Chapter 2 Chapter 2 Save the country?Wrong country?Chinese people despise Chiang Kai-shek's established national policy
★The Japanese don’t appreciate Chiang Kai-shek’s love: the aggressive siege of cities makes the national policy of “to fight against the outside world, we must first settle down inside” become more and more feeble
★Several key members of the Kuomintang openly said no to Jiang: Hu and Li publicly criticized Jiang's national policy, Feng Yuxiang broke into the anti-Japanese forbidden area alone...New factions formed under the political disputes made the rift in the Kuomintang widen again
★People's grievances spread all over the country: Chiang Kai-shek's policy of harming the country led to continuous demonstrations by the people and students, which violated public opinion and angered the public. The threat to the Nanjing Nationalist Government reached its climax in 1936
★Army generals’ dissatisfaction with Chiang deepened: Li Jishen led the Anti-Jiang Anti-Japanese Fujian Incident, Hu Hanmin’s death triggered a crisis in Guangdong and Guangxi, Chen Jitang, Li Zongren and others attacked Chiang one after another
On New Year's Day in 1936, there was a heavy snowfall in Nanjing.There is a traditional saying in China that "auspicious snow heralds a good year", so people have unlimited expectations for the new year that comes with snow.
Feng Yuxiang, vice chairman of the Military Commission of the Nationalist Government, wrote his expectations for 1936 in a poem:
I will be Wen Tianxiang, I will be Shi Kefa, I will be Yue Wumu, and I will be Yan Zhenqing.
When it comes to doing it, don’t lie to yourself. Welcome to the New Year, and we want to encourage each other.
Shao Yuanchong, another important member of the Kuomintang, also expressed his emotions in his diary on New Year's Day:
At that time, it was snowing heavily and the wind was cold, and I couldn't help feeling angry in response to the country's difficulties.
The New Year messages of the two key members of the Kuomintang are obviously more dull and sentimental, and less hopeful and confident about the future.However, their mood is representative of China at this time.In the face of national crisis, the Japanese invaders are making progress, and the government pursues a policy of non-resistance. The common people can only feel sadness and disappointment. Who dares to imagine what China will be like in the next year?
★The Japanese don’t appreciate Chiang Kai-shek’s love: the aggressive siege of cities makes the national policy of “to fight against the outside world, we must first settle down inside” become more and more feeble
New Year's Day has just passed smoothly, and on January 2, there was another friction between China and Japan.When soldiers from the 93rd Regiment of the 132nd Division of the 29th Army of the Kuomintang searched for smugglers in Dagu, Tianjin, the staff of the drug dealer Nissang Atlantic not only refused to accept the search, but also beat Chinese soldiers performing official duties, and conflicts ensued.Afterwards, the Japanese Consul General in Tianjin Shigeru Kawayue also filed a serious "protest" against Song Zheyuan, chairman of the Hebei-Chahar Political Affairs Committee, and demanded that the Chinese side: 1. formally apologize; Those who "caused the accident" are arrested and punished; 4. Compensation for losses; 5. No more "insulting Japan" in the future; 6. Guarantee that similar incidents will not happen again.
Song Zheyuan was forced to compromise. While apologizing publicly, the Jicha administration also made two decisions: 1. Compensate the Japanese side with 400 yuan; Team is responsible.
While Song Zheyuan accepted the "protest" by the Japanese Consul General Shigeru Kawayue in Tianjin, Takayoshi Tanaka, the staff officer of the Japanese Kwantung Army and the chief of the secret service stationed in Chengde, made another unreasonable request on behalf of the Japanese side, seeking China to cede Chabeiguyuan, Kangbao, and Huade. The administrative power of the 6 counties, Baochang, Zhangbei, and Shangdu, was taken over by Japanese consultants and puppet personnel... Song Zheyuan did not dare to deal with such issues involving China's sovereignty, so he had to report to Chiang Kai-shek.Jiang also had no good strategy, and called Song Zheyuan: "The principle of maintaining territorial integrity should be handled carefully." This is actually another concession for Song to save face.Song Zheyuan understood the intention of the highest authority: to meet Japan's request to relocate the (pseudo) security forces in the six counties of Chabei, but insisted that the puppet army Li Shouxin's troops withdraw to Duolun.The Japanese gave Chiang Kai-shek face, and the Nanjing Nationalist Government once again gained temporary peace by losing control of the six counties.
But peace is only for a few days. At 10 o'clock on the night of January 5th, more than 30 Japanese soldiers from Beiping returned to the city after a drill. The Chinese defenders at Chaoyangmen were late in opening the city gate, so the Japanese soldiers shot and wounded Zhang Yuting, a policeman guarding the city, and Zhang Shiting, the squad leader of the second security team.Afterwards, the Japanese countered that "Chinese soldiers shot at the Japanese army", and the military attache stationed in Beiping protested to Song Zheyuan. Song Zheyuan once again played the role of losing the face of the people of the country: apologized to the Japanese side, and promised to punish those beaten in the Chaoyangmen incident. The injured Chinese military police, and at the request of the Japanese side, Shi Yousan was appointed as the commander of Beiping security, and the matter was settled.
However, Japan’s goal of aggressing China and destroying China will not be changed because of this. The 1936 policy toward China issued by the Japanese military ministry was in the instructions of the Ministry of the Army to Tada Hayao, commander of the Chinese garrison army, in the "Outline for Dealing with North China". Has a detailed description.It states that the main goal of dealing with North China is to "realize the autonomy of the five provinces of North China".The specific steps are: "First, gradually complete the autonomy of the two provinces of Hebei and Chahar, as well as the cities of Ping and Tianjin, and then make the other three provinces merge with them naturally." At present, "support the independence of the autonomous government of eastern Hebei, When you can basically trust it, let it merge with it as soon as possible." The Chinese Garrison is in charge of the North China Independence Movement. It is financial, military, and guidance to the general public.
Controlling the five North China provinces was only part of Japan's aggression goals, and the Japanese army's appetite for invading China was astonishingly large.The Kwantung Army’s “Essentials for Applying Policies to Mongolia (Northwest)” previously formulated the goal of “accompanying the work in North China so that Inner Mongolia can stand on its own in the center” and “develop to Suiyuan and expand to Outer Mongolia, Qinghai, Xinjiang, Tibet and other regions.” ".The Ministry of the Army instructed the Kwantung Army: "The scope of work in Inner Mongolia is currently the Ximeng League, the Chameng League, and the Wumeng League. If possible, it will include the Alxa region. The above-mentioned areas should achieve the goals that the Chinese regime actually cannot achieve through government orders."
At this time, the Nanjing Nationalist Government finally understood that "drunkards don't want to drink alcohol." The Japanese army frequently caused troubles in order to gain a firm foothold in North China and then occupy the Northwest provinces.
However, before this China policy was formally implemented, a military coup took place in Japan aimed at overthrowing the Okada cabinet. In the early hours of February 26, more than 20 young army officers who advocated the sanctity of the emperor led 1,200 infantry to surround the Japanese Army Ministry, General Staff Headquarters, the Capitol and the Prime Minister's residence.Prime Minister Keisuke Okada narrowly escaped death, but officials including Interior Minister Minoru Saito, Minister of Finance Takahashi Kotaro, and Director of Education Jotaro Watanabe were all shot dead.
The next day, the emperor issued an order to suppress the rebels.Ten days later, the Hirota Cabinet was born.In the "February 26 Incident", Emperor Hirohito personally participated in the purge of the army, broke the practice that active servicemen were not allowed to participate in politics, and promoted those ambitious young generals who advocated fighting against China to the military headquarters and cabinet.The new cabinet immediately decided to increase huge military spending, vigorously develop the military industry, and turn the Japanese economy into a war track.
The coup d'état in Japan not only had a serious impact on Japan's political situation, but also caused major changes in Japan's foreign policy.This change makes China the first victim.The new cabinet advocated to speed up the pace of the war against China, and proposed: It is time to "suspend the abstract theory of the imperial China policy", "change the fundamental concept of China policy, and establish a new policy as a national policy." The fundamental point of view of the policy is: "From the concept of humanities and geography, separate the mainland of China; make the separated regions directly connected with the empire, and rely on the national power of the empire to prevent conflicts between the separatist forces; in order to maintain the peace and people in each region. For the purpose of the economic prosperity of the country, to realize the eradication of anti-Japanese and the cooperation of Japan, Manchuria and China in all parts of China." This made the "North China Autonomy" formulated by the Okada Cabinet further turn into "North China Separation", and then colonized the whole of China.
After Japan's new China policy came out, it was put into practice immediately.From April 18th, troops were added to the Tianjin area, and a new combat organization was implemented. The strength of the troops was tripled from the original 2,200 to 8,400, and the system was changed from the original one-year rotation system to the permanent stationing system.
The substantial adjustment of Japan's China policy and the acceleration of preparations for a full-scale war of aggression against China have attracted the attention of the top leaders of the Kuomintang.Chiang Kai-shek paid close attention to this development.However, if we want to resist Japan, we must change the policy of "to fight against the outside world, we must first settle down at home", and this policy is the established national policy pursued by Chiang Kai-shek for many years.Japan's large-scale invasion forced Chiang Kai-shek to consider issues he least wanted to consider.
This cannot fail to mention the basic axis of domestic and foreign policies formulated by Chiang Kai-shek himself - "to fight against the outside world, we must first settle down at home."
The first public announcement of this policy began on July 23, 1931. Chiang Kai-shek said in "Tell the Nation to Unify the Internal Security and Resist Foreign Affairs":
But to fight against the outside world, we must first settle down at home... If there is no rebellion in Guangdong, the North Korean tragedy will have no reason, and the issue of legal power recovery has already been resolved.Therefore, if the red bandits are not wiped out first and the vitality of the nation is restored, it will be impossible to defend against foreign aggression; if the rebellion in Guangdong is not first brought down and the reunification of the country is completed, it will be impossible to fight against foreigners.
Judging from Chiang Kai-shek's passage, "fighting against foreign forces" refers to dealing with all foreign aggression forces; "Annei" refers to the elimination of the revolutionary armed forces of the Communist Party, as well as political and military resistance activities to eliminate Hu Hanmin, Chen Jitang and other anti-Chiang factions.
Less than two months after Chiang Kai-shek's speech, the "September 18th" incident occurred.Due to the expansion of Japan’s invasion of China and the anti-Japanese upsurge of the people across the country, the political attitude of the original anti-Chiang faction has changed. The meaning of Chiang’s “safety at home and resistance to foreign affairs” has gradually narrowed, and it has become a term that specifically refers to the CCP at home and Japan at home. The domestic and foreign policy foundation of the Kuomintang and the Nanjing National Government.
Why did Chiang Kai-shek put the elimination of the Communist Party before dealing with the Japanese invasion of China?
Jiang believes that resisting Japanese aggression is to defend the mind with brothers and sisters, while "encirclement and suppression" of the Red Army is to pull out the "gangren in the heart and stomach."According to his understanding, although Japan plundered our country and killed our people, he could still sell his country for glory and continue to be in power, but the Communist Party was different. Its goal was to overthrow the regime of Chiang Kai-shek of the Kuomintang. Therefore, the Communist Party It is the greatest threat to the Chiang regime.Chiang Kai-shek said: China died of imperialism, we can still be slaves to the country, and we can still live on; if China dies from the Communist Party, we will be slaves but not.This makes it all too clear that when Chiang Kai-shek formulates policies, he does not consider the survival of the nation or the rise and fall of the country, but how to maintain his power and continue his ruling position.
Chiang Kai-shek was afraid that others would not understand such a fallacy that was full of personal desires and disregarded the interests of the nation and the people, so he spared no effort to promote it.He specially set up an officer training regiment in Mount Lu, with himself as the head of the regiment, appointed Chen Cheng as the deputy head of the regiment, convening officers from all over the country to receive training in turn, instilling the theory of "to fight against the outside world, we must first secure the inside" and the idea of absolute loyalty to Chiang Kai-shek.In the Kuomintang government army, the rule and the custom of standing at attention whenever "Chairman Chiang" or "leader" was mentioned began from this point on.
Chiang Kai-shek delivered speech after speech expounding his thinking.The most influential ones are: "Resisting Foreign Aggression and Rejuvenating the Nation", "Success or Failure of Suppressing Bandits and the Survival of the Nation", "Suppressing Bandits Must Be Hard Work", "Chairman Jiang Tells All Generals to Lead the Qing Dynasty's Internal Bandits and Say No to Resistance Against Japan", etc.In these speeches, Jiang "strictly ordered the bandit suppression troops to never speak of resistance to Japan before the bandits were cleared up. I hope that comrades in the party, government and army must concentrate on suppressing bandits." He repeatedly warned his subordinates: the country's major trouble is not Japanese aggression, but And in the Communist Party and the Red Army of Workers and Peasants.In a speech, Chiang Kai-shek pointed out clearly: "This suppression of bandits is the key to the survival of the country." Why?He said: "Under the increasing foreign aggression and the severe oppression of imperialism, if there is still no way to clean up China's internal affairs, China will not be able to continue to exist." Why can't China survive without "cleaning up its interior" first?His answer was: "The current bandit area is the central area of China. The banditry in the central area is really a confidant of the country. If it cannot be eliminated immediately at this time, China will never be able to recover, and it will only perish." These words, In fact, it is obviously unfounded, because most of the Red Army's Long March is a long-awaited land, but Chiang Kai-shek still raised hundreds of thousands of troops, chasing after him fiercely.
In order to eliminate this worry of the Communist Party, Chiang Kai-shek compiled the principles of how to fight the Communist Army into "Suppression of Bandits", "Spiritual Education for Soldiers", "Questions and Answers on Sun Wu's Soldiers", "Outline of Infantry Exercise Code", "Records of Zeng Guofan's Suppression of Twisters" ", "Supplement Zeng Hu Zhibing Quotations", "New Party, Government and Military Regulations issued by the General Headquarters of Henan, Hubei and Anhui Bandit Suppression and New Rules of the Fourth Office of the Camp", "Training Essentials of Bandit Suppression Troops", "Compilation of Blockade Regulations", etc. There are 13 kinds of books distributed from junior officers to senior generals.
Even though Chiang Kai-shek tried every means to deal with the Communist Party, his erroneous war guidance finally made his wishful dream a fantasy.
Chiang Kai-shek also felt guilty about his so-called theory that "to fight against the outside world, we must first settle down at home" that puts the nation and the country's righteousness in disregard.In order to prove that this set of policy theories is well-founded and not fabricated out of thin air, after thinking hard, he finally found a basis in history. This is the late Qing Dynasty since 1840.From Cixi to Xuantong, they all relied on surrendering externally, ceding land and paying compensation, holding high the butcher's knife internally, suppressing resistance and maintaining their declining rule.Chiang Kai-shek must also learn from the emperors of the late Qing Dynasty. Although the country suffered catastrophe, he himself sat firmly on the "dragon chair".He also called on the senior generals of the army to learn from Zeng Guofan, to eliminate the Communist Party and the Red Army as Zeng Guofan suppressed the peasant uprising army of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. On April 28, 1936, Chiang Kai-shek delivered a precept entitled "The Purpose of Military Training and the Foundation of National Salvation" to the educational circles in Changsha, Hunan, and clearly stated the task of learning from Zeng Guofan.He said: "Zeng Guofan, Hu Linyi and the others...the spirit and the cause they have done... are worthy of our admiration. In particular, they can be followed by our comrades. At that time, on the one hand, there were internal worries of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. It was almost completely lost, and on the one hand, there were foreign aggressions from Britain and France, oppression and aggression, and it was always in crisis. At that time, the country was so chaotic and dangerous. Taking advantage of the situation and working hard to become a hero will save the overall situation and relieve the suffering of ordinary compatriots."
Chiang Kai-shek compared himself to Zeng Guofan and Hu Linyi, and compared Red Army leaders Zhu De and Mao Zedong to Hong Xiuquan and Yang Xiuqing in the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom era.What he said: During the so-called change of dynasties in Chinese history, there were bandits, and the bandits were extremely powerful.The current banditry is exactly the same phenomenon.The many organizational methods of the Red Bandits today are merely superficial imitations of the methods of the Hong and Yang eras.However, although the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom had extremely strict organization and discipline, it was eventually defeated by Zeng Guofan and Hu Linyi.The current "communist bandits" Zhu and Mao are by no means comparable to Hong and Yang of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. Are we even inferior to Zeng Guofan and Hu Linyi?
There is also a bottom line for Chiang Kai-shek's tolerance of the Japanese invasion, which is to preserve his power and rule.However, Japan pressed on every step of the way and constantly challenged his "bottom line", which made Chiang Kai-shek always feel as if he was facing an abyss.But going to war with Japan is the path that Chiang Kai-shek would never choose as long as he still has a glimmer of hope.He believes that Japan is too strong, China is too weak, guns are not as good as people, guns are not as good as people, education and training are not as good as people, machines are not as good as people, and they have no ability to resist Japanese aggression.He once told his top generals that our "life and death of the country is entirely in the hands of the Japanese. We will die the day he wants us to die."
However, it's not that Chiang Kai-shek didn't want to drive away the Japanese invaders, he just didn't want to hurt his own strength.He was afraid that he would not have enough strength to deal with the opposition in the party and eliminate the Communist Party after he fought with the Japanese army and "wounded his muscles and bones".Therefore, he pinned his hope of liberation from the iron heel of the Japanese army to foreign forces such as Britain and the United States.Hope to let the Allies come to rescue themselves like in World War I.He took the method of going around in circles with Japan, avoiding its edge, and waiting for changes.
This self-righteous method of "saving the country" is actually an act of "misusing the country".Chiang Kai-shek heard more and more dissatisfaction with his established state policy.This kind of dissatisfaction started as a debate of different viewpoints, and then gradually developed into a one-sided denunciation.
★Several important members of the Kuomintang openly said no to Jiang: Hu and Li publicly criticized Jiang's state policy.Feng Yuxiang breaks into the anti-Japanese restricted area alone...a new faction formed under the political dispute.widen the rift within the KMT
The Nanjing Nationalist Government is a big landlord and big bourgeois state power established after replacing the Beiyang warlord regime. It was established and developed in the melee of old and new warlords and the new Kuomintang warlords. From the very beginning, its political foundation was not stable. Factional struggles have erupted one after another and led to multiple political crises.But Chiang Kai-shek is worthy of being a master in dealing with this kind of struggle. He used political, military, economic, overt and covert methods to subdue each opponent...
Of course, there are also those who are oral but not convinced, and there are many who "bow down" on the surface, but are unwilling to fail in their hearts.This makes its regime inherently lurking with unstable and disharmonious "notes". Once the situation changes, new opposition groups will continue to emerge.
However, Chiang Kai-shek's policy of "resisting foreign affairs and securing the interior" openly challenged the most simple national sentiments of all Chinese people, so it is impossible not to cause a backlash within the Kuomintang.
The first person who dared to "challenge" Chiang Kai-shek was Hu Hanmin, the veteran of the Kuomintang.
Hu Hanmin, whose ancestral home is Luling, Jiangxi Province, was born in 1879 in the family of a scribe in Panyu County, Guangdong Province.His original name was Yan Guan, but he later changed his name to Yan Hong. Because he often used the pseudonym "Han Min" when he edited Min Bao, the official newspaper of the Tongmenghui, this later became his official name.
During the Revolution of 1911, Hu Hanmin was one of Sun Yat-sen's main assistants.When the Tongmenghui was established, founding a newspaper to promote the revolution was the main task entrusted to him by Sun Yat-sen.After obtaining Sun Yat-sen's consent, Hu Hanmin named the proposed newspaper "Minbao", and the first issue of the newspaper was dictated by Sun Yat-sen, and he personally wrote the draft.Hu Hanmin actually served as the editor-in-chief of "Min Bao" and was ordered to control the main mouthpiece of the Revolutionary Party.Under the support of Hu Hanmin, "Minbao" focused on publicizing the democratic revolution program and criticizing the fallacies of reformism, which rapidly expanded the influence of the revolutionary party at home and abroad.In the debate between the revolutionaries and the reformers, Hu Hanmin played an important role, which was the starting point of his political ascension, and thus won the trust of Sun Yat-sen.From 1906, Hu Hanmin began to engage in the armed struggle against the Qing Dynasty. Together with Huang Xing, he organized the Qinzhou Hekou Uprising and led the Guangzhou New Army Uprising and the Guangzhou Uprising. basis for armed struggle.In the subsequent struggle to recover Guangzhou, he won a big victory without fighting.In the Guangdong military government established after the Revolution of 1911, Hu Hanmin became the first governor. On New Year's Day of 1912, the Provisional Government of the Republic of China was proclaimed in Nanjing, and Hu Hanmin served as the Secretary-General of the Presidential Palace. On July 8, 1914, when the Kuomintang was reorganized into the Chinese Revolutionary Party in Tokyo, Sun Yat-sen was elected prime minister and Hu Hanmin became political minister.When going through the procedures for joining the party again, Hu Hanmin served as the main ally of Sun Yat-sen's oath to join the party. In January 1924, during the First National Congress of the reorganized Kuomintang, Sun Yat-sen designated Hu Hanmin, Wang Jingwei, Lin Sen, Li Dazhao, and Xie Chi to form the presidium of the conference.In May of that year, Sun Yat-sen fell ill, and Hu Hanmin was entrusted with the important task of representing the affairs of the headquarters.At the end of the year, before Sun Yat-sen went north, he formally appointed Hu Hanmin to stay in Guangzhou to act as the generalissimo, and to act as the chairman of the Political Committee and the Chairman of the Military Committee.Obviously, Sun Yat-sen trained Hu Hanmin as his successor.But Sun Yat-sen died soon after a few months, especially when Sun Yat-sen was seriously ill, Wang Jingwei was always by his side, and Wang Jingwei personally recorded and conveyed the "dying will" of the former Prime Minister, which gave Wang Jingwei the "personal acceptance of the will". The capital of "Life" and its value rose sharply, which made Hu Hanmin taste the bitterness of passing "the top spot" for the first time.However, Hu Hanmin's status as one of the three giants in the Kuomintang (Chiang Kai-shek, Wang Jingwei, and Hu Hanmin) is still unshakable.
After Chiang Kai-shek's policy of "resisting foreign affairs and securing the interior" was put forward, Hu Hanmin questioned it.He particularly hated Chiang Kai-shek's policy of non-resistance to Japan. At the beginning of 1932, he said in a telegram to Wang Jingwei: "At this time, the biggest problem of the country and the nation is the resistance to Japan and the suppression of the Communist Party. All that is needed is the power of the central bank's responsible cabinet to implement the policies jointly determined by our party for several months. If you are in the opposition and wholeheartedly help the government, you will be able to develop internally and externally, open up a new situation, and satisfy the expectations of the people of the country." There are three points worth noting in this passage: First, the official proposal of "resisting the Japanese and suppressing the Communist Party" was officially proposed. This slogan is obviously different from Chiang Kai-shek's "to fight against the outside world, we must first settle the inside", and publicly expressed dissatisfaction with Chiang Kai-shek's policies; second, expressed support for the policy of the First Plenary Session of the Fourth Central Committee of the Kuomintang; third, decided not to participate in the central political affairs, Maintaining the "opposition" position is also an expression of disappointment with the central government controlled by Chiang and Wang.
Then, Hu Hanmin delivered a speech in Hong Kong on March 24. While denouncing Jiang and Wang for not providing active support to the 19th Route Army and the 5th Army commanded by Zhang Zhizhong during the Songhu War of Resistance, he also criticized Put forward different policy propositions from the Nanjing National Government:
1.As a practical response to the war in Shanghai, we must drive the violent sun out of Shanghai;
2.Concentrate the power of the people as the backbone of the Anti-Japanese War;
3.Quickly mobilize the strong force of resistance.regain lost ground in the Northeast;
4.Strictly prepare the coastal provinces for war and defense, and truly seek long-term resistance; diplomacy still implements the Sun Chen (Sun Ke, Chen Youren) foreign policy, and determines that the Northeast and Shanghai cases are the entire issue. Before the Japanese army retreats to Shanghai, there is no negotiation at all.
Hu Hanmin’s above-mentioned propositions, especially concerning the concentration of the masses as the backbone of the anti-Japanese war, strict preparations for the long-term anti-Japanese war, expulsion of the violent Japanese, and recovery of the lost territories in the Northeast, grasped the key to the anti-Japanese national salvation and reflected the demands of the people.Among the important figures of the Kuomintang at that time, there were very few who had such a firm attitude and a clear goal of resisting Japan.
While opposing Chiang Kai-shek's policy of non-resistance towards Japan, Hu Hanmin also changed his attitude towards the Communist Party. In January 1931, Hu Hanmin founded the "Three People's Principles Monthly", which published articles on politics, economy, diplomacy, culture and education, etc., but criticized the policy of "restraining the outside world first" and the fascist dictatorship. Frequent topic of the journal.Hu Hanmin himself was the main contributor to the journal, and he wrote a series of political articles pointing directly at Chiang Kai-shek's policy of non-resistance.In his article "Ba Japanese People's Plan for Coping with Countries' Economic Blockade Against Japan", he pointed out that it is impossible to humiliate and seek peace: "The fall of the Northeast is due to non-resistance, and non-resistance is not peace; if you protest today, you will make a statement tomorrow." , the diplomatic relations remain, the mutual market remains the same, and it is not the so-called peace; suing the League of Nations, begging for mercy from the great powers, servilely, slavishly looking forward to the winks of others, it is neither a day, nor a day; Determination, especially not suitable for a country with a sense of shame and integrity. As for today's affairs, Japan's only war. Defeat in war means death rather than surrender; victory in war means that the country depends on independence and the nation depends on survival. "
In the article "What is our way of life", Hu Hanmin pointed out clearly: "There is only one way for us to survive, and that is the war against Japan." There are three clear-cut views in this article that attract attention:
First, criticize the policy of "to fight against the outside world, we must first settle down at home".He believes that "the war of resistance is only the minimum measure of self-defense to survive", "so internal stability must be resisted, and internal instability must be resisted", otherwise "wouldn't it be a matter of course for the country to die if it is willing to stand still?" The facts of history believe that the only way to stabilize the country is to fight against the outside world.” Fundamentally, it is said that “in China today, there is only the problem of fighting against the outside world, not the problem of domestic security.” "It is a mistake to take the suppression of the Communist Party as the security."
Second, it is proposed that anti-Japanese is more important than "communist suppression".He said: "The Nanjing Nationalist Government has so far relied on others and is unwilling to put up actual resistance. The so-called Chairman of the Military Commission did not resist Japan but 'suppressed the Communist Party'. , and then ran to Nanchang. I am not saying that the CCP should not be suppressed. The anti-Japanese "suppression of the CCP" is an idea held in the past two years. "
Third, advocate the overthrow of the non-war government.He reprimanded the Nanjing Nationalist Government for "from the Three No's Principles of no resistance, no responsibility, and nothing to do to the Four No's Principles of no resistance, disharmony, non-defense, and no departure, which is the only doctrine that the Nanjing National Government has to deal with Japan." "What we are asking for is how to censure the authorities who are 'courageous to the inside and timid to the outside', and to transfer our beliefs from 'relying on empty words' to 'seeing facts''. "The only way to survive is to fight against Japan. If the government does not fight against Japan, then we say that the only way is to overthrow the government that does not fight against Japan."
From 1934 to 1935, Hu Hanmin's original intention of attacking Jiang and Wang's wrong policies remained unchanged.In his poem commemorating the 3rd anniversary of the "September 18th" Incident, he wrote: "When you are in the same room, the door is opened and the robbers come in."Wan Guo is well dressed and his teeth are cold, Liang He's loyalty is not discouraged, Confucianism and Confucianism have a policy of making peace, and children's play is first heard of the general's platform.Living together for ten years is an excuse, and there is no need for a new fire.Expressing his dissatisfaction with Jiang and Wang's policy of "to fight against the outside world, we must first settle the interior", which gave the enemy an opportunity to invade more and more; ", the fact that humiliation seeks peace and refuses to resist Japan.
Chiang Kai-shek was very jealous of Hu Hanmin's constant "singing against him".It's just that he is afraid of Hu's seniority in the party and the uproar caused by the "house arrest of Hu Hanmin" a few years ago, so he adopts a forbearing attitude.Chiang Kai-shek, who was accustomed to dictatorship but wanted to show the unity of the party on the surface, also wanted to use Hu Hanmin to "decorate appearance" for him.After the First Plenary Session of the Fifth Central Committee of the Kuomintang elected Hu Hanmin as the chairman of the Central Standing Committee of the Kuomintang, Hu Hanmin was frequently invited to go to Nanjing to preside over the Central Committee's major plans. Hu Hanmin guessed Chiang Kai-shek's mind, and after discussing with his staff, he made up his mind to suspend his trip to the north .This dealt a blow to Chiang Kai-shek's well-intentioned plan to achieve "unity" within the party.At this time, Wang Jingwei, another central figure of the Kuomintang, also imitated Hu Hanmin's appearance, quietly went to Europe from Shanghai, and lived a life like an outlaw.In order to cover up the conflict between Jiang and Hu, the Nanjing side tried its best to obliterate the political differences between the two sides, and repeatedly released news that Hu would go north when the weather got warmer.In response to the propaganda in Nanjing, Hu Hanmin made a public statement on February 22, 1936, pointing out that the postponement of going north is not a health problem, but the key is how to save the nation.In this talk, Hu Hanmin further refuted Chiang Kai-shek's policy of "suppressing the outside world first".The main points are as follows:
1. Point out that the deepening Japanese aggression is rooted in the erroneous policies of Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei.The conversation said: "When the September 18th incident happened, the Japanese did not have a consistent plan at the beginning. Unexpectedly, it was so smooth. If the Nanjing Nationalist Government could resist by force at that time, or make serious negotiations, it would not be the case today. It is the Nanjing Nationalist Government. No resistance, no direct negotiations, blindly relying on the League of Nations, ... blindly kowtowing to Japan, the Japanese have to do whatever they want under the two speculations of declaring anti-communism to the world and seeing through China's non-resistance. In just a few years, China's current crisis and the mistakes of Mr. Jiang and Wang have been forged."
2. Point out that the Nanjing Nationalist Government persisted in its mistakes and was unwilling to correct them.He said: "I have observed and reported from all parties that this mistake of the Nanjing authorities has not been corrected. After the reorganization of the central government at the Fifth National Congress, there is still a stalemate. Recently, the adjustment of the Sino-Japanese issue has been carried out. The adjustment principle is based on the The person in charge of the Japanese side claimed that there are three things that have been approved by the Nanjing authorities: first, China recognizes the Puppet Manchukuo; second, Japan sends troops to China to assist in the "communist suppression"; Cooperation. If this principle becomes a reality, the four northeastern provinces will not be cut off, and China will become Japan's protectorate alongside Korea."
3. Said that the problem was not whether he went north, but whether the Nanjing National Government used its strength to resist Japan.Hu Hanmin said: "Now Yu is thinking about how to promote the awareness of the Nanjing authorities and how to unite the resistance forces to save the country. Before this problem is resolved, even if Yu goes to Nanjing or Shanghai, it will not help the state affairs; if this problem is resolved If it is resolved, whether Yu goes north or not goes north is a matter of state affairs."
Hu Hanmin's insistence on demanding the strength of the Nanjing National Government to resist Japan is in the interests of the Chinese people.His contradictory struggle with Chiang Kai-shek, although tinged with political contention, went beyond the scope of political contention and became a special part of the anti-Japanese and national salvation struggle at that time.At that time, Japanese Foreign Minister Hirota proposed the three principles of destroying China. The Nanjing National Government did not agree on the surface, but there was a deal in secret; 300,000, together with Yan Xishan Jin troops in Shanxi to besiege; Pingjin students demanded resistance to Japan, Chiang Kai-shek ordered mass arrests.Under such circumstances, Hu Hanmin publicly criticized Chiang Kai-shek's wrong policies, exposed the essence of the "Three Hirota Principles" for destroying China, and demanded that the anti-Japanese forces unite and work together with the outside world, which is obviously worthy of recognition.
Li Zongren, a member of the Central Supervisory Committee of the Kuomintang, the director of Suijing in Guangxi, and later served as the acting president of the Republic of China, also challenged Chiang Kai-shek's wrong policies.
In Li Zongren's view, the purpose of Japan's invasion of China was to destroy the whole of China, so China's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression was a war for the survival of the entire nation, a war for the entire nation.It is not a question of whether to fight or when to fight, but a question of how to fight.He advocated the implementation of "all-out war" against Japan, that is: opposed to partial war of resistance, advocated war of resistance across the board; The Anti-Japanese War of one party and one faction advocates a nationwide anti-Japanese war that unites all anti-Japanese parties, all anti-Japanese allies, and all anti-Japanese people.
On April 17, 1936, when Li Zongren was interviewed by reporters in Guangzhou, he systematically criticized Chiang Kai-shek's non-resistance policy under the title of "My Proposition—Scorched Earth War of Resistance", and put forward the famous theory of "Scorched Earth War of Resistance". .
Li Zongren first refuted the so-called "dependence doctrine" of the Nanjing Nationalist Government, which "depends on the League of Nations arbitration and the intervention of the United States and Britain as its only policy".He pointed out that this "theory of relying solely on external forces" is a "opportunity psychology based on fantasy".If "we cannot resist aggression by our own efforts, we can only sit and wait for the arrival of international opportunities, fearing that the world war has not yet broken out, and China has become a dry fish."To save the nation from peril, we can only rely on our own strength.With the motto of "Heaven helps self-help, self-help and others help", he called on the patriotic Chinese to inspire the national spirit and fight back against Japan's insatiable aggression with the whole nation's united war of resistance!
Li Zongren also made a strong refutation of another basis held by the "non-resistance doctrine"-the theory of "concession and peace".He said: "We use land rights to do our daily work, just like fighting a fire with a salary. If the salary is not exhausted, the fire will not be extinguished."
Li Zongren also made key criticisms on the central thesis of "non-resistance doctrine", "safety inside and then fight against foreign countries" and the "preparationism" of "enduring humiliation and peace, Xu Tu preparation".He pointed out: Since the "September 18th", the reason why China has not been consistent in spirit is only because the policy towards Japan has not been consistent. Besides, the only way to unify is to resist Japan."Regarding preparations for the War of Resistance, we are preparing, and the enemy is also preparing, and the enemy's preparations are faster than ours.People walk a hundred steps, we take one step.If we are prepared to resist until we are like him, we will never have a day of resistance.He bluntly revealed: "Since September 18th, we have been preparing every day, but if we prepare for one more year, we will miss a few provinces; if we prepare for one more day, we will have one more agreement to lose power and humiliate the country. Therefore, if this fallacy of national subjugation remains unchanged. , I can only wait to be a subjugated slave.In short, "If you resist the war, you will survive; if you surrender, you will perish." "Only by completely abandoning 'non-resistance doctrine' and immediately fighting against Japan is the only way out for the Chinese nation at present."
Li Zongren also refuted the so-called fallacy of "resistance to Japan and national subjugation in three days" that "Japanese weapons are excellent and Chinese weapons are backward". Resisting tyrants is not based on airplanes and cannons, but on a firm national will." This is exactly where it is difficult for Japan to conquer China.Li Zongren firmly believes that in the future Sino-Japanese war, "the Chinese nation will be in a position of being invaded, and it will be able to work hard and unite as one." “消极甚而至反抗之地位”，“中国抗日不独无失败之理由，且最后胜利必归我国”。
李宗仁敢于公开批驳蒋介石，并提出与蒋介石主张相悖的抗战理论，除了他的民族情感、政治胆略之外，一个重要原因是，李宗仁对中日双方军事、政治、经济、国际关系，乃至战争性质作了全面考察、分析，看到了中日一旦开战总体上对我们有利的因素，远远大于不利因素。李宗仁认为：军事上，“一旦战争爆发，日军虽可封锁我海岸，侵占通商口岸，但却无法割断我全民族之生命线，农民仍可耕种劳作，自给自足。只要抗战爆发，各国断绝其原料来源和封锁市场，即不难置日寇于死命；政治上，日本资本主义的发展及其对外疯狂侵略使日本政局陷入极度不安。而我国则因为被侵略之故，国民必能一致团结，奋起抗争，以拯国难。”从国际上看，美、英等西方大国都已认识到法西斯对世界的危害。日本在远东势力的膨胀，势必加剧与英、美、苏等国的矛盾冲突，诸列强国家虽无发动对日战争的决心，但日本则因公然撕毁华盛顿条约，退出国联，国际环境已陷入孤立。我若实行坚决抗战，自可取得列强的同情及援助，而日本则因中国战场旷日持久，实力被消耗，列强将乘机制服它。只要我们能够奋起抗战，坚持到底，敌人的弱点、短处就会日益暴露，我们的优点、长处就会日益发挥，日本不但不能吞并中国，而最终必将陷入中国民族解放战争的汪洋大海。
在国民党及南京国民政府中枢当局尚无抗战决心、压制抗日力量、堵塞抗日言论的当时，李宗仁有胆量对当局的既定国策提出质疑，并系统阐发他的具有政治远见和战争谋略的“焦土抗战”理论，是可贵的，可以说他后来能够建勋台儿庄、成为抗日名将也不是一日而成的侥幸之功。
蒋介石的错误国策，在国民党党政高层，由个人分歧，逐渐引发为新的政见之争，形成主战派和主和派两大阵营，使原来本就比较复杂的派系又出现了新的裂痕。围绕抗日还是退让，主和派主要是蒋介石、汪精卫控制的南京国民政府和过去的亲日派，他们坚持对日妥协，积极反共的政策。主战派主要是在国民党军政人员、地方实力派中的若干富有民族正义感和爱国心的人士，如冯玉祥、李济深、李宗仁等。
但对日主和的妥协派却掌握着国民党及南京国民政府中枢的主导权，1932年的淞沪抗战，发生在蒋介石不情愿的情形之下，因而一开始就决定了这场战事的结局。这一战事爆发前后，蒋介石竞指使军政部长何应钦连续三次急电19路军：“着该军忍辱求全，避免冲突，万毋妄动，以免妨碍国防大计。”
1月31日，何应钦又致电蒋光鼐、蔡廷锴和上海市长吴铁城，要求接受各国领事的调停。并命令19路军“严守纪律和秩序，非有上官命令，不得任意射击，在前线部队尤需遵守”。19路军在上海孤军奋战，英勇杀敌，南京国民政府不但不调兵增援，何应钦还以特急电令蒋光鼐等，着令原配属19路军之航空队“除对日机加以抵抗外，即对日海军决不抛投炸弹！”并严令19路军：“南市守军不得有挑战行为，如日兵舰或军队未向我射击时，不许发弹射击，避免南市糜烂为要！”这样，长江口和黄埔江内日海军可任意行动，日军飞机可在战地上空自由飞翔，支援地面陆军作战。而19路军却不得不以血肉之躯，孤军局促于长江、黄埔江和苏州河之间的淞沪三角地带与敌作战。
当19路军与日军在上海激战之际，南京国民政府所属部队不少官兵激于义愤与爱国热情纷纷请缨杀敌。何应钦对请缨者回电警告说：“各军抗日请求，非得军政部之命而擅自开拔者，虽意出爱国，仍需受抗令处分！”
国民党陆军87师261旅旅长宋希濂后来回忆说：他面见何应钦，陈述官兵请求开往上海参战的愿望时，何应钦听后，板着面孔说：“19路军不听命令，叫他们撤离上海他们不撤，反而同日军打起来了，破坏中央的整个政策，弄得很难处理，你们还来要求开往上海参战吗？这是不行的。”
淞沪抗战的结果，最终以19路军被迫撤出上海，中国与日本签订又一城下之盟式的停战协定而结束。
主战的抗日派虽然无法左右中央决策，但他们可以用自己的力量向当政者施加压力。他们中的一个重要代表就是先后担任国民党中央委员、常委、国民政府委员、军事委员会委员、军事委员会副委员长等要职的冯玉祥。当年，他曾兴兵响应讨袁，力挫张勋复辟，发动北京政变，参与北伐，将末代皇帝溥义驱出紫禁城，为国民党从北洋军阀手中夺得政权建立了功勋。中原大战后，冯玉祥被蒋介石挫败丧失军事实力，很少再问政事。但蒋介石的对日不抵抗政策使冯玉祥不能坐视。1931年12月，在南京国民党四届一中全会上，冯玉祥不顾蒋介石的反对，提出了“共赴国难、收复失地”的提案，得到许多国民党军政要员的支持。会后，他又奔走于上海、南京、洛阳等地，呼吁蒋介石、汪精卫等人主持救国大计。
蒋介石没有采纳他的意见。在依靠政府抗日不成的情况下，冯玉祥把对“攘外必先安内”的反对意见写在了他的行动上。他决意自己组织部队抗日。促使他树起抗日义旗的是他的旧部吉鸿昌。吉鸿昌从海外回国后，在拜见他这位老上司时给他带来了一条实现抗日的主意，即与共产党联合，建立抗日武装。冯玉祥对这个意见表示赞成。于是，他移居于自己旧部察哈尔省主席宋哲元的驻地张家口，联络宋哲元等旧部着手筹组抗日武装。此时，日军进犯山海关、热河，随后又进攻长城各隘口。蒋介石的进一步妥协政策，不仅使中国守军坐失战机，而且更加激起了全国各界同胞的抗日义愤。全国许多省市的民众团体纷纷电请冯玉祥举旗抗日。这为冯玉祥施展他的抗日抱负提供了有利时机。他迅速响应全国同胞的请求，毅然表示：“热河沦陷，察省眼看不保，我既然住在这里，必须拿起枪来，实行抗战。我跟大家一起这样做，蒋介石一定会反对我，掣我的肘，拆我的台，甚至还会给我加上一些罪名。我们手里的军队很少，察省地方又苦，则是眼前的具体困难。可是，只要我们树起抗日的大旗，广大有爱国思想的民众和军队，都会拥护我们，帮助我们。”
1932年5月26日，冯玉祥在张家口通电成立察哈尔民众抗日同盟军，自任总司令。冯玉祥表示：要“率领志同道合之战士及民众，组成抗日战线，武装保卫察省，进而收复失地，争取中国之独立自由。”接着，召开了民众抗日同盟军第一次代表大会，通过同盟军纲领决议案，规定同盟军为革命军民的联合战线，以外抗暴日、内除国贼为宗旨。还规定取消苛捐杂税，改善工人、农民、贫农、士兵生活，释放因爱国而遭拘禁的政治犯，保障民众集会、结社、言论、出版、武装之自由等为纲领。会上，成立了军事委员会，以冯玉祥、方振武、孙良诚、吉鸿昌、宣侠父等11人为常委。
会后，冯玉祥任命吉鸿昌为北路前敌总指挥，后又委派方振武为北路前敌总司令，出兵收复察省失地。抗日同盟军在一个月内攻克康保、宝昌、沽源、多伦等地，使察省失地全部收复。
抗日同盟军的捷报震惊中外，全国人民受到极大鼓舞。冯玉祥决心乘胜前进，进一步收复失地。7月27日，冯玉祥在张家口成立收复东北四省计划委员会，亲任委员长，下设秘书、政治、军事、经济等局。此时，抗日同盟军已发展到10万多人，照此发展下去，当可对遏制日军进犯华北发挥有力作用。
但是，冯玉祥此举无疑公开挑战了蒋介石“攘外必先安内”的国策，这是蒋所不能容许的。蒋授意军政部长何应钦诬蔑抗日同盟军会“惹祸”。冯玉祥据理进行反击。他在向全国的通电中说：“查多伦失于5月1日，沽源失于5月24日，而玉祥兴师抗日，则在5月26日，实通此处，不容缓图。而人之片面宣传，竟谓因玉祥之奋起，始引致日军之来侵。果诚如此，则东北四省，何以在不抵抗主义下，完全丧失？夫以地事日，有如以肉投绥虎，地不尽，侵略不停。”
蒋介石则亲自指责冯玉祥是“联俄”、“联日”，“割地自雄”。
汪精卫也加入到反对冯玉祥抗日的行列。7月28日，蒋、汪在庐山发表联合声明，给冯玉祥加上了“擅立各种军政名义”、“妨碍统一政令”、“妨碍中央边防计划”、“滥收散军土匪”、“煸扬赤焰”等罪名。
与此同时，蒋介石电令何应钦：对同盟军“速筹军事之彻底解决办法”。何应钦在数度派人力劝冯玉祥取消抗日同盟军无果的情况下，一面下令庞炳勋、冯钦哉率两个军向察省推进，派孙德荃、关麟徵、冯占海各部开往沙城、怀来、延庆等地集结待命，企图用武力威逼冯玉祥就范；一面与关东军要员土肥原二联络，秘密商定协同进攻抗日同盟军。在腹背受敌，政治、军事、经济都受到巨大压力的情况下，为了保存抗日实力，冯玉祥不得不于8月4日接受何应钦提出的取消抗日同盟军总司令的名义，让出张家口、宣化，让宋哲元回察主政等条件。
轰轰烈烈的抗日同盟军察北抗战被蒋介石压制了，但由此激起的全民族抗日火焰却熊熊燃烧起来，而这是南京国民政府无法扑灭的。
★民怨遍及全国：蒋介石的误国政策招致民众、学子持续不断的示威游行。违背民意、触犯众怒对南京国民政府构成的威胁在1936年达到高潮
水能载舟亦能覆舟，这句中国古语形容的是老百姓与当政者的关系问题。人们常常注意的是它的前半句“水能载舟”，即当政者是依靠老百姓的认同才能维持政权。但从历史唯物主义的角度探讨，后半句则更加重要，即民心是不可违的。南京国民政府奉行不抵抗政策后，不断感受到违背民意、招致众怒所带来的政治威胁。这种威胁在1936年进入高潮。在1935年最后几天里由一二·九爱国运动掀起的抗日浪潮，到1936年不仅没有平息的意思，而且向全社会迅速扩展。
国际社会的支持也给中国学生运动以鼓舞。世界学联获悉北平学生发起爱国学生运动后，立即决定在全世界发起援助中国运动。并致函中国学生，说：“在学生运动悠久的历史中，没有一次运动能比得上这次更有毅力和勇气，没有一次运动能比得上这次更统一，没有一次的领导联系得像这样的好。我们看到你们在中国民族解放斗争的前线上，能如此自觉，我们也觉得十二万分的光荣。”
世界学联的这封信，立即得到英、美各大学的热烈拥护。为此，世界学联规定4月22日到29日为世界学生和平运动周，广大学生将在法国、比利时、西班牙、南斯拉夫、捷克斯洛伐克、美国以及全世界的各大城市举行示威罢课，口号是：“拥护中国独立，反对日本帝国主义进攻中国，拥护中国学生民族解放运动。”
本着上述精神，世界学联与留英中国学生总会、伦敦中国学生会等团体，在伦敦发起国际学生会议，通过了《援助中国学生斗争告全世界学生宣言》，号召各国学生“对于这个斗争表示同情，和中国学生建立联系，给他们精神和物质的支持”。会议还要求各国学生举行会议，通过决议或通电，或派代表团到日本使馆，抗议日本侵略；建立有关国家的学生和中国学生问的联络委员会，互相交流反抗侵略、保卫和平的情况和经验；在各大学组织联合研究团体，讨论远东的情势和中国的发展问题；组织募捐活动，供给派遣国际学生代表团赴华，以研究中国学生的条件和现状，并且和中国学生建立个别的关系等。
国际学生会议之后，由英法两国“中国人民之友社”会同著名人士坎德布莱会会长约翰勋爵、工党领袖琼斯等发起国际会议，其宗旨是联合保卫中国的独立，支援中国反侵略斗争。会议通过决议，在每个国家举行集会或会议，“使公众了解远东形势和严重性及其对于世界和平与安全的干涉”；在各重要中心，应组织同情中国的示威。一切与中国友好的朋友通电或派代表至日本使馆，并致签署《华盛顿条约》的9个国家的政府，请求停止日本的侵略。对于国联应送达备忘录，督促处理这个问题……召开国际会议以决定用有效的办法保障中国的独立和领土完整。
世界舆论也对中国学生的爱国行动表示支持和赞助。最能代表美国民众一般心理的纽约《民族周报》连续几次发表时评，对中国学生在“一二·九”运动及历次救国运动中所作的贡献推崇备至。该报1月8日的评论说：“过去几星期中，反对日本入侵华北之中国学生全国运动，其积极政治活跃，实为1925年以来所未曾有。学生的真诚爱国热忱及他们的威望，使他们所一致赞助之任何运动，常常得到胜利。”
法国巴黎“中国人民之友社”给中国学生的信中说：“本社对于北平、天津、上海、广州、汉口等地学生保护中国独立之英勇行动，特致热烈的敬礼。北平当局对于此辈表示其爱国热忱的青年人民，竞不惜施以流血的镇压，至堪痛恨，本社特提严重的抗议。本社深信，我们必继续得到中国成千的知识分子和工人农民联合共同抵抗外来之侵略者的消息。本社并乐于期望南京国民政府以一切的方法对于这一民众为本国自由而斗争的努力予以帮助。”
在国际舆论的支持下，中国广大学生不顾政府当局的暴力镇压，继续在高压下抗争奋进，推动抗日爱国运动的深入发展。
1936年2月11日，河北省省立北平高中在学校开学时因学生酝酿恢复学生会，与校方发生冲突。学校当局遂以学生会“组织既无规章，行动又为越轨”为由将康世恩等10名学生开除。高二和高三150余名同学表示抗议，要求学校收回成命。在校方坚持既有处理决定的情况下，该校高中同学遂与被开除的学生一起离开学校。学联闻讯后，决定发动北平各校代表1000余人护送河北高中同学返校，并提出3项条件与该校当局进行说理斗争：（1）收回开除学生的成命；（2）允许学生成立学生会；（3）给学生以爱国自由。
学联党团书记姚依林暗中指挥学生队伍来到河北高中。校方闻讯，早已关闭前后大门。学生冲进学校时，校长焦实斋惊慌逃走，学生在找他交涉不见的情况下，就捣毁了他及训育主任的办公室。待焦实斋带着军警前来镇压时，大多数学生已经撤离，结果抓走了未及撤离的两名新闻记者和学生郭清。
郭清被捕后受尽折磨，但他坚贞不屈，没有向敌人招认学联领导人的姓名和地址，一个月后死于狱中。临死前他喊道：“我决不怕死，因为我的牺牲是有代价的，我是中国人，所以我必须救中国。”
3月31日上午9时，清华、燕大、师大、中大、北大、中法、女子文理学院、汇文中学、大同中学等14个学校共700多人，在北大三院礼堂隆重举行“悼念郭清烈士大会”。大会进行中，军警封锁了学校。北大校长蒋梦麟和文学院院长胡适把北大学生会主席韩天石找到校长办公室，要求他立即解散追悼会。韩天石与黄华及另一位学联党团成员王庸商量后，决定会议照常进行，并在追悼会上通过一系列议案：（1）通电全国报告郭清死难经过及大会意义；（2）检举北平公安局；（3）为郭清建纪念碑；（4）援助被捕同学及教授；（5）通电各方停止内战一致对外；（6）反对日本增兵华北；（7）呈请国民政府下令严禁各地压迫爱国运动。同学们的情绪越来越激动，最后临时决定抬棺上街游行，推举黄华为游行指挥。
鉴于学校大门已经被军警封锁，同学们就在后墙撞开一个缺口，队伍一出长安街就被军警追上，前堵后截，围攻殴打，学生受伤者无数，黄华、王庸等52名学生被捕。
“3·31”抬棺大游行，再次显示了北平学生崇高的爱国激情和不屈不挠的斗争精神，给南京国民政府，特别是华北军政当局宋哲元、秦德纯等以很大压力和震动。
这次事件不久，天津发生了“5·28”反日大示威。天津的反日示威发生在日军大举增兵天津之时。此时，天津几乎已经变成一个“亡国市”，不仅日本侵华新的大本营“华北驻屯军”司令部设在这里，而且从《何梅协定》签订后，随着国民党党部和军队的撤离，标志国民党执政的党旗、国旗和孙中山画像也被纷纷撤去，取而代之的则是日本太阳旗四处飘扬。一批批由冀察政委会任命实际上是日本方面指派的日本军事教官，操纵着学校的一切事务。
经常有居心叵测的测验表和志愿书下发，要学生回答：
（1）如果有敌人侵略你，你是否抵抗？（2）你能在群众面前讲话吗？（3）你愿意升官发财光宗耀祖吗？（4）你做事是五分钟热度呢？还是热度到底？
问这些问题，目的是检测学生有无参加抗日救亡运动的思想、意志和能力，然后进行迫害。与此同时，