Chapter 2 Chapter 1 Ground Fire——Why the Red Regime Can Exist
The earliest Soviet Russia favored Wu Peifu instead of Sun Yat-sen in China, and Stalin was the first to favor Chiang Kai-shek instead of Mao Zedong in China.Trotsky's warning "squeezed lemons" with Stalin.Chen Duxiu also had to look at the face of the Communist International.Chiang Kai-shek's tragedy lies in his contemporaries with Mao Zedong.
All parties are trying to decipher: Why can China's red regime exist?
The sound of the October Revolution gave us Marxism-Leninism, organizational guidance, and even part of the funds.But no armed separatists were sent, no countryside was sent to encircle the city, no political power was sent out of the barrel of a gun.
"Fighting the local tyrants and dividing the land" is not only the basis for the political mobilization of the red regime, but also the basis for the economic independence of the Chinese Communists.
None of them lived more than a century.But their stories and their history will be described century by century with inexhaustible viewpoints by future generations.
No matter how wonderful and thrilling history is, once the fresh lives in it gradually disappear, it will gradually become rows of old papers on the bookshelf.
In the quiet library, on the bookshelf in the corner, there is a book that is yellow and brittle like autumn leaves. It was first published in Chongqing in October of the 31st year of the Republic of China (1942).Turning to page 195, you can see a diary written on December 12th in the 25th year of the Republic of China (1936):... At 5:30 in the morning, after exercising on the bed, I was putting on my clothes when I suddenly heard the gate of Xingyuan There was a gunshot in front of him, and the guards were ordered to look at it, but the second shot was fired when they did not report back; then the second person was sent to investigate, and the gunshots continued after that...
Quite like the beginning of a bad thriller.It is conceivable that when I wrote this back then, the hand holding the pen couldn't help shaking.Then write down: ... After climbing the back mountain, pass the Feihong Bridge to the back door on the east side.The wall is only about ten feet above the ground, so it is not difficult to cross it; but outside the wall is a deep ditch, and one does not feel one's footing in the dark, and one cannot walk in pain after landing on the ground.About three minutes later, I reluctantly started to walk, not dozens of steps, to a small temple, guarded by guards, and tucked in to climb.There is no mountain path in this eastern corner, and if you go west, you may encounter rebels, so you still go east, the mountain top is steep, and you can climb and feel up...
Even the high wall "a few feet away from the ground" is considered "not difficult to cross". After climbing the wall, before taking a closer look, he flew down and fell into the deep ditch.
It is hard to imagine that this person with extraordinary skills in climbing over walls and mountains is over fifty.
He is Chiang Kai-shek, Chairman of the Military Commission of the Nationalist Government.
The event recorded happened on December 12, 1936, known as the "Xi'an Incident" in history.
On the morning of the second day of the incident, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held an enlarged meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee in Baoan.Most people's opinion is to try and remove Chiang.At noon that day, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai sent a telegram to Zhang Xueliang, the Red Army generals sent a telegram to Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng on the 14th, and the Red Army generals sent a telegram to the Kuomintang and the Nationalist Government on the 15th, all with this attitude.
On the third day of the incident, the Soviet "Pravda" published an editorial: "There is no doubt that the reason why Zhang Xueliang's troops staged a mutiny should be excluded from the conspiracy of those pro-Japanese elements who did not hesitate to use all means to help Japanese imperialism carry out the cause of enslaving China." Look for it." They believed that Zhang Xueliang was a Japanese spy and that the incident was the mastermind of a Japanese conspiracy.
The Japanese government believes that Moscow has reached an "offensive and defensive alliance" with Zhang Xueliang, and that Zhang Xueliang is a tool of Soviet Russia.Soviet Russia was the real backstage of the incident.Tokyo's "Mainichi Shimbun" published an editorial: "If the Chinese central government compromises with Zhang under the conditions of resisting Japan and accepting the Communist Party, Japan will firmly oppose it."
In Nanjing, He Yingqin dispatched troops and was about to use force, Song Meiling tried to make peace, Dai Jitao threw chairs and slammed the table, crying loudly, and even Ju Zheng, who was quite prudent on weekdays, shouted in a tune-changed voice: "Today, don't attack Zhang and Yang!" , are we all idiots?!"
Those who have gained a place on China's political stage in this extraordinary period, no one is an idiot.
Quantitative changes accumulate history, and qualitative changes divide history.People can easily feel the constant quantitative changes every day, but it is difficult to feel the qualitative changes that are coming or have already come.
On December 12, 1936, when Chinese politics contained enough quantitative changes, all aspects were pushed to the foreground unexpectedly by an invisible hand.
History comes to a crossroads.
The Chinese Kuomintang, the Communist Party of China, the Soviet Union and the Communist International, and the Showa Warlords in Japan are all cautiously and tenaciously, firmly and hesitantly exploring their true positions.Confessing one's own position, and modifying one's position.Confession while revising, revising and confessing at the same time.
Chairman Jiang, who had injured his waist and leg in Huaqing Pool, even limped to the crossroads.
As things went up and down, so did he.First he was unyielding and climbed over the wall to survive, and then he did not care about lying on the bed looking for death; first in front of Zhang Xueliang, he was accused of being instigated by the Red Party, and then in front of Zhou Enlai, he hinted that he missed his son who joined the Red Party in the Soviet Union.
The chairman of the committee is in a mess.He didn't even put on his clothes and hat, and the heavy curtain of history fell, only allowing him to say the most heart-wrenching sentence in his life.Left on the diary page that was so dry that it was almost torn apart: This incident was a major setback in the process of our national revolution: the eight-year effort to suppress bandits is expected to be completed in two weeks (at most within one month) Those who sit on this change almost completely lose it at once.
After 8 years of struggling with the Communist Party, it was only two weeks away. A total of 2920 days in 8 years.Two weeks are 14 days. The ratio of 8 years to two weeks is 1000:4.7.The so-called difference is a thousand miles away.
He recited this sentence silently until April 5, 1975, Qingming Festival.
At 11:50 in the middle of the night that day, he died of illness in the Shilin official residence at the foot of Caoshan Mountain in the suburbs of Taipei.
The fact that the communists can never be wiped out is a mystery that will never be solved.
Life is gone, and the diary of the Chongqing edition in the 31st year of the Republic of China (1942) has also been reduced to ashes, but the answer to the mystery still remains there.
The center of new China is Beijing.
The center of Beijing is Tiananmen Square.
What is the center of Tiananmen Square?
It was the huge portrait of Mao Zedong.
Year after month, no matter day or night, in the portrait, Mao Zedong's wise eyes gaze at the people of New China through the world's largest square in front of him.Almost all Chinese and many people in the world associate Tiananmen with Mao Zedong.
How many people know that Mao Zedong didn't like Tiananmen at first.He said that Tiananmen Square is too high, and it is not good to be high above. We should set up a low platform on the second floor under Tiananmen Square, across the Jinshui Bridge, so that we can get closer to the crowd when watching the ceremony.As for the Forbidden City behind Tiananmen Square, he only went around the city wall three times in April 1954, and never entered it once.
Why was it not possible to set up another low platform in front of Tiananmen in the end?
Because it destroyed the overall architectural pattern, all parties opposed it.
Why is it that Zhongnanhai, where I lived for the rest of my life, is just across the street from the Forbidden City, and I have climbed the walls of the Forbidden City three times, but I don’t want to go for a walk inside?
The reason for this, no one can know today.
Regardless of Mao Zedong's subjective will, the countless parades, celebrations and inspections in the ups and downs have integrated him with Tiananmen.
Mao Zedong can no longer be seen in other places, but Mao Zedong can be seen in Tiananmen Square.Where there is Tiananmen, there is Mao Zedong.
In the past, whenever there were festivals or major celebrations, huge portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Sun Yat-sen would be hung in Tiananmen Square within Mao Zedong's sight.
Later, the portraits of Ma, En, Lie, and Si were no longer hung, but Sun Yat-sen's portrait still appeared in front of the Monument to the People's Heroes on time.
Sun Yat-sen and Mao Zedong, the two most outstanding giants in the history of Chinese revolution, face each other silently year after month across the world's largest square.
One was born in 1866 and the other in 1893, a difference of 27 years; one died in 1925 and the other in 1976, a difference of 51 years.
Do these two revolutionary giants, the tomb-layers of modern China, really understand each other?
At the age of 18, Mao Zedong met Sun Yat-sen.
In 1936, Mao Zedong, who arrived in northern Shaanxi after the Long March, told the American journalist Edgar Snow that in 1911 he was admitted to the Xiangxiang Provincial Middle School in Changsha, and saw the "Minli Daily" edited by Yu Youren, a member of the Tongmenghui, It published the news of the Guangzhou Uprising and the martyrdom of the 72 martyrs.From then on, Mao Zedong knew the program of Sun Yat-sen and the Tongmenghui.
This is the first newspaper that Mao Zedong saw in his life. "I was so excited that I wrote an article and put it on the school wall. It was my first political opinion."
What was the first political opinion that the first newspaper led to?
The wind blows and the sun eclipses, and the article written by an 18-year-old youth from Shaoshan has long disappeared on the wall of the Xiangxiang Provincial High School.Fortunately, there was Snow who ventured into northern Shaanxi. Through him, Mao Zedong was able to preserve the content of that political opinion: "I advocated in the article that Sun Yat-sen must be recalled from Japan to be the president of the new government, and Kang Youwei should be the state affairs Prime Minister, Liang Qichao as Foreign Minister!"
Kang and Liang were idols in Mao Zedong's heart in his early years.He has to read many things written by Liang Qichao until he can recite them.In an article by Liang Qichao, the young Mao Zedong had this comment: "In a country with a constitution, the constitution is formulated by the people, and the monarch is supported by the people."
Back then, Mao Zedong worshiped Kang and Liang, and supported a constitutional monarchy.
But when Sun Yat-sen was born, he took away the top spot in his heart, and his "first political opinion" abandoned the constitutional monarchy and changed it to a republic.He no longer proposed the monarch, but the president, prime minister and foreign minister.Although he was not very clear about the difference between Kang, Liang and Sun Yat-sen, and he combined the three into one, it can be seen from this that Sun Yat-sen had a great influence on Mao Zedong and deeply shocked him.
Did Sun Yat-sen know Mao Zedong?
He was 27 years older than Mao Zedong. When he died of illness in Beijing in March 1925, Mao Zedong was conducting social surveys and organizing farmers' associations in his hometown in Hunan.The Hunan Peasant Movement, which shocked China and the rest of the world, was only a wildfire at the time.
But Sun Yat-sen knew Mao Zedong.At the "National Congress" of the Kuomintang, which implemented the three major policies of "uniting with Russia, uniting with the Communist Party, and supporting farmers and workers", there were two young Communist Party members who had just joined the Kuomintang. impression.
One is Li Lisan.The other is Mao Zedong.
Li Lisan went straight to the point, expounding his views in long paragraphs, including some outspoken criticisms of the Kuomintang; Mao Zedong mainly relied on Mr. Sun's statements to demonstrate his views.
Many Kuomintang members stared at these two men in amazement, and even Wang Jingwei sighed sincerely: "After all, they are the youths of the May 4th Movement!"
Sun Yat-sen watched these two newcomers of the CCP with admiration.He personally approved Mao Zedong as a charter review committee member.
But the hot-blooded young Mao Zedong that Sun Yat-sen knew was not, after all, the later Mao Zedong who was famous for building the party, the army, and the country.
Objectively speaking, if there had been no Russian October Revolution, for Sun Yat-sen and Mao Zedong, two people with hugely different backgrounds and personalities, their life trajectories might never have intersected.
The gunfire of the October Revolution changed everything.
But the first Chinese to hear the cannon was neither Sun Yat-sen nor Mao Zedong, but Liu Jingren, the Beiyang government's envoy to Russia.
On November 7, 1917, Liu Jingren sent a telegram back to the country: "The internal struggle in Russia is becoming more and more intense, and the power of the generalist faction is increasing. They demand to exercise power, advocate peace talks, and threaten them with riots. The government is weak and it is difficult to suppress. It's about to change in the blink of an eye."
This was the earliest message to the country that the October Revolution was about to happen.Liu Jingren routinely reported the situation to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Beiyang Government, but he didn't know that a major historical event that shook the entire 20th century was happening right under his nose.
The next day, Liu Jingren issued another report: "Generally sent allied soldiers and workers to rebel against the government. The newly formed Revolutionary Military Council has issued an order that any government orders must not be implemented without the approval of the council. The incident started yesterday, seizing the treasury and occupying the station. ...Now all the organs in the city are under the control of the revolutionary party, and there is no harassment among the people."
This was the earliest news that the October Revolution had occurred to the country.There are some problems with Liu Jingren's Russian-Chinese translation. Bolshevik should have been translated as "majority faction", but he translated it as "generalized faction", which makes people feel a little confused.
These telegrams, which had some translation problems and made people feel a little confused, were sent to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Beiyang Government, and they were delayed for 20 days due to poor communication.The diplomat read it hastily and put it aside.The Beiyang government's diplomacy was of course based on the positions of the Allied Powers, and the decisions it made were exactly the same: they refused to recognize Soviet Russia after the October Revolution and recalled Minister Liu Jingren.No one thought that the telegram sent back by Liu Jingren, which was soon included in the archives, foreshadowed that earth-shaking changes were about to take place in the east of the world.
If there was no October Revolution, would there be a Chinese Communist Party?
If there is no Chinese Communist Party, will there be Mao Zedong?
If there was no October Revolution, would there be Sun Yat-sen's three major policies?
If the "union with Russia, the Communist Party, and support for farmers and workers" is not implemented, can the life trajectories of Sun Yat-sen and Mao Zedong converge?
The beauty of history is that it can contain endless hypotheses.
The coldness of history lies in that it always puts assumptions on assumptions forever.
The conclusion is obvious: the ground fire that the October Revolution made China run wild has finally found a breakthrough.The Chinese Nationalist Party and the Chinese Communist Party were brought together by the historical synergy that was triggered by the Russian Revolution.
The Chinese Kuomintang and the Chinese Communists, who were pushed together by the force of the revolution, had completely different judgments about the future direction of the Chinese revolution.Including Sun Yat-sen himself.
Sun Yat-sen's estimation and judgment on the direction of the Chinese revolution was embodied in the "Sun Wenyuefei Declaration" in early 1923.
It was a manifesto often cited by Nationalists and rarely by Communists.The subsequent split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and the tendency of the Communist International to intervene in the Chinese revolution centered on the interests of the Soviet Union can all be found in the shadows between the lines of this manifesto.
Joffe is a veteran revolutionary. His real name is Abram Adolf Abrahamich. He is from Crimea. He edited Pravda with Trotsky in Vienna in 1908. During the October Revolution in 1917 He was a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of Petrograd. In August 1922, he came to China as a plenipotentiary ambassador in the capacity of Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, with missions in two directions: in the north, establishing diplomatic relations with the Beijing government controlled by Wu Peifu, and practically resolving the unresolved issues of the Middle East Road and Foreign Affairs between the two countries. The Mongolian issue, safeguarding the interests of the Soviet state.
If the north suffers setbacks, help Sun Yat-sen's southern revolutionary government in the south.
Before coming to China, he never expected to sign any joint declaration with Sun Yat-sen.
I didn't even think about it when I came to China. On August 19, 1922, Yue Fei also wrote a letter to Wu Peifu in Beijing, saying that General Wu "had left a particularly good impression on Moscow" and proposed closer cooperation between the two sides.
As a result, Wu Peifu did not let go on the issue of the Middle East Road and Outer Mongolia.Yue Fei was in Beijing for half a year, but there was no progress in his work.So he turned his focus to developing relations with the southern government, implementing the policy of suppressing the north from the south.
On January 17, 1923, Yue Fei went to Shanghai in the name of recuperating his illness.Within ten days in Shanghai, I had contact with Sun Yat-sen or Sun Yat-sen's representative Zhang Ji almost every day. On January 26, the "Sun Wen Yuefei Declaration" was published.
What had a major impact was the first article of the declaration: "... Dr. Sun Yat-sen believed that the communist order, and even the Sufi (Vi) system, could not actually be introduced into China, because there was no successful establishment of communism or Sufi (vi) The conditions of the Wei) Egypt system. Mr. Yue Fei fully agrees with this view, and further believes that the most important and urgent problem in China at present is to realize national unity and full national independence.”
Sun Yat-sen and Yue Fei, one is the great forerunner of the Chinese democratic revolution, and the other is the Soviet government and the representative of the Communist International in China.Neither of them believed that there was a soil for the survival and development of Marxism-Leninism in China; both believed that there were no conditions for the establishment of a Soviet regime in China.
Sun Yat-sen's disbelief was partly due to his belief in the Three People's Principles, and partly out of his concern for the newly established Chinese Communist Party.Therefore, he must affirm in the form of a declaration that "the Sufi (Wei) system cannot actually be introduced into China"; "there are no conditions for the successful establishment of communism or the Sufi (Wei) system."
Yue Fei's unbelief was all due to the consideration of the Soviet Union's national interests.In exchange for Sun Yat-sen's commitment to the Middle East Road and the Outer Mongolia issue, Sun suppressed Wu and south suppressed the north.
Therefore, there are the third and fourth articles of the declaration: the two sides believe that the dispute over the Eastern Railway should be resolved with an attitude of understanding, and the current railway management law should be resolved with the actual interests and rights of both parties; the Soviet Union declared that it has no intention of separating Outer Mongolia from China. Sun Yat-sen said that the Soviet Red Army did not need to retreat from Outer Mongolia immediately.
Sun Yat-sen's main interest is the first.This is Joffe's concession.
Joffe's main interest lies in Articles 3 and 4.This was Sun Yat-sen's concession.
The "Sun Wen Yuefei Declaration" is a very important document in the modern history of China.Without this manifesto, there would be no subsequent transformation of the Kuomintang, no cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and then there would be no Whampoa Military Academy and the Northern Expedition.It is not only Sun Yat-sen's judgment and regulations on the direction of the Chinese revolution, but also the beginning of the new Soviet Union's shift from the center of world revolution to the center of Soviet interests.Through this declaration, the Soviet Union completed the exchange of ideology and national interests for the first time in China.
The nascent Chinese communists were kept in the dark.It did not occur to anyone at the time to ask them for this manifesto.
Sun Yat-sen longed for socialism in his early years. He knew Marx when he lived in London in 1896.Later, he introduced to Jiang Kanghu, the earliest socialist in China, and others: "There is a German Max who has been studying capital issues for thirty years. And the unstructured theory has become a systematic theory. Those who study socialism know what they are doing, and no longer cater to general superficial and intense speeches.”
Socialism had a great attraction for him.The innocent Sun Yat-sen confidently and voluntarily declared himself a socialist, although he did not even understand the difference between Marx and Engels, Bernstein and Kautsky.
Just as Mao Zedong couldn't tell the difference between Sun Yat-sen and Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao at the beginning, Sun Yat-sen couldn't tell the difference between Marx and Engels and Kautsky and Bernstein. At the beginning of 1905, he made a special trip to the Secretariat of the Second International in Brussels, Belgium, and asked to accept him as a "party member".He met the President of the Second International, Vandervelde, and the Secretary of the Secretariat, Hussman, and explained to them "the goals and programs of the Chinese socialists."In the face of these two masters, Sun Yat-sen boldly predicted that China would directly transition from the medieval mode of production to the socialist production stage, and workers would not have to suffer the pain of being exploited by capitalists.
Sun Yat-sen was still a small man at that time.
The little man Sun Yat-sen was keen on socialism.If you become a big shot, you think China can no longer practice socialism.It's not because he was rejected by the Second International, he thought his Three People's Principles were more in line with China's national conditions.
Thinking that China cannot practice socialism does not prevent him from admiring Lenin.
Three days later than the telegram of Minister Liu Jingren in Russia, on November 10, 1917, a large headline appeared in Shanghai's "Republic of China Daily": "Maximalist (Maximalist transliteration, the meaning of the radical party) occupies the capital."This is the first newspaper in China to report on the October Revolution.After reading the newspaper, Sun Yat-sen immediately sent a letter to Lenin through an intermediary, expressing high respect to the Bolsheviks on behalf of the Kuomintang, and hoped that the Chinese and Russian revolutionaries would unite and fight together.
Lenin called the letter the "Dawn of the East".On behalf of Lenin, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Qi Qilin replied: "Our victory is your victory, and our failure is your failure. For the common interests of the proletariat, unite in this great struggle."
It is a pity that this letter was delayed.Sun Yat-sen did not see these words that must have excited him.
But in November 1920, he met Lenin's first emissary, Vikingsky.
Weijingski came to China in March 1920. Later, some people believed that he came to help establish the Chinese Communist Party, but Weijingsky reported to the Communist International that his first task was to "based on the conflict of interests between Japan, the United States and China, All means must be used to intensify this conflict”; the first thing to consider is the security of Soviet Russia in the Far East, and on this basis, how to unite China’s revolutionary forces and support the Chinese revolution.
Sun Yat-sen made further suggestions.According to Wei Jingsky's account, Sun Yat-sen said bluntly that Guangzhou's geographical location could not establish direct contact with Russia, and a high-power radio station that could communicate with each other should be established in Vladivostok or Manchuria.
Lenin's second emissary was Marin.
As a member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, Marin was well appreciated by Lenin and played an important role in promoting the establishment of the Communist Party of China.He personally participated in the first congress of the Communist Party of China, and made a speech for nearly four hours at the first meeting. The "big one" representatives had a good impression of him.Mao Zedong said that he was "full of energy and eloquence"; Bao Huiseng said that he was "eloquent and eloquent".But for the nascent Communist Party of China, Marin is quite disapproving.In his report to the Communist International, he commented that the Chinese Communists were "students who do not understand Marxism, lack socialist practice" and "learn socialism", and they "never had close ties with the working class".He is full of optimism and hope for the Kuomintang Marin, who believes that it is "a coalition of various classes composed of intellectuals, overseas Chinese bourgeoisie, southern soldiers and workers."The ECCI member concluded: "In Shanghai I acquired a very pessimistic view of the Chinese movement and its possibilities for development; it was only in the South that I found that the work was promising and successful."
So Marin quickly went south from Shanghai, where the CCP's "big one" was held.
In December 1921, Ma Lin put forward three suggestions to Sun Yat-sen in Guilin, Guangxi: first, reorganize the Kuomintang and broadly unite workers and peasants; second, establish a military academy and establish a revolutionary armed force; third, cooperate with the Chinese Communist Party.
Sun Yat-sen believed that this was the voice passed to him by Lenin.
These three suggestions became the origin of Sun Yat-sen's three major policies of "unity with Russia, alliance with the Communist Party, and support for agriculture and industry".Sun Yat-sen noticed Lenin through the October Revolution in Russia, and Lenin noticed Sun Yat-sen through the 1911 Revolution in China.
In April 1912, Sun Yat-sen resigned as the provisional president, and said in a farewell speech that although Western countries were rich, "the disparity between the rich and the poor in these countries is still very obvious, so the revolutionary trend of thought often agitates the people of these countries." .If the social revolution is not carried out, the majority of people will still not be able to enjoy the joy and happiness of life. Now the so-called happiness can only be enjoyed by a few capitalists.”
Lenin was deeply impressed by this speech.He said that this is "the program of the great Chinese democrats", "what we have come into contact with is the really great ideas of the really great people", and "forces us to study democracy and democracy in the modern bourgeois revolution in Asia in the light of new world events." The Interrelationship Problem of Populism".
Lenin put his hopes for the Chinese revolution mainly on Sun Yat-sen.
In 1918, when the young Soviet regime was overwhelmed by imperialist interventionists, and the road to China was cut off by the Czechoslav Legion, the Social Revolutionaries, and the Kolchak gang, Lenin asked, Among the Chinese workers in Russia who were awakened by the October Revolution, is it possible to find a warrior who can establish contact with Sun Yat-sen?
Although Lenin and Sun Yat-sen did not meet each other, they were closely connected.
Sun Yat-sen was determined to "link with Russia, the Communist Party, and support farmers and workers", but there were still problems.
The least problematic of the three major policies is the alliance with Russia.
Sun Yat-sen's determination to unite with Russia was extremely firm, which stemmed from the numerous failures he experienced in his life.He was first defeated by the Qing government, Yuan Shikai, and the Beiyang warlords whom he recognized as his enemies; then he was defeated by the British, American, and Japanese governments and domestic bureaucrats and politicians who he thought were his friends; in June 1922, when Chen Jiongming rebelled, he was defeated by the more than ten people who followed him. year's subordinates.
What made him extremely regretful was that Chen Jiongming published the three secret letters of his alliance with Germany and Russia as seized items in Hong Kong, which caused a great uproar in public opinion at home and abroad.He said like a knife: "Comrade Wen led the struggle for the Republic of China for 30 years, and he was born and died in the middle. The number of failures cannot be counted, and the cruelty of the failures is not as cruel as this one."
It was not only Chen Jiongming who took advantage of the fire.49 members of the Kuomintang, including Li Shizeng and Wu Zhihui, took the opportunity to jointly send a telegram to persuade Sun Yat-sen to step down.
At this critical moment, only Soviet Russia led by Lenin remained unwavering in his support.
Adversity knows true gold.Decades of choice and comparison made Sun Yat-sen finally realize where his real friends are.He asked Chen Youren to tell Ma Lin, the plenipotentiary representative of the Soviet government: "The only real and sincere friend of the Chinese revolution is Soviet Russia."
Among the three major policies, the most problematic is the Allied Communist Party.
Sun Yat-sen admired the communists.He said to Wang Jingwei, Hu Hanmin, Zhang Ji and others: "Our revolutionary movement, the battles of Huanghuagang and Chaozhou, had very few people; the battle of Zhennanguan was no more than 200; The Chinese Communist Party organizes the workers’ and peasants’ movement, and when the masses come together, there are tens of thousands of people; the strikes in Kailuan and the February 7th strikes are so large that they shocked China and the world, and their momentum is especially indescribable!”
He was deeply impressed by the organizational ability and momentum of the Communists.
From this, I feel that the rotten and ineffective Kuomintang urgently needs to be reformed.
Mrs. Sun Song Qingling asked him why the Communist Party was needed to join the Kuomintang, and he replied: "The Kuomintang is dying in degeneration, so new blood is needed to revive it."
He wants fresh blood to revive the Kuomintang, but not to replace it.Sun Yat-sen, who firmly believed in the Three People's Principles and believed that a country can only have one party and one leader, did not want to see another political force outside the Kuomintang.I don't want any force to stand against the Kuomintang.
In January 1923, the "Sun Wen Yuefei Declaration" was published, and he convened core cadres to solicit opinions.
There is no problem for everyone to unite with Russia, because Soviet Russia is needed to provide strong support no matter in terms of morality, finance, weapons, or consultants.The focus of the controversy is the Communist Party of China.
Wang Jingwei agreed to unite with Russia and opposed the alliance with the Communist Party;
Liao Zhongkai was in favor of uniting with Russia and the Communist Party, and believed that if he united with Russia, he must unite with the Communist Party; Hu Hanmin was between Wang and Liao.
We should pay attention to Hu Hanmin.His argument is very strange: "Anarchists are farther away from us than Communist Party members. Even if the treatment of Anarchists is like this, what is so terrible about including Communist Party members?"
He suggested to Sun Yat-sen that the Communists should be accommodated conditionally.The condition is to "truly believe in the doctrine of the party and work together for the national revolution";The basis is "discovering that they have other functions or actions that can endanger the party."
Hu Hanmin's views had a great influence on Sun Yat-sen.Later, Sun Yat-sen adopted the idea of a conditional alliance with the Communist Party, disagreed with the implementation of extra-party cooperation, and insisted on allowing the Communists to join the Kuomintang to implement "intra-party cooperation", mainly because of Hu Hanmin.Sun Yat-sen believed that the most ideal is to use the power of the Communists to transform the Kuomintang first, and then use the discipline of the Kuomintang to restrain the Communist Party.
He is allied with Russia, but he does not believe that China can follow the path of the Russians.It is not only associated with the Communist Party, but also does not believe that the red regime can be established, survive and develop in China.
The great forerunner of the democratic revolution was caught in a dilemma here.
In November 1923, before the "National Congress" of the Kuomintang, Deng Zeru, Lin Zhimian and other 11 people presented Sun Yat-sen in the name of the Guangdong Branch of the Kuomintang with a "Reporting the Communist Party Paper", accusing the Communists of "joining the party this time because of Join in a systematic and organized way"; "I really want to use the power of the Russians to instigate our Prime Minister, intentionally or unintentionally, to make our party concealed under the command of the communist party. disaster".
Intra-party cooperation was originally Sun Yat-sen's own idea.Therefore, he defended the Communists in his comments and criticized the suspicious words of Deng Zeru and others.But Sun Yat-sen had other comments, which are rare in the historical materials compiled by ourselves.
Sun Yat-sen said in today’s comment that we basically don’t quote, the former communists “those who tried their best to exclude and slander our party initially wanted to monopolize Russia’s diplomacy and prevent Russia from having any contact with our party. And set up its own style, and compete with our party. The Russian Revolutionary Party is all people with knowledge and experience, and they are not fooled by these young people, and they have seen through their tricks, so they don’t take them seriously, so they are I correct it."It seems that the conversations and suggestions between Marin and Sun Yat-sen were considered by Sun Yat-sen as a manifestation of "Russian revolutionary parties are all people with knowledge and experience, and should not be fooled by such young people" and "so I corrected them" .Therefore, he told Deng Zeru and others that Communists "since they join our party, they should act in unison with our party; if they do not obey our party, I will also abandon it."The first Kuomintang-Communist cooperation began under such complex psychological and organizational factors.
In January 1924, presided over by Sun Yat-sen, the Kuomintang held its first National Congress in Guangzhou.Ten Communist Party members including Li Dazhao, Tan Pingshan, Mao Zedong, Lin Zuhan (Lin Boqu), and Qu Qiubai were elected as executive members or alternate executive members of the Central Committee, accounting for almost 1/4 of the total number of members.Tan Pingshan served as Minister of Organization, and Lin Zuhan served as Minister of Farmers; in one of the most powerful executive departments of the Kuomintang, the Shanghai Executive Department, Mao Zedong became the secretary of Hu Hanmin, the Minister of Organization; Yun Daiying became the secretary of Wang Jingwei, Minister of Propaganda; Before taking office, Mao Zedong also acted as the clerical director of the Executive Department.
Amid the superficial successes of the Communists, a new organization established by the "National Congress" of the Kuomintang was ignored by the Communists.Or, to be more precise, ignore the Communists.
This is the Central Supervisory Commission of the Kuomintang.
The Kuomintang organization is loose, and there has never been a special supervisory agency in history.The Ministry of Justice of the Tongmenghui, the Judicial Yuan and the Supervisory Yuan of the Chinese Revolutionary Party have never really exercised their powers.Its actual function is only to "support the responsibility of the prime minister and the local branch ministers to carry out party affairs." When the Kuomintang was formed in 1912, it did not even list the provisions on judicial and supervision.
The party constitution adopted by the Kuomintang at its "National Congress" specifically set up Chapter 11 "Discipline".Sun Yat-sen and Hu Hanmin especially emphasized the importance of discipline at the meeting.Hu Hanmin made a special explanation: "In the future, if a party member violates discipline or violates doctrine, he should be punished most severely."
This chapter is aimed specifically at the Communists.
The operator who enforces discipline is the Central Supervisory Committee.
The "National Congress" of the Kuomintang elected five Central Supervisory Committee members: Deng Zeru, Wu Zhihui, Li Shizeng, Zhang Ji, and Xie Chi; five alternate Central Supervisory Committee members: Cai Yuanpei, Xu Chongzhi, Liu Zhenhuan, Fan Zhongxiu, and Yang Shukan.
None of the 10 Central Supervisory Committee members is a Communist.
Sun Yat-sen allowed the Communists to become executive members and ministers of the Kuomintang Central Committee, but he did not allow them to become supervisory members of the Kuomintang.He wanted to enforce discipline through the Central Supervisory Committee to guard against Communist Party members who joined the Kuomintang, so he had a careful arrangement of 10 supervisory committee members, all of whom were members of the Kuomintang.
In essence, the Kuomintang's policy of alliance with the Communist Party was a last resort product of the policy of alliance with Russia.Sun Yat-sen hoped that with the passage of time, the few members of the Communist Party would be gradually assimilated into the Kuomintang.
What if it cannot be digested?
On October 9, 1924, in a letter to Chiang Kai-shek regarding the organization of the Revolutionary Committee, Sun Yat-sen said: "The nature of Hanmin and Jingwei is good at reconciling the status quo, not at a complete solution. Therefore, the current situation is divided between Hanmin and Jingwei. Jingwei maintains and protects it; if it can't be maintained, once it collapses, it should cut the mess quickly, regardless of success or failure. Today's revolutionary committee uses this method for preparation, which is definitely not suitable for Han people and Jingwei. and also."
Sun Yat-sen was not unprepared for his break with the Communists.He believes that only by placing the Communists under the leadership of the Kuomintang can they prevent them from creating class struggle.And once the Northern Expedition was successful, even if the Communists wanted to sabotage the National Revolution, they would have no choice.
"If the Communist Party has a conspiracy to disrupt our party, it can only categorically reject its support and sweep it away from the Kuomintang." The name of the person who did not comment, can you believe that this is what Sun Yat-sen said?
Even Chen Duxiu, the leader of the Communist Party, knew nothing about the base numbers of the Kuomintang.
After Chen Duxiu joined the Kuomintang, he criticized Sun Yat-sen in the "Guide" newspaper as a member of the Kuomintang for establishing a "triangular alliance" against the Zhili warlords with the Feng and Anhui warlords. on the road.Sun Yat-sen was very annoyed by Chen Duxiu's criticism. He only asked the newcomers to obey him absolutely, and could not accommodate their so-called opinions.He said to Marin several times: "Since the Communist Party has joined the Kuomintang, it should obey party discipline and should not openly criticize the Kuomintang. If the Communist Party disobeys the Kuomintang, I will expel them. If the Soviet Union favors the Chinese Communist Party, I will oppose the Soviet Union. .”
Things even developed to the point where Sun Yat-sen wanted to expel Chen Duxiu from the Kuomintang.
后来虽然没有采取这种极端措施，但还是通过召开中央全会讨论对共产党的弹劾案这一方式，压迫和警告了陈独秀。
陈独秀深感意外。沉思之后，1924年7月14日，他给维经斯基写信说：“我们不应该没有任何条件和限制地支持国民党，只应当支持左派所掌握的某些活动方式，否则，我们就是在帮助我们的敌人，为自己收买（制造）反对派。”
陈独秀的这些话当时看偏激，后来看尖锐，今天看深刻。伟大的民主先行者并不等于共产主义者。孙中山最终的目标是三民主义的中国，不是社会主义、共产主义的中国。今天我们很多作品把这位国民党总理描写成几乎是共产党的一员，实在是对历史的曲解。孙中山对红色政权后来怎样在中国产生、发展和遍及整个大地，无从知道。他1925年3月病逝于北京。共同签署了《孙文越飞宣言》的越飞也无从知道了。他与孙中山达成联合宣言后便赴日本，回国后受托洛茨基问题的牵连，1927年11月16日自杀身亡。
孙中山临终前共留下三份遗嘱：《政治遗嘱》《家事遗嘱》和《致苏联政府遗书》。
自杀前的越飞，却来不及留下片言只语。
《孙文越飞宣言》作为重要的历史文件，今天还放在那里，但实践给出了不同的结论。中国的红色政权1949年10月1日在北京成立。当这个天翻地覆的世纪过去，社会生活进入一泓平滑宽阔的缓流时，欢愉地漫步在天安门广场的人们该怎样理解那些激流动荡的年代呢？
孙中山永远不会知道，那些“与吾党争衡”的“此等少年”，即使在中华人民共和国成立之后，对他也没有“亦必弃之”，而是年年在天安门广场安放他的巨幅肖像。甚至在马、恩、列、斯的肖像不出现以后，他的肖像仍然一如既往。孙中山也永远不会知道，他亲手设计的中山装，后来成为新中国毛泽东、周恩来、刘少奇、邓小平等领袖人物的长期标准着装。
在其《政治遗嘱》中，孙中山说：“余致力国民革命，凡40年，其目的在求中国之自由平等。积40年之经验，深知欲达到此目的，必须唤起民众，及联合世界上以平等待我之民族，共同奋斗。”在《致苏联政府遗书》中他说：“亲爱的同志！当此与你们诀别之际，我愿表示我热烈的希望，希望不久即将破晓，斯时苏联以良友及盟国而欢迎强盛独立之中国，两国在争为世界被压迫民族自由之大战中，携手并进以取得胜利。”
当年认定“这里不存在成功地建立共产主义或苏菲（维）埃制度的条件”的孙中山如果知道，最终是由他的后进——中国共产党人通过“唤起民众，及联合世界上以平等待我之民族，共同奋斗”，建成了“强盛独立之中国”，难道不会同样感到欣慰吗？
俄国革命中有个大名鼎鼎的人物普列汉诺夫。他是俄国资格最老的马克思主义理论家。1880年他第二次流亡国外、在日内瓦创立并领导俄国第一个马克思主义团体“劳动解放社”时，世界无产阶级的革命导师弗拉基米尔·伊里奇·列宁才刚刚10岁。
年长的普列汉诺夫无疑对年轻的列宁产生了很大影响。列宁后来说，不研究普列汉诺夫的全部哲学著作，便不能成为一个自觉的、真正的共产主义者。
革命的发展，在大多数情况下要反过来淘汰革命者自身。1903年，俄国社会民主工党分裂为布尔什维克和孟什维克。普列汉诺夫起初在很多方面赞同列宁，但后来又很快转向了孟什维克。
转向了孟什维克的革命导师普列汉诺夫，反过来讥讽不放弃自己立场和观点的布尔什维克为“坚硬的石头”。
列宁把这个称呼当做一种称赞接受下来。当时，一个叫做罗森费尔德的年轻布尔什维克立即选用“加米涅夫”——俄语“石头一般的”作为自己的化名；不久，另一个叫做朱加施维里的年轻布尔什维克选用了一个更加坚硬的名字：“斯大林”——俄语的意思是“钢”。
布尔什维克党人用一切方法去回答挑战。
当然，名称并不能说明实质。例如那个加米涅夫，后来在革命中的表现并不像石头那样坚硬和顽强；倒是斯大林本人，以自己钢铁般的手腕和钢铁般的意志，给20世纪国际共产主义运动和世界政治烙下了一个永久的印痕。从近年来俄罗斯陆续公布的有关中国革命的档案资料来看，1923年至1927年期间，为讨论中国革命问题，联共中央政治局共召开了122次会议，作出了738个决定，事无巨细地指导中国大革命的基本路线和方针、政策。
钢铁巨人斯大林深深关注着中国革命。他有一段铿锵有力的著名论断，被中国共产党人反复引用：“武装的革命反对武装的反革命，这是中国革命的特点之一，也是中国革命的优点之一。”
遗憾的是，斯大林讲这番话的时间是1926年底。“武装的革命”之所指并非当时还未诞生的中国工农红军，而是正在摧枯拉朽的蒋总司令麾下的北伐大军。
斯大林这番话还是受国民党人的启发。
1926年11月30日，莫斯科召开共产国际执行委员会第七次全会。共产国际的同情党——中国国民党代表邵力子在大会上发言。当时北伐革命在国内进展迅速，莫斯科的报纸上，已经把攻克汉阳的“广东军”的辉煌胜利与1911年武昌起义的伟大历史意义相提并论。
邵力子非常激动，对着麦克风高声宣称国民党“在共产国际领导下，一定会完成自己的历史任务”，接着他说出了一句重要的话：“我们坚决相信，没有武装便没有革命的胜利，中国的形势特别证明了这条经验。”
邵力子发言不长，但这句话留给斯大林的印象非常深刻。
当天，斯大林出席国际执委会中国委员会会议，发表名为《论中国革命的前途》的演说。第二个问题“关于革命武装和革命军队问题”中，他把邵力子的话扩展为：“在中国，是武装的革命反对武装的反革命。中国革命的特点之一和优点之一就在于此。中国革命军队的特殊意义也正在于此。”
一个著名论断由此产生。
共产国际是语言大师，斯大林也是语言大师。指出阶级斗争的实质是“剥夺剥夺者”，描述革命形势是“两个高潮中间的低潮”，皆是以极其精练和巧妙的词汇搭配，完成了今天动辄需要数千字才能完成的概念。而“武装的革命反对武装的反革命”，与邵力子“没有武装便没有革命的胜利”相较，基本意思相同，但以概念的清晰程度、明确程度、有力程度而论，斯大林的语言不知强大了多少倍。
邵力子是说者无意。之所以这样讲，依据的是国民党30年搞军事斗争和武装暴动的经验。斯大林则听者有心。孙中山去世后的国民党在共产国际和中国共产党人的帮助下，通过北伐，正在进入最辉煌的历史时期。斯大林用这句话来高度评价北伐革命军本身。
斯大林和邵力子两人都没有想到，这条论断后来成为中国共产党人发动一次又一次武装起义、用枪杆子推翻国民党政权的基本依据。
如同孙中山直到临终也未料到红色政权会在中国产生，斯大林也未料到中国共产党人能够夺取政权。
他一直把中国革命成功的希望放在国民党和蒋介石身上。
斯大林之所以看好蒋介石，因为他认定蒋是中国革命的雅各宾党人。在这位中国的罗伯斯庇尔的领导下，未来政权有可能过渡到社会主义。
对国民党和蒋介石怀抱如此希望的斯大林，又是怎样看待中国共产党人的呢？
在国际执委会第七次扩大全会上，斯大林发表的那篇《论中国革命的前途》演说中除了那段著名的“武装的革命反对武装的反革命”外，还有这样一段话：“有人说，中国共产党人应当退出国民党。同志们，这是不对的。中国共产党人现在退出国民党将是极大的错误。中国革命的全部进程、它的性质、它的前途都毫无疑问地说明中国共产党应当留在国民党内，并且在那里加强自己的工作。”
孙中山认为“共产主义秩序，乃至苏菲（维）埃制度不能实际上引进中国，因为在这里不存在成功地建立共产主义或苏菲（维）埃制度的条件”；斯大林也不相信，离开国民党，中国共产党能够独立存在；不相信中国共产党能够独立完成中国民主革命的伟大任务。
后来把王明推上台的米夫当时认为，应该提出在中国农村成立苏维埃的口号，为此受到斯大林的严肃批评。他说米夫在两个方面犯了错误：第一，不能撇开中国的工业中心而在农村建立苏维埃。
第二，在中国工业中心组织苏维埃现在还不是迫切的任务。
斯大林不相信农村能够成为中国革命的基地。更不用说什么“农村包围城市”。
斯大林所谓“有人说，中国共产党人应当退出国民党”的这个“有人”，是指托洛茨基。
这是一个在俄国革命中具有相当分量的人。
1924年1月21日，列宁去世。悲痛的日子到来之时，斯大林首先办的事是口授一封电报：“转告托洛茨基同志。1月21日6时50分，列宁同志猝然逝世。死亡系由呼吸中枢麻痹所引起。斯大林。”
一些苏联领导人后来被冠以“十月革命的领导人之一”；“重要参加者之一”；托洛茨基从来不需要用“之一”来肯定其历史地位。1917年9月，在决定性的日子来临之时，他是彼得格勒苏维埃主席。十月革命期间，更担任着关键的彼得格勒革命军事委员会主席职务。即使在电影《列宁在十月》中，人们也能看到，当“面包会有的”瓦西里掩护列宁四处化装躲藏之时，斯莫尔尼宫的起义组织领导没有停顿。若要还原历史真实，电影中在斯莫尔尼宫具体指挥武装起义的人应该由斯大林换成托洛茨基。
某些时刻，事物需要从反面获得论证。西方唯心主义历史学家德·阿宁在评价十月革命时认为，“可以很有把握地说，布尔什维克革命的完成，首先有赖于列宁的百折不挠的狂热和托洛茨基的恶意煽动。”
联共（布）党史的一个悲剧在于，从敌方那里，才能重获从己方失去的公正。
所以，十月革命后，斯大林仅出任民族人民委员。而担任陆海军人民委员和革命军事委员会主席，被人们称作“红军之父”的，是托洛茨基。其肖像与列宁并排悬挂。列宁在1922年12月23日至25日口授《给代表大会的信》中，称托洛茨基是“中央委员会中最有才能的人”。
这是那种极其难以被抹杀的历史地位。
托洛茨基又是那种时时刻刻都敏锐地意识到自己的历史地位的人，而且语言又极其尖刻。
1927年4月6日，斯大林在莫斯科积极分子代表大会上发表演讲说：“蒋介石也许并不同情革命，但是他在领导着军队，他除了反帝以外，不可能有其他作为”；“因此，要充分利用他们，就像挤柠檬汁那样，挤干以后再扔掉”。
6天之后，蒋介石便发动“四一二”反革命政变。托洛茨基嘲笑说，斯大林讲人们应利用中国资产阶级，然后像对待一个挤干的柠檬把它扔掉，几天以后这个被挤干的柠檬却夺取了政权和军队。
对蒋介石的背叛，斯大林极其愤怒。1927年5月在代共产国际执行委员会起草给中共中央的信中，斯大林斩钉截铁地说：“现在是开始行动的时候了。必须惩办那些坏蛋。如果国民党人不学会做革命的雅各宾党人，那么他们是会被人民和革命所抛弃的。”
当时的情况的确尴尬。莫斯科正在筹备五一节游行，刚刚制成一个蒋介石的大型模拟像；斯大林也刚把一张亲笔签名的相片寄给蒋介石。
他方才明白，那些“坏蛋”实际并非想象的“革命的雅各宾党人”。
托洛茨基对这一叛变却异常冷静。他只说了一句：“他们叛变的不是自己的阶级，而是我们的幻想。”
中国大革命的失败在苏联引起了激烈争论。
曾任共产国际远东情报部主任的斯列帕克在国共合作初期，就深刻地指出先认为吴佩孚是个非常好的人，后认为蒋介石是革命的雅各宾党人的危险，“不要使党陷入一会儿向这位将军点头、一会儿向另一位将军点头的变化不定的窘境”，“即使国民党目前确实是所有党派中最优秀的，更接近于国民革命运动，但也决不意味着我们应当做它的尾巴”。
但斯大林是不承认指导中国革命的方针有误的。
1927年5月共产国际执委第八次全会上，斯大林还说中共中央正确执行了国际的路线，大革命失败后，他又立即指责中共中央违背国际指示，犯了机会主义的错误。1927年7月9日，在给莫洛托夫和布哈林的信中，他以最严厉的口吻指责说：“我们在中国没有真正的共产党，或者可以说，没有实实在在的共产党”，“整整一年，中共中央靠国民党养活，享受着工作的自由和组织的自由，但它没有做任何工作”，这就是“共产国际的指示未能被执行的原因所在”。
斯大林忘记了，1927年5月13日他还公开说：“在目前用新的军队，用红军来代替现在的军队是不可能的，原因很简单，就是暂时没有什么东西可以代替它。”5月30日，又对中共中央发出“紧急指示”（即著名的“五月指示”），“立即开始建立由共产党员和工农组成的、有绝对可靠的指挥人员的八个师或十个师”，“组织（目前还不迟）一支可靠的军队”，来代替正在叛变的“现在的军队”，以惩办蒋介石。但当时中国共产党人连建立一个师的实力也没有。
斯大林忘记了，当最初中国共产党人提出要求建立武装的时候，他是如何不以为然，而把援助的武器都给了国民党。
1926年“三二〇”中山舰事件后，陈独秀曾经产生“准备独立的军事势力和蒋介石对抗”的想法。当时正好有一批苏联军火到达广州港，陈独秀立即派彭述之代表中共中央到广州和国际代表面商，要求把供给蒋介石、李济深的这批军火匀出5000支枪武装广东农民，深得斯大林信任的苏联顾问鲍罗廷不同意，认为中共应将所有力量用于拥护蒋介石，巩固北伐计划。
1927年2月25日，上海工人第二次武装暴动失败，在华国际代表阿尔布列赫特向莫斯科报告，上海革命形势“非常好”，“这场罢工也许是起义的信号”，但“没有钱。急需钱。有5万元就可以买到武器”，但莫斯科仍然用什么也不提供的态度反对中国共产党继续举行武装暴动。
对于蒋介石的背叛，斯大林比中国共产党人还要准备不足。
1927年4月收到中共中央报告蒋介石在上海发动反革命政变的消息后，斯大林的第一个反应，是立即回电询问蒋身边的苏联顾问鲍罗廷“是否属实”？是否可以“对蒋介石作出某些让步以保持统一和不让他完全倒向帝国主义者一边”？
事到临头，要求共产党人立即拥有一支强大武装与国民党对抗，为时晚矣。
当斯大林以最严厉的口吻指责“我们在中国没有真正的共产党，或者可以说，没有实实在在的共产党”的时候，难道把自己说过的话和作过的决定都忘记了？
担任共产国际执委会主席的布哈林，更是通过6个“如果”、而且在每一个“如果”下面都加上着重号，把指导中国大革命失败的全部责任都归结给中国共产党人。他说：“如果共产国际的指示得到贯彻，如果土地革命没有受到阻挠，如果武装工农的工作大力进行，如果忠诚的军队团结一致，如果明确的、为群众所理解的政策得到实施，如果关于国民党民主化的指示正确执行了，那么武汉的形势就不至于如此危急了。”
文过饰非，功劳归自己，错误归别人，斯大林领导的联共中央和共产国际这种作风由此开始。所以托洛茨基派的维克多·西尔格一句话就把布哈林弄得面红耳赤：“我们当然也可以用一个'如果'来概括这许多'如果'：'如果小资产阶级不是小资产阶级的话'。”
应该承认，在对待蒋介石的问题上，是托洛茨基最先发出的警告。当苏联与共产国际领导人普遍将蒋介石当做代表中小资产阶级的“雅各宾党人”之时，托洛茨基已经在提出要警惕大资产阶级、蒋介石是“波拿巴式的人物”了。
他较早认识了蒋介石。
1923年蒋介石率领“孙逸仙博士代表团”访苏。在11月25日召开的共产国际执委会主席团会议的主席台上，蒋介石慷慨激昂地阐述了国民党的“世界革命概念”。
他说，俄国是世界革命的基地，应该帮助中国完成革命；在德国和中国革命胜利之后，俄、德、中三国结盟，开展对全世界资本主义的斗争；“靠德国人民的科学实力，中国的革命成功，俄国同志的革命精神和俄国的农产品，我们就不难完成世界革命，我们就能消灭世界上的资本主义制度”。
蒋介石最后说：“我们希望在三五年之后，中国革命的第一阶段——民族革命将顺利完成，很快达到这一目的之后，我们将转入第二阶段