were serious errors in Galton's questionnaires and in his analysis of the data.On the one hand, many of these questions, especially those about the subjects' success factors, yield only very subjective answers.On the one hand, Galton did not give questionnaires to lesser-known scientists and non-scientists; on the other hand, he had no way (though he later invented one) to measure any two factors mathematically Therefore, it is impossible to judge whether it is a coincidence or an important factor.However, the questionnaires and data analysis methods used by Galton were extremely important inventions, and have been important tools in psychological research ever since. For the next 10 years, the middle-aged Galton worked even harder, devoting himself to the study of psychological differences between individuals. In 1883, he published a miscellaneous article entitled "Human Talents and Their Development and Exploration", which discussed about 30 different topics. This is a wonderful combination of science and speculation, data and conjecture, statistics and rumors.Some of it was meant to convey a scientific sense, but turned out to be a Victorian man's biased collection.For example, in the chapter on "Character", Galton asserted without any evidence: "There is a very obvious peculiarity in the character of women, that is, they are capricious and coy. He is not as straightforward as a man." He proved this point on the basis of evolutionary theory: in the pursuit of a mate, if there is no female hesitation and male competition, "the race may be lowered because there is no sexual selection, and it is muddled before sex. Foreplay is precisely about providing opportunities for sexual choice." However, a large part of Human Talent and Its Development is the result of highly original scientific research.One is to solve the ability to call up mental images.Galton found that many non-scientists think in very vivid mental images, while many scientists think in purely abstract terms, and he speculated that the ability to invoke vivid mental images would prevent the ability to generalize at a high level. Think about problems in abstract form.In another study, he reported on his invention of the Word Association Test; he devised a list of 75 stimulus words, asked himself to look at the words one by one, and put the two or three words that came to mind. Write an associative word next to it.Most of the words he learned were unremarkable, for example, when he repeated the test, he would get the same associations.His observation, however, that many of the associated words had been drawn from his own experience, and that it was unlikely that others would make the same associations with him, was a discovery of great value.As a result, word-association tests became the main tool for studying inter-individual differences in personality traits. Another noteworthy study was another of Galton's inventions.When he was thinking hard about how to demonstrate the influence of nature and nurture on consciousness and character, he came up with a brilliant idea: to check "two very similar children, but later raised separately; or originally not very similar, but later raised together What happened to the older twins later.” He knew that there were two kinds of twins: some who were nearly identical physically, and others who were more or less like ordinary siblings.If two twins are very alike, but later become less alike, this may be a result of nurture; if two twins who were not very alike, but are raised together in the same way, and thus look alike, it is likely a matter of nature . This is a very remarkable hypothesis, but Galton's method of proving it is very crude.He sent questionnaires to twins he knew or their relatives; he also asked them to tell him the names of other twins.In the end, he found 94 examples, 80 of which were "very similar" (perhaps identical), and 35 provided enough detail to be useful. His studies on twins consisted largely of anecdotes; there were stories of twins who joked, or punished two at the same time because the headmaster couldn't tell which should be punished, and told of some Sometimes the younger brother will go after the older brother's girlfriend, and so on.However, when Galton sorted through the archival material, hoping to find twins who later had dissimilar personalities, he found that for some people, "the likeness of body and mind persists in old age, no matter how different the circumstances of life." .The others showed no difference, and in each case it was because a disease or accident affected only one of them.In contrast, twins (possibly brothers) who were dissimilar as children remained dissimilar for many years, even though they were reared together in the same way. Although no one noticed what he was declaring, he said: "There is no exception to the conclusion that, when differences of upbringing cannot exceed what is common among persons of the same social class in the same country, nature Greatly trumps education.” In modern terms, the study is simplistic, inaccurate, and far from conclusive.Still, this is a notable first, and the twin study method has long been an important research strategy and almost the most definitive way to assess the influence of genetics and environment on intelligence, personality traits, and other psychological traits. Finally, Galton also discussed in "Human Talents and Their Development" a series of psychological tests to quickly and easily identify people of higher intelligence, and thus became part of his larger dream of improving human beings through eugenics. . The year "Human Talents and Their Development" was published, he began trying his experiment at the International Health Exhibition.After the exhibition closed, he was given permission by the South Kensington Museum to conduct laboratory experiments there for a few more years.He invented a series of new psychological tests during this period, including an iron rod with different distances carved on it to test the ability to estimate length.There was a turntable to test the ability to judge verticality, a set of weights arranged according to weight, and bottles containing aromatic substances arranged according to concentration of odor. Galton has reached the age of 60, an age far beyond the years when scientists make their major contributions, but he made his major achievements at this time.Correspondingly, this work has spent his whole life's energy, and he has been testing it all his life.Every measurement he made in his "human test laboratory" produced a bell-shaped probability curve, but Galton felt that if he could find the correlation between the different sets of measurements , and perhaps other extremely important information can be gleaned from it.Some relationships were obvious—for example, taller people tend to be heavier—but what about the relationships in other sets of measurements?Which of them change together and at the same angle?Only by understanding how the data are related, and which measures have little relationship to others, can he design the ideal set of tests to indicate intelligence. One of the curious discoveries in his research on genetic genius got him thinking about this question: Children of unusual parents tend to be less unusual.For example, in terms of biological characteristics, children of very tall parents tend to be less tall, but still above average, while children of very short parents are not so short, but on average are still shorter than others. This tendency, Galton Called it "return to normal" (later, the term became "return to median").He wanted to know what it meant as an indicator of hereditary strength, and how it could be expressed mathematically.On the surface, this might seem like a purely intellectual puzzle, but the solution to this problem turns out to be one of the most useful research tools in psychology and many other disciplines. Galton considered this problem for a long time, and then determined a "scattering scheme" for the heights of about 300 children.First, he draws a fence with the child's height on the horizontal scale and the parent's height on the vertical scale (actually the "middle parent" height—the average height of each pair of parents).Then, in each grid cell (the intersection between a certain child's height and a certain parent's height), he fills in the number of children who meet this condition.This scatterplot looks like this: For a while, this diagram did not bring him any inspiration; then, one morning, while waiting for the bus, he looked at the diagram carefully, and suddenly, he discovered the regularity among the numbers.If he draws a line connecting any set of nearly equal values, the line will describe a diagonal ellipse whose center point is the center point of the scatterplot (average of parents and children).When he does this, and draws lines across the ellipse, connecting the horizontal and vertical points of their poles, they pass the average height of the child on each vertical column, and on each horizontal row The average height of the parents.The graph shape looks like this: This oval and the line across the middle shows the relationship he's been looking for.At any given parental height ("transverse tangent point locus"), the mean height of the children is only two-thirds of the deviation from the median (mean) of the parents' heights, in other words, the children have A "regression" of one-third toward the median value.Conversely, for any one child's height ("the locus of the vertical tangent point"), the parents are closer to the median (that is, the parents of abnormal children are less abnormal than their children.) Galton has found that The "regression line" analysis tool was introduced.If the heights of the children are exactly the same as the heights of the parents, the two regression lines coincide; if the heights of the children have no relationship to the heights of the parents, the regression lines are perpendicular to each other.And the fact is that the two lines are pretty close, meaning that the relationship between two variables in the same situation -- their correlation -- is somewhere between the total and zero. That was 1886. A decade later, Galton's student and later biographer, the British biometrician Carl Pearson, developed a mathematical mean for calculating the "correlation coefficient"—he called it r, for regression ——There is no need to create a scatter plot.For any two sets of data, it will show a correlation ranging from 1 (a perfect one-to-one covariate relationship) to 0 (no relationship at all) to -1 (the exact opposite relationship).To this day, the Pearson method has been the standard method for assessing correlation.在父母孩子的关系中，r系数为0．47（与高尔顿第一次的计算结果稍有不同）：也就是说，孩子们与人口的平均值只有父母的约一半远。 高尔顿对相关性分析的发现，其重要性无论怎么强调都不能算过分。它意味着，无论什么时候，当两个变量朝同一个方向（或者向反方向）改变时，哪怕不是同一种程度，它们也都是相关的，而相关的强度会指示它们之间的关系有多大意义。关系越紧密，它是偶然性的可能性就越小，这种连接的因果关系就越强。一个变量可能是另一个变量的原因（或者是原因之一），反过来亦是一样，或者，它们也许是其它一些原因共同发生和相关的效果。在两种情况下，一种紧密的联系表明可以解释正在研究中的某个现象。在这些数字中，如果没有一个答案，至少有一些线索存在。 （哪怕是紧密的相关关系，严格来说也有可能是“以假乱真的”——即其它一些因素的人为结果。比如，在男人中间，秃头的程度与婚姻时间的长短相关——这不是因为其中的一个因素与另一个因素有什么关系，而是因为年岁与这两个因素都有关系。后来的分析技巧已经能够筛选出这些误导性的相关关系。） 心理学家乔治·米勒在评估高尔顿的发现成果的价值时写道： 协变关系是一个重要的概念，不仅对基因学和心理学是如此，而且对所有的科学探索都同样重要。科学家就是要寻找各种现象的原因；他所发现的一切都是先决条件和必然条件之间的相关关系……高尔顿的洞察力一直，而且还将继续处在现代社会及行为科学广大的伸展地带的中心，对工程师和自然科学工作者同样都有着数不清的用途。 再加上他在重要的方法学上面所做的其它贡献，人们不难看出，尽管高尔顿不是一位深刻的思想家，可是，雷蒙德·番切尔为什么会说：“对现代心理学来说，没有多少人产生过像他这样大的影响。” 高尔顿工作的成果却是个矛盾。尽管他在方法学上的许多发明在现代心理学研究中具有至关重要的意义，可是，他的名字对大部分心理学家没有什么意义，而对一般公众更是闻所未闻。他长期于大学氛围之外进行研究工作，没有创立任何心理学学派，没有指导博士论文，弟子也没有几个。另外，他主要的贡献都是研究方法而不是给予人以启发的理论，可世界只记得后者，哪怕真正有创见的研究方法经常是伟大思想的通道。 还有另外一个更大的矛盾。对个人间智力的差别进行测量，这是高尔顿一生的主要目标，它对西方社会产生的巨大影响从目前这个世纪的早期就开始了——可并不是通过他的方法。尽管他想到过，也创立了心理测试，可是，他的名字并未与今天使用的任何测试法联系在一起，在过去的80年内也没有；除了心理学历史以外，如果说还有人记得他的话，那不是因为他是心理测试的创始人，而是优生学的创始人。 在大不列巅，高尔顿是一门个人差别“新心理学”的创立者，可是，几乎没有任何英国心理学家认为他们自己是高尔顿派的。在19世纪晚期，大部分英国实验心理学家都去了德国学习培训，并将冯特过程及理论带回了英国。他们采纳了高尔顿的一些思想和方法学上的发明创造，可是，还是认为他们自己属于冯特派。德国新心理学比在英国享有高得多的声望；这是大学系统内的产物，因而是“纯”科学，而高尔顿的思想和方法学的发明创造却是一位有天才的业余学者弄出来的产品，而且是服务于实践用途的。 高尔顿的影响在美国是很大的，可是，在这里，同样也不是以心理学学派的形式出现的。到上个世纪之交时，许多美国心理学家都成了结构主义学家（冯特式的），他们对个人差别的测量没有什么兴趣。到1905年，功能主义（詹姆斯学派）处于控制地位，可是，尽管他们对高尔顿的许多观点意见一致，可是，他们对自己的称呼远远大于他的心理学，他们认为自己是更高级别的理论学派。许多美国心理学者当中最出名的一些人物，如约翰·杜威、詹姆斯·罗兰德·安吉尔、乔治·H·米德、詹姆斯·麦基恩·卡特尔、爱德华·李·桑代克和罗伯茨·S·伍德沃思，他们都跟詹姆斯一样，将自己的理论建立在心理生存的进化论及其社会等同物，即出人头地的愿望。没有哪个人把自己叫做高尔顿主义者，可是，他们都共有一个实用主义的世界观，因此，他们所有的人都认为高尔顿的测量方法很有价值，因为这些方法对个人间的差别的判定如此实际可行。 人体测量最热情的倡导者是詹姆斯·麦基思·卡特尔（1860-1944）。他出生在宾夕法尼亚的伊斯顿城，在拉弗页大学接受教育，1883年去莱比锡，跟随冯特学习到1886年。他主要的研究兴趣是反应时间，可是，他是个极端独立的青年学生，敢于向冯特就一些关键的方法问题提出挑战：卡特尔提出怀疑，说并不是所有的人都能真正以冯特提出的办法内省的，也就是把反应时间分成感觉、选择等等。结果，卡特尔尽管是冯特的实验室助手，但他只有在自己的住处进行一些实验，因为冯特不允许他在实验室进行不遵守他的内省法的实验。 卡特尔对他检测过的一些人当中不同的反应时间感到兴趣，并在1885年的一篇论文里讨论了这件事，把它看作是“特别兴趣”。次年获取博士学位后，他来到伦敦，遇到了高尔顿，而且，尽管他们年龄相差40岁，他觉得这人十分亲近。他对高尔顿的工作留下了深刻印象——许多年之后，卡特尔称他是“我认识的最伟大的一个人”——在两年时间里，他在南肯辛顿博物馆的“人体测验实验室”里时不时地为高尔顿工作，并熟悉了在这里进行的一些测验。 卡特尔1889年刚28岁，他成了宾夕法尼亚大学的心理学教授（也许是世界上第一位获得这个教衔的人；詹姆斯在哈佛并非授予这样一个头衔，直到次年才授予他心理学教授头衔。）卡特尔收集了一套测试题，约50个，有些是高尔顿的，有些是从费希纳、冯特和其它的来源搞来的，并把其中的十项测验交给学生去测量智力的个体差异。他提出，如高尔顿所说，通过这些测量得出的主要生理特征与智力是相关的：握力、臂膀运动的速度、对声音的反应时间、重量上仅仅可以辨别出来的差别、对字母的记忆宽度和其它五种特征。1890年，他在《意识》杂志的一篇论文中描述了他的工作，这篇文章叫做“心理测试和测量”；这篇文章第一次用到了这个术语，并掀起了心理测试运动。 卡特尔于1891年去了哥伦比亚大学，成了心理学教授和系主任。他把心理测试的范围扩大了，每年让50个新生志愿者进行这些测试。他的目的使人敬佩，那就是要证明，这些测量可以测出智力来，可以显示测试结果与学生的成绩之间的关系；为了达到这个目的，他收集了近10年的测试数据和学生成绩。同时，同一种测验智力方法在1893年的芝加哥世界博览会上也展示出来，美国心理学协会的一位领导人约瑟夫·贾斯特罗在这里建起了一座与高尔顿的“人体测量学实验室”差不多的复制品实验室。到访的心理学家们毫不例外地感到有兴趣，而且都留下了深刻的印象；在19世纪90年代，这样的测试是在美国和欧洲的一些实验室里开始的。 到1901年，卡特尔已经收集到了足够的数据，可以进行确定的研究了，而他的学生之一克拉克·威斯勒，也对这些数据进行了一项高尔顿-皮尔逊式的相关性分析。他的发现使卡特尔十分吃惊，也很沮丧：学生的成绩与任何一项人体测验结果都没有明显的相关性。如果说成绩与学术地位可以指示智力水平，人体测试却不能够。另外，这些测试之间的相关性也极差，看上去好像很明显，这些测试根本就没有在测量同一个特征，而不是事先假设的那样可以测量智力。这样，由于又出现了一个矛盾，正如高尔顿的发现，即相关关系的分析所示，他的智力测验方法证明是无效的。 可是，这并不是卡特尔或者心理测试的末日。毫不气馁的卡特尔设计了其它的一系列测试，特别是在价值评判方面，编辑了两份科学杂志，创立了心理学公司，把心理学应用作为一门生意来做，并成为心理学忙碌、实际、商业性一面的代表人物。 尽管高尔顿利用人体测量方法来进行心理测验的活动很快就告一段落了。可是，不同的一种智力测试法很快又替代了他们的位置，并很快使个体差异研究成了美国心理学当中影响最大的一个领域。到1917年，美国心理学协会会议上近一半多的研究报告都是关于个体差异的。高尔顿对心理测试的评估控制了美国心理学，而智力测试也成了一个主要的方法，通过这些方法，遗传主义者的观点影响了学校开设的课程、军事机构里让男兵们操练的任务和这个国家的移民政策。 最后一个矛盾是，这些结果没有哪一项是发明了智力测试并排除了高尔顿法的人所要看到的。阿尔弗雷德·比亲的测试胜过了高尔顿法；高尔顿的观点胜过了比奈的观点。 每个学《心理学导论》的本科生都知道阿尔弗雷德·比奈，可他并不是一位伟大的心理学家；他没有形成任何公式，没有任何聪明的发现，也算不得一位有号召力的教师。可是，他曾有过一个虽然比较简单，但极富创意的想法，根据这个想法，他和合作者西奥多·西蒙搞出了一种心理测试，该项测试给千百万人的生活带来了深刻的影响。 比奈1857年出生于法国的尼斯；他父亲是位医生，母亲是位有艺术天才的妇女。父母在他年轻的时候离异，他因此跟母亲一起长大。不管是不是出于这个在当时不多见的原因，还是因为他是家里惟一的孩子，或者是因为他的天性如此，他长大之后成了一个相当内向的人，没有什么朋友，一个人独自工作和学习的时候感到最自在。 为了找到适合自己的专长，比奈走了好几段弯路。在学生时代，他曾拿到一个法律学位，可又认为科学更有趣，因此转而学医。可是，由于他有固定的收入，因此不需要自己去谋一份生活，他又放弃学医，转而研究心理学，因为他受心理学的吸引已经有年头了。他很不聪明地选择了不以正规的方式接受心理学培训，却让自己独自埋头于图书馆的阅读之中（除了其它著作外，他还在这里阅读了高尔顿的《遗传天赋》一书）。 他这种自我教育法本不会得出什么成果的，可是，1883年，他的一位老同学，即约琴夫·巴宾斯基（这人后来会发现以他的名字命名的婴儿反射），把他介绍给查尔斯·弗雷，他是萨尔佩特里埃医院的员工，后来又把比奈介绍给了自己的院长让·巴丁·夏尔科。虽然比奈没有医学学位，也没有心理学学位，但夏尔科对他的智力、知识和对催眠的兴趣留下了深刻印象，并让他在萨尔佩特里埃医院担任了神经学和催眠法的职位。 比奈在这里颇有成果地工作了几年，可又走了一条弯路。他和弗雷进行了一些控制得不太好的催眠试验，他们想象，自己已经发现了在歇斯底里病人中以前不知道的现象，并把他们的发现公之于世了。他们说，通过磁铁的使用，他们已经可以转移处于催眠状态下的病人正在进行的任何行动，比如举臂、从身体的一边到另一边。更令人吃惊的是，他们已经能够通过磁铁的使用来让病人的情绪或者感觉变成相反的内容，比如，将对蛇的害怕变成对蛇的喜欢。 这种就算是在梅斯梅尔的时代看上去都令人生疑的戏法立即招至批评。奥古斯丁·里埃波及其弟子，即催眠术中的兰西学派，都说这是通过暗示达到效果的；他们在非歇斯底里受试者身上光通过暗示就达到了同样的效果，根本就用不着什么磁铁。因为这项测试的结果而使自己的名声受到威胁的比奈只得公开宣称，这些结果是无意间由实验者暗示得来的，因而没有什么价值。（后来，他经常说：“告诉我你在找什么，我就可以把你想要的东西告诉你。”这句简洁的话后来在心理学家中成了著名的“实验者期望效果”。） 这次令人不安的经历使比奈只好退出医院，也不再与其它心理学家们接触了。在约两年的孤独生活里，他就恐怖、谋杀和心理疾病等主题编导了好几部戏剧。他还兴高采烈地花费很多时间观察他的两个孩子，马德兰和艾丽丝的思想过程，这两个孩子当时一个4岁半，另一个才2岁半。为了研究这个年岁的思维本质，他设计了一系列简单地测试：在一项测试中，他请孩子们说出某些日常用品的用途；在另一项测试中，他请孩子们判断两叠硬币或者两堆豆子中哪堆或者哪叠数量多些；在第三项测试中，他从一堆物件里面当面拿走一些，然后一件一件还原，再问他们还有多少没有还回来。当这两个小姑娘长大一些时，他让她们解决一些问题，以便研究推理过程的发展。他在三篇论文里发表的这些研究埋下了发展心理学家让·皮亚杰未来成就的伏笔，而且也是使比奈出名的第一部分工作。 朝这个方向迈出的另一步是，在35岁的时候，他又回到了职业生活当中。1892年，在一个火车站的站台上，他碰巧遇见享利·波尼斯，即巴黎大学生理心理学实验室的负责人，并与他就催眠法进行了友好的争辩。结局是，波尼斯邀请比奈当他的助手，而且，两年后，当波尼斯退休时，比奈接替了他的职位。他在实验室里进行了自己的研究，指导了许多学生，并在37岁时获得了迟来的博士学位。这个学位是自然科学学位，而不是心理学，可是，到这时，由于他的地位和发表的作品，他成了法国心理学界的著名人物。而且，也因为他满脸卷起的胡须，夹鼻眼镜和一头很有艺术气息地散布于前额上的卷发，他看上去也的确像那么回事。可他最大的愿望，即要当心理学教授的愿望，却从来没有兑现；对于这个机构内的成员来说，他在催眠法上的恶名、他不正规的教育和他博士学位的错位，都对他不利。 除此之外，还有他最近奇怪的一种热情：他想证明，智力直接与大脑的体积相关，并可以通过“测颅术”（头颅测量）进行测量。他读过保尔·洛克的书，也相信他（也许还有高尔顿）这方面的观点。比奈回顾了以前的测颅研究，在他自己身上做了一些颅部测量，并且在1898年和1901年发表了九篇论述这个问题的论文，这些论文都发表在《心理学年刊》上，这是他创办的一家杂志，而且由他当编辑。 这次，他又走了弯路。在这个系列的初期，他曾说过，大脑尺寸与智力有相关关系这一点是“不容置疑的”，可后来，他测量了好多学童的头颅，这些学童都是他们的老师作为班上智力最佳的学生和其它一些作为最差的学生选出来的，他发现，头脑大小的差别没有什么意义。在大量重新测量工作和对他的数据重新认识之后，他得出结论说，大脑尺寸的确存在有规律但程度很小的差别，可是，这些差别只存在于每组最聪明和最不聪明的5个学生中。他抛弃了把测颅术当作测量智力的方法。 到这个时候，人们很难猜测，已届中年的比奈会很快干出一份的确有相当学术内容的工作来，这份工作对全世界产生了相当大的影响。 他仍然保持着对智力测量的兴趣，可是，他回到了他研究女儿们的思维过程的方法中去了。他认为智力不是高尔顿所设想的那一种，即以感觉和运动能力来认识智力，而是认知能力的综合。比奈与实验室的一位同事维克多·享利开始在一些巴黎儿童身上进行实验，他们用一系列测试测验他们的能力——记忆测试（对词汇、音乐符号、颜色和数字的记忆）、词汇联想测试、句法完形测试等等。他们的发现说明，如果知道如何评价这些数据，这一系列类似的测试可能会测量出智力来。 一系列顺利的事情使比奈不断地发展他的研究工作。对儿童的强制普通教育是1881年在法国制定的，儿童心理学研究自由协会是一个专业组织，比奈是其中成员，1889年，这个协会开始催促公共教育部，让他们想法帮助一些心理迟钝儿童，这些孩子得上学学习，可很难跟上正常的班级。1904年，公共教育部指定了一个委员会，比奈亦是其成员之一，让他们研究这个问题。这个委员会一致推荐说，通过考试确定为心理迟钝的儿童应该放在一个特殊的班级或者学校里，让他们在这里接受合适的教育，可是，关于这个考试应该包括什么内容，委员会未置一词。 比奈及其以前在测颅研究中的同事西奥多·西蒙自觉承担起这份工作来，以编制一份考题。他们首先汇集了一系列试题，有些从早期在萨尔佩特里埃医院研究的题目中抽出来，其它一些从比奈和享利在巴黎大学实验室的工作中抽出来，再还有一些是他们自己设计的。然后，他们去一些小学，让3-12岁的学生做这些试题。这些学生有些是老师认为一般的，还有一些是中下等水平的学生。他们还测试了在萨尔佩特里埃医院住院的一些儿童，这些孩子被认为是白痴、低能和弱智儿童。 比奈和西蒙很费力地指导几百儿童进行这些考试，然后删去或者修改一些不合适的题目，最后形成了著名的“智力测定表”。他们在1905年的《心理学年刊》里将这个测定表描述为“一系列越来越难的测试题，从可以观察到的最低的难度水平，到最后以普通的智力题结束。系列中的每组（测试）对应于某种不同的智力水平”。 到现在，它还不是智力测验，因为它没有提供评分办法；它只是第一次尝试，告诉人们可以通过什么样的方法来设计智力测验。这套试题的前30道题极为容易。实验者将一根点着的火柴在受试者的面前前后晃动，看看是否存在与视力相关的头眼谐调。后面的测试极难，包括一些判断能力，如哪些线段长些，重复三个数字，重复15个单词长的词汇，从记忆里面回忆出展示过的图案，从一张折了一层或者数层的纸里面剪下一部分后，展开来的图案看上去会是什么样子，最后还有最难的问题，即确定一些抽象术语的意义（“尊敬与喜爱之间有何差别？疲倦与悲伤之间有何差别？”）。在每个年龄段内，正常的孩子都可以在某个程度上令人满意地回答问题，并完成任务；年龄越大，他们能够进行下去的题目就越多。这个测定表实际上的确是某种测量工具。 比奈和西蒙在测定某些孩子是可以认作正常的，其它一些孩子可以认作心理迟钝的，这样做的时候，他们产生了一个了不起的想法：心理迟钝儿童的智力与正常儿童的智力并非是不同的智力，而只是没有完全发育到这个年龄应有的水平；他们以大约与比自己小一些的儿童一样的方式回答这些问题。因此，智力可以通过比较一个孩子的操作能力与这个年龄组的正常孩子平均的操作能力而测量。如比奈和西蒙所言： 我们将了解……一个（孩子）是否在被认为是正常孩子的其它孩子的平均水平之上，或者他是否还留在这个水平之下。理解正常人智力发育的正常过程，我们就能够确定一个人超前或者落后了多少年。一句话，我们将能够确定白痴、低能和弱智对应于这个表的哪一级。 按照年龄来确定智力，并收集一套可以测量一个孩子的心理年龄的认知任务，这就替代了高尔顿的人体测验法，并成了智力测验运动的基础。 比奈和西蒙发表了成果之后，他们开始考虑自己发现的一些缺点和别人提出的一些批评，然后于1908年，后来又在1911年广泛地修改了这套测定法。这些修改还包括了一些评分信息——任何年龄的孩子应该能够回答的问题或者完成的任务的一套标准。（如果任何年龄组百分之六十到九十的孩子都能通过某项测试，比奈和西蒙就认为这项测试对这个年龄组是正常的。）1911年的测定表上有下列项目： 3岁： 指鼻子、眼睛和嘴。 重复两位数字。 列举图画中物体。 说出一些人的姓。 重复一个由6个音节组成的句子。 6岁： 区别早晨和晚上。 通过用途定义一个词。（例如：“叉子是吃东西用的。”） 照样子画一个心形物。 数13便士。 在图画中指出画得丑的脸和好看的脸。 9岁： 从20苏中找出零钱来。（苏为法国旧币名） 指出一些词比用途更高的形式。（例如：“叉子是一种进餐用具。”） 分出9种钱币的价值来。 按顺序报出月份的名字来。 回答简单的“综合问题”。（如：问：“错过火车后怎么办？答：等下趟车。”） 12岁： 抵抗暗示。（让孩子看四对不同长度的线条，然后问每对中哪根长些；最后一对线条的长度是一样的。） 用三个既定的词汇组成一个句子。 3分钟内说出6O个单词。 给三个抽象词定义（慈善、公正、善良）。 根据一个杂乱的句子说出有意义的话。 1908年的测定表包括了对13岁儿童的测试，1911年的表包括了对成人的测试。如以后的研究人员会指出的一样，智力的发育一直到成人的早期，然后就停下来了。 1908年和1911年的修改版是第一份功能性智力测试，对课堂操作和“智力水平”有效（里面有代表每一种年龄正常反应水平的分数）。心理学家们第一次可以确定，一个孩子的心理发育水平比正常水平超前或者落后多少年。比奈和西蒙说，如果孩子的心理年龄比他或她的自然年龄晚2-3年，这孩子可能就需要特别教育了。他们还按心理年龄确定了三种心理迟钝水平。他们说，白痴只有2岁或者以下的心理年龄；低能为2-7岁；弱智为7岁以上，但比他或她的自然年龄还是晚许多。 这些归档中的弱点是，年龄都固定在某个心理年龄上，而几乎所有的心理迟钝儿童都还在持续发育，尽管比正常发育速度慢些。一个4岁的孩子，如果他的心理年龄只有2岁，他就是个白痴，可到8岁或者10岁的时候，尽管仍然是个白痴，可他的心理年龄可能已经到了4岁或者5岁的水平。 一位德国心理学家威廉·斯登于1912年解决了这个问题，他说，如果孩子的心理年龄用自然年龄去除，结果将会是他的“心理商数”（很快重新命名为“智力商数”，或者叫智商IQ），这个比率可以表达孩子相对的心理迟钝或者超前的程度。一个4岁孩子如果只有2岁的心理年龄，其智商就是50（比率要乘以100以去除小数点的麻烦），如果10岁的时候还只有5岁的心理年龄，则其智商仍然是50。同样，一个5岁的孩子如果有8岁的心理年龄，或者一个10岁的孩子有16岁的心理年龄，则其智商为160，这是天才水平的智商。因此，智商是一个有用的办法，可以表达考试结果，并提供一个基础，可以预测孩子的发育潜势。 尽管比奈和西蒙在选择测试材料时在想办法测量“天然智力”——天生的能力——而不是死记硬背的能力，可是，比奈却不是高尔顿那样执着的遗传论者。他明确地宣称，这个测定表丝毫没有涉及这个孩子的过去或者将来，而只是对他目前状况的一种评估。比奈提醒人们注意，这些测试结果，如果生硬地地去加以解释，有可能会给一些孩子贴上错误的标签，或者彻底毁灭一个孩子的生活，因为他们在特别的帮助或者培训下可以提高他们的智力水平，而且，他在后来的作品中还骄傲地引用了一些例子。他创立的一所实验学校里，有一些低于正常水平的孩子在特殊班级里已经提高了自己的智力水平。 1908年的测定表是一个巨大的成功。到1914年，出版了约250多篇文章和书籍评论或者利用这个成果，到1916年，1908年版或者1911年版在美国、加拿大、英国、澳大利亚、新西兰、南非、德国、瑞士、意大利、俄国和中国的大部分地方广泛使用，并被翻译成了日语和土耳其语。对这样一个测量标准的需要很明显地在一些工业部门产生了。心理学家亨利·H·哥达德于1910年将此标准介绍给了美国心理学家们，并在1916年写道，如果说“整个世界都在谈论比奈-西蒙标准”，那根本就算不上是夸张。而这还只是开端。 比奈死于1911年，享年54岁，他没有能够活到看见自己的胜利的一天，可是，如果他果真活到了这一天，他可能会很悲伤地发现，他的这个标准虽然已经在许多国家采用了，可在法国却既不受欢迎，也没有被采用。只是到20年代才在法国进入使用中，而且还是一位法国社会工作者从美国带回来的。比奈本人直到1971年才开始在法国国内受到尊敬，这年，人们终于在他实行心理迟钝儿童实验教育法的那所学校举行了一个仪式，纪念他和西蒙。